January 21, 1888 Vol. III, No. 3Whole No. 55

THE STANDARD

HENRY GEORGE, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.

NO. 55—VOL. [obscured by pasted address label]O. 3. | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 21, 1888. | PRICE FIVE CENTS

p. 1, col. 1

Anti-Poverty in Chelsea, Mass.

CHELSEA, Mass.—Last Sunday evening our Universalist minister, Rev. S. W. Sample, gave a regular anti-poverty talk to his congregation of several hundred people. His subject was “The Problem of Poverty,” and he mastered it in manly fashion. Mr. Sample was among the first to send a “God speed” to THE STANDARD, as your early numbers show. He clearly expounded the land value tax principle, showed its justice, and maintained its absolute necessity as a co-worker with the spiritual and moral development of man from the poverty stricken condition in which he is becoming every day more engulfed. The outlines and principles adopted by the mother anti-poverty society were read in full, and I can assure you that the idea of red flags and robbery were dispelled from his audience. He advised the people to carefully read the “new economy” on the subject and not judge from newspaper talk with its wild misrepresentation and cowardly ridicule. Be assured you have a good worker and preacher in this reverend gentleman, earnest, bold and strong.

THATCHER.

Government Ownership of Railroads.

BRENTWOOD, N. Y.—The united labor party, now but in the early days of its childhood, is leading men to understand wherein the machinery of our government is rusty. In advocating that the railroads should be under the fostering care of the government it has undertaken the emancipation of hundreds of thousands of industrial slaves. Under government control rates could be lowered, passenger fares, where now three cents per mile, no doubt going down to one and a half. Thousands of the residents of large cities, now confined to the narrow quarters of tenement houses, could remove to the suburbs and live in a home of their own. The reason of the opposition to government control of railroads lies in the fact that legislative bodies usually bow to the will of the moneyed magnates of the country. There should be a general demand by the people upon the state legislatures to overthrow the power of the railroad kings by putting the roads under the control of the people. An oligarchy has no place in a republic.

THOMAS E. BOLAND.

Mr. Pentecost in Brooklyn and Newark.

Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost preached in the Criterion theater, Brooklyn, last Sunday afternoon, to an audience that filled the house. His subject was “The Teaching of Jesus or of the Creeds, Which?” In the evening Library hall, Newark, was crowded in every part, and Mr. Pentecost preached a sermon relating in the main to the question as to whether church organizations could be dispensed with. The success of Mr. Pentecost both in Brooklyn and Newark in creating a good impression was such as to greatly encourage his numerous well-wishers.

FACTS FOR MONSIGNOR PERSICO.

UNITY CONGREGATION.

What a Pro-Poverty Apostle Thinks of It.

New York Evening Post.

The Reverend Pentecost opened his anti-poverty church in Masonic temple yesterday morning, and Henry George was present to see how it worked. It was announced at the start that the services would be held every Sunday morning as long as the amount of the collections warranted their continuance. This, as we understand it, is the fundamental doctrine of the anti-poverty creed—a good collection. No poverty can be abolished without that. Mr. Pentecost, in order, probably, not to cut off the collection at the academy in the evening, will call his society the “Unity congregation.” He said that he does not propose “to make Christians, but good men,” and that “agnostics, atheists, infidels, Jews, Protestants, Catholics, all,” were welcome to come and submit themselves to the process. Yesterday the work was helped forward by an organ and a cornet, and the preacher declared that he was convinced that neither the Christian church nor the country lived up to the “doctrine of the brotherhood of man,” that the relations of capital and labor, the class distinctions between the rich and the poor, and the condition of the universe generally “were all wrong, and this pulpit would so preach.” It is to be hoped that the collections will continue large, for the Rev. Pentecost has no less a task on hand than the reformation of the world, and it would be a pity to have that fail through lack of funds.

ANTI-POVERTY.

ANTI-POVERTY SOCIETY.

The Cathedral.

I saw a mighty city, With miles and miles of woe; Huge tenements, like earthly hells, All festering, row on row.

The good seemed full of sadness, And cried, “What shall we do?” A low voice said, replying, “This is the thing for you:

“Build you a vast cathedral, Glorious with light and glow; With richest carvings of rare woods, And marble white as snow.

“With pillars high, and arches, And windows stained like wood, Whereon a man, in coarse attire, Goes about doing good.”

Then some said, “Let us build it;” But others did not know Whether the voice came down from heaven, Or upward from below.

“And will that grand cathedral Remove thee miles of woe^sic: These tenements, these earthly hells, All festering, row on row?”

Alas these men so good and wise, The truth found hard to know; For each one had his happy home, Whereto at eve to go.

But a widow, in her cold, bare room, Stooped by the embers low, Her children hungering at her side, And, weeping, said: “I know!”

Germantown, Pa. HENRY PETERSON.

A Prophecy by Harriet Martineau.

BURLINGTON, Ia.—In reading the autobiography of Harriet Martineau, one of England’s greatest writers on political economy, I came across the following gem written by her in 1855, which I do not recollect having seen in print elsewhere. She was writing of probable changes in the form of government and society in Europe before the close of the present century:

Of course none but a prophet could be expected to declare what the new idea will be. It would be rational, but it is not necessary here to foretell what it would not be or include. But . . . the leading feature of any such radical change must be a deep modification of the institution called property, certainly in regard to land and probably in regard to much else. Before any effectual social renovation can take place men must efface the abuse which has grown up out of the transition from the feudal to the more modern state, the abuse of land being held as absolute property, whereas in feudal times land was in a manner held in trust, inasmuch as every land holder was charged with the subsistence of all who lived within his bounds. The old practice of man holding man as property is nearly exploded among civilized nations, and the analogous barbarism of man holding the surface of the globe as property cannot long survive. The idea of this being a barbarism is now fairly formed, admitted and established among some of the best minds of the times, and the result is, as in all such cases, ultimately secure.

J. R. NICHOLAS.

A “Close Student’s” Conclusion.

NEW YORK CITY.—Mr. George Gunton has written a book called “Wealth and Progress.” He describes himself as “for twenty years a close student of economic questions.” The following is his estimate and description of the land tax theory:

When we examine the facts we find that the rent from the land in this country, if equally divided among the people, would, according to the returns for 1880, give about two cents a day per head. What would that do toward abolishing poverty? Simply nothing. It would only be equal to reducing the taxes one-half. Any proposition, and this is the most rose colored one yet heard of, which will only increase the wealth of the masses two cents a day can hardly be worth the effort as a measure for the elimination of povertry^sic.

When so close a student as Mr. Gunton dismisses Mr. George’s theory in this style on the third or fourth page of his book, he can hardly blame me for not reading the remaining three hundred pages.

Work in Canton, O.

CANTON, O.—The advocates of the single tax on land values are beginning to be pretty numerous here, and include many who for a time belonged to the union labor party. One of our friends here, Mr. A. J. Kintz, has had a correspondence with the Stark County Democrat, in which he ably defended the single tax principle. We are about to form a club, and shall work during 1888 more actively than ever.

A. E. KINSELY.

GOD SAVE THE PEOPLE!

“The people have been willing enough to cry, ‘God save the queen!’ Now let the cry be also heard, ‘God save the people.’” So says the London Christian Commonwealth.

The Liverpool financial reform association computes that during her reign £20,000,000 ($100,000,000) has been paid to the queen, £5,000,000 to the rest of the royal family, and £10,000,000 more expended upon residences, parks, packets, yachts and other conveniences, making a total of £35,000,000. There have also been supported in the higher offices of the public service 520 relations of dukes, 626 relations of marquises, 3,390 relations of earls, 963 relations of viscounts, 2,492 relations of barons, or 7,971 relations in all. To help to maintain them the workers paid last year £4,531,667 taxes on tea and coffee, £498,100 taxes on dried fruits, £9,388,444 taxes on tobacco, and £9,187,000 taxes on beer. Humble traders, known as hawkers or peddlers, had to contribute by paying £2 and upward last year for their licenses; confectioners had to pay £5 5s. each, and small dealers £1 5s. In addition to this £21,582 was paid to “lords in waiting,” a “mistress of the robes,” and a “master of the buckhounds;” and 400 other officials, supposed to be necessary to the queen, were maintained at further expense, although “that person keeps no court.” There were eight “ladies of the bed chamber,” each of whom got £500 a year; eight “bed chamber women,” who received [£306?] apiece, and seven “maids of honor,” to each of whom the nation paid £300, and will present £1,000 on marriage.

Surely God saves Queen Victoria and all of her extensive household; and well may the Christian Commonwealth cry “God save the people!” For the registration of the unemployed in London by the Law and liberty league shows that there are 17,000 workers, with 40,000 dependents, idle and starving. Another count, conducted by the socialists, makes the number 30,000. But both of these counts fall far short of the real number, because of the difficulty of getting at the people and because their distrust of the efficacy^sic of “relief work.” Moreover, many feared that to consent to work for 4d. per hour at temporary charity employment would tend to reduce wages permanently to that level, and so they shrank from being registered. “In one case, fifty men came to the office, sent in a deputation of one to inspect the census sheet, and then upon hearing his report, marched away again.” But, nevertheless, there were thousands willing to do “anything to keep from starving,” and London Justice is probably not far from the truth in estimating the number of unemployed at 130,000.

But London’s lord mayor is equal to the occasion and has come forward with a magnificent proposal. “I have for some time past,” says he, “been in consultation with a committee composed of large employers of labor and leading representatives of the trade unions on the one hand, and clergy of all denominations, poor law guardians and others specially conversant with the condition of the poor, on the other, in regard to the unemployed question.” And he made the important discovery that work could be provided for idle hands at 4d. (eight cents) an hour. However, in order that funds should not be wasted, it was decided that “no work should be undertaken unless it is useful and desirable for its own sake. Laborers should be employed as far as possible on the same terms on which they would be engaged in the open market. The work must not be a mere temporary job, to cease as soon as the fine weather comes on, and to be taken up again de novo next winter, but must throughout be connected with and lead up to other remedies of a permanent character.”

With this introduction he suggested that “thirty acres of land in the metropolis be taken in hand at once and converted into gardens and pleasure grounds for the use of Londoners.” It is true that only 1,300 men can be employed, but then the expenses will be heavy and it will require £30,000 to do even this much. The lord mayor does not intend to furnish this money himself, however, but has issued an “appeal to the public for subscriptions.”

“Men will be employed by the Metropolitan public gardens’ association,” he remarks, “for the full week and for as many weeks as the job lasts. They will be in charge of experienced foremen and gangers, and will be paid not less than four pence per hour, being, of course, subject to instant dismissal if they are unpunctual or idle or careless.”

To be sure, the pay is small for such hard labor, which is likely to be particularly severe on men who have been accustomed to indoor work, but did not the archbishop of Canterbury (£15,000 a year and two palaces) only recently exhort toilers to be “content with their wages?”

As a safeguard against “impostors,” who might otherwise take the bread out of the mouths of the “deserving poor,” “every man will be required to produce satisfactory evidence of character.”

Frederic Harrison recently stated “that nearly one-third of the annual increase in the population of London is due to immigration,” and that “while those who have means are perpetually trying to get away from London, those who are destitute are always trying to find their way to it.” Rev. G. S. Reaney supports him with the statement that “if nothing is done to stop the influx of foreigners, in five years the government will be confronted with a social difficulty very much greater than Trafalgar square.” Not only foreigners, but farmers and farmers’ sons, driven out of the agricultural regions, come flocking into the towns and underbid the townsmen for employment, until the secretary of the Law and liberty league, upon analyzing the registration lists of the unemployed, has found that by far the greater part of the idle men are those who have “lived in London five, ten and fifteen years.”

In requiring “every man to prove at least six months’ residence” before work is provided, the lord mayor, therefore, takes a not unwarranted precaution. Otherwise the unemployed elsewhere would come trooping into London. Goodness knows, things are bad enough. Just the other morning James Henry Southgate, 25 years old; William Kennedy, 45; John Pepperel, 45; Julius Boarch, 38; James Melly, 37, and Edward Richards, 60, were brought into the Thames police court and charged with having been found “sleeping in the open air in Frederick street, St. George’s, without having any visible means of subsistance^sic.” All the men were in a wretched and pitiable condition.

“Why don’t you go and ask for relief at the work house?” the justice asked Southgate.

“I would rather lie in the gutter than go there,” the man answered.

The justice held that he had no right to do that, and sent him to prison. Constable 24 HR., who made the arrests, testified that “some nights thirty or forty men slept in Frederick street,” and that he was afraid that “they might be frozen to death.”

But the lord mayor is not alone in the work of philanthropy. Lord Shaftesbury is patron of a fund which enables “any poor, honest woman to borrow sufficient capital to start, say, a baked potato barrow or a chestnut stove, when flowers and water cresses are out of season,” and when they are

p. 3, col. 2 deprived of the privilege of getting their stock of 3d. (six cents) [worth?] of blossoms by going to Covent garden in the chill of early morning and awaiting their turn in a line. Lord Shaftesbury is glad to report that these girls and women seldom neglect to pay back the money they have borrowed. Another public spirited gentleman has suggested that “vegetarianism should be practiced among the unemployed,” and a third declares that a a far-reaching remedy would be “a light, wholesome dwelling, with a cooking range by which we can turn out a decent dinner.” Miss Octavia Hill is working with great energy for the public purchase of 265 acres of land at Hampstead heath, where crowds may go “on Saturday afternoon and enjoy a brief respite,” beholding “a little vision of that scenery where skies are purely blue, where birds sing and where nature wears her fairest garb.” The owners of this tract of land have agreed to sell it to the people of London for £305,000, with the sky and the birds thrown in, and although this money might go far toward appeasing the hunger of the unemployed and of the poor wretches who are called “impostors,” Miss Hill wants to close the bargain at once, for fear that the price may be increased. And the probability is that the “genuine unemployed” and those who are not “genuine” may hope soon to have the pleasure of standing on Hampstead heath with empty stomachs, viewing the scenery which public cash has bought and paid for.

And so wags the world. The heir apparent is busy with the cares of state—opening churches, applauding pugilists, providing for the protection of pet cats and dogs, shooting game and contributing to racing cups. Her majesty, too tired with the weight of jubilee cares to open parliament, graciously condescends to permit her ministers to tell the people about the prosperous condition of her kingdom and of her peaceful relations with foreign powers, while at Osborne she plans the more important business of packing away those jubilee presents from the lustful eyes of men. And now and again relaxing from this pleasant but fatiguing occupation, she orders “my lord” or “my lady” to sing and caper for her august refreshment or play in tableaux vivants. By degrees the mind is rescued from the worriments of the world and sinks into serene contentment, when suddenly breaks in the hum of discordant voices and the roar of trampling feet. The multitude pours through the narrow streets of the metropolis, bearing to the grave the body of its dead comrade, [Linnell?], stricken down by the police. The sounds swell on the breezes, mingling strangely with the peaceful chimes in great St. Paul’s. Then comes a lull, and there rings out the clear tones of the people’s singer, prophesying wondrous changes in the land.

We asked them for a life of toilsome earning, They bade us bide their leisure for our bread, We craved to speak to tell our woful learning, We come back speechless, bearing back our dead.

They will not learn; they have no ears to hearken. They turn their faces from the eyes of fate; Their gay lit halls shut out the skies that darken. But, lo! this dead man knocking at the gate.

Not one, not one, nor thousands must they slay, But one and all if they would dusk the day.

HENRY GEORGE, JR.

A Good Idea.

WINFIELD, Kan.—Please send me ten copies of the issue of THE STANDARD for Dec. 10. That number contains two entertaining articles—one by Mr. Pentecost, in which he describes how he received a copy of “Progress and Poverty,” and how he proceeded to (not) show its fallacy; the other from W. H. Van Ornum, in which is shown his experiences among the clergymen of Chicago.

I have thought that it would be an interesting experiment to send THE STANDARD containing those articles, marked, to some clergymen whose names I know to see whether the kaleidoscopic view of the subject as given by the article entitled “Among the Ministers,” and the piquant statement of Mr. Pentecost, who, instead of being able to show any errors of statement or reasoning in Mr. George’s book, became himself an enthusiastic supporter of its principles, would not excite in their minds some curiosity or interest to know what all this is about. Possibly, if they have any preconceived notions in opposition to the subjects treated of, they may gather enough interest to try if they themselves may not be the parties who are able to show the fallaciousness of the reasoning in “Progress and Poverty.”

If their minds should happen to be “built” in the same way that some other men’s minds are, the subject, called to their attention in this way, may develop in them a curiosity and interest that will induce them to look into it.

I drop this hint, hoping it may be suggestive to others as a good way of approaching the ministers on the subject of the anti-poverty crusade.

THOMAS HUNT.

Sound in Law, as in Morals.

TORONTO, Can.—The Osgoode literary and legal society of Toronto, a society of the students belonging to the law society of Upper Canada, discussed “Land Nationalization” in connection with the Georgean system of taxation, on Saturday night, the 7th inst. After a very spirited debate, in which all of the many leading legal authorities on real property, such as Blackstone, Williams, etc., were freely cited, the debate was awarded to the advocates of Mr. George’s theory, and this notwithstanding the usual amount of misrepresentation by the opponents as to its being veiled socialism, etc.

At the close of the debate the critic of the evening very highly complimented the speakers on the care they had taken in the preparation of the arguments, and said the debate was the more enjoyable to him, as it was on a subject in which he took a very great interest. It augurs well for the success of “land nationalization” when Mr. George’s works are bearing fruit even on such conservative and barren soil as is afforded by the legal profession of the law.

R. A. W.

He Sees the Cat.

ALEXANDRIA, La.—I will send a renewal of the subscribers you have here and get more if I can. I’m with you for the single tax, for free trade and the government to manage the telegraph and the long railroads at any rate. I have seen the cat. I have been a prohibitionist for years and years, but your reform comes first now. One of your subscribers here is a protectionist. He takes the Irish World and will vote for Blaine next year if he doesn’t change; but as for me, if I cannot vote the united labor party ticket I will vote for Cleveland, as he is going our road a piece at any rate. I am not a Nicodemus.

A. HILTON.

Gaining Ground in Cleveland.

CLEVELAND, O.—On Sunday, Jan. 8, another Henry George club was organized in this city on the west side, and still another will soon be formed in the southern part of the city.

J. QUINLAN.

p. 3, col. 3

THE COST OF TRANSPORTATION.

Reference was made editorially in a recent number of THE STANDARD to the opportunity that the government’s acquisition of the Pacific railroads would give for officially and authoritatively ascertaining the actual cost of railway transportation. In that article there was an allusion to the estimates made by Alfred Cridge of California.

I have now before me a pamphlet issued by Mr. Cridge some years ago that is highly interesting and possibly equally important. Mr. Cridge quotes a declaration made by Hon. Josiah Quincy to the Boston board of trade in 1866 that in the course of a thorough examination into the railway systems of America and Europe he found ONLY ONE INSTANCE “in which the manager of the business of a railroad company entered fully into the details of expenditures and receipts, thereby showing the actual cost to the company of conveying coal on its road.”

Mr. Cridge insists that this policy of secrecy is designed to prevent the public from obtaining accurate information concerning the true cost of transportation, and he complains that railway commissioners have practically done nothing to defeat this policy of concealment. In order to get at the facts thus covered up he makes a careful analysis of information furnished by Mr. A. N. Towne, general manager of the Central Pacific and leased lines, in September, 1883, to Mr. Foote, a California railway commissioner.

From this information it appeared that for the moving of a train of fourteen freight cars there were then required an engineer at $135 per month, a fireman at $75, a wiper at $60, a conductor at from $85 to $115 (say $100), and two brakemen at from $65 to $80 each, giving a total of $580 per month. Taking 200 miles of road, and adding to the wages for two days the cost of coal, wood and grease, and accepting Mr. Towne’s estimates as to the proper allowance for depreciation, repairs, etc., Mr. Cridge finds the actual cost of moving 140 tons of freight 200 miles in 14 cars is not more than $125, or at the rate of 89 cents per ton for the whole distance, or less than half a cent per ton per mile. With a train of 20 or 30 cars, which could be run with about the same force of men, the cost per ton per mile would be about four mills.

Mr. Cridge next analyzes Mr. Towne’s statement as to the cost of maintenance of track, station and miscellaneous expenses, and arrives at what appears to be a clear demonstration that the total cost per mile for moving freight is a trifle over six-tenths of a mill; while in the case under consideration the Central Pacific company was found to be charging four times that much.

A similar analysis of Mr. Towne’s figures concerning passenger traffic showed that with a three car train 120 passengers could be moved 200 miles at a cost of $78.62, and with a six car train 240 passengers could be moved the same distance for $99.78—that is to say, from something more than one-fifth of a cent per mile for each passenger on the longer train to about one-third of a cent per mile for each passenger on the shorter train. Adding expenses of maintaining tracks, stations, etc., the cost per mile is slightly increased, so that it would range from about 23 hundredths of a cent per mile on the longer train to 36 hundredths of a cent per mile on the shorter train for each passenger. The aotual^sic charges in the instances cited were more than seventeen times the cost as thus ascertained.

Taking these figures as a basis for calculation, Mr. Cridge argues that a train of six car loads, carrying 240 passengers, could be moved across the continent from San Francisco to New York at an actual cost of $1,440, or $6 a passenger, whereas the charge now ranges from $75 to $140. He insists that a charge of $10 a passenger would afford the companies ample profit if the passengers could be had, and he is doubtless right in assuming that the roads could be kept busy with fares at anything near the price suggested.

Mr. Cridge next enters into an analysis of the cost of construction of the two Pacific railroads, and arrives at the conclusion (the truth of which is completely demonstrated by the recent report of the Pacific railway commission) that the present holders of the two roads obtained them for nothing, and got a large bonus in land and money in addition. Under these circumstances there need be no consideration, so far as these roads are concerned, as to the amount of profit to which the “owners” are justly entitled. They are, as Commissioner Pattison justly declared, “legatees of a gigantic fraud,” and they will have abundant cause to congratulate themselves if they escape criminal prosecution and retain their remaining booty after the government has resumed possession of the roads built with public money.

Until government ownership of railways becomes general, however, the question of profit on capital invested must be considered, and under any circumstances some addition must be made to Mr. Cridge’s figures for the cost of general management; but if his estimates are accurate, his declaration that people could be carried across the continent for less than six dollars each would justify his conclusion that $10 would be a liberal fare, affording a profit sufficient to pay a good interest on the real value of the roads and meet all the expenses of efficient management.

My purpose in calling attention to these figures is not to offer them as accurate or conclusive. My knowledge is not such as to warrant me in making any such assertion. But neither has the general public any knowledge that will enable it to deny their accuracy. About the actual cost of one of the most important of human concerns under the conditions of modern civilization, the people who support the railroad companies know absolutely nothing. In a vague way they comprehend that they are compelled to pay interest not only on all money now invested in railroads, but on all that has in the past been squandered through the rivalry, rascality, extravagance and incapacity of their managers, and they also see that in some way railways have been made a potent agency of the process by which the proceeds of the labors of the many are transferred to the pockets of the few, but how it is done is not known and the extent of the robbery cannot even be estimated.

Here is a man of manifest ability who declares that the actual cost of railway transportation is less than a fourth of the minimum price fixed anywhere by restrictive legislation; and his assertion, whether true or false, demands examination, but the people, who are the parties most concerned, are absolutely without any means for either verifying or disproving his statements.

It is true that we have under the interstate law national railway commissioners, but they only concern themselves with the maintenance of a certain uniformity of charges on a basis fixed by the companies themselves, and this basis, for all the commissioners or the public know to the contrary, is from five to fifteen times higher than the actual cost. In order that the commissioners may have a proper standard for judgment in the performance of their duties it is absolutely necessary that there shall be at least one stretch of road publicly owned and operated, the accounts of which shall show the real cost of carrying freight and passengers

p. 3, col. 4 in order to meet the actual expenses of maintenance, operation and management.

Aside from all other facts and looking no further than the immediate future, this necessity for a true standard of value in transportation should be sufficient to cause a popular pressure on congress that would put an end to all thought of compromise with the so-called owners of the Pacific roads built by public money. I am sorry that THE STANDARD should stand almost alone in demanding that these roads, built with the people’s money, shall be restored to their real owners, for such an opportunity may not soon come again if the scheme of compromising with robbers recommended by the majority of the commission and upheld by a press that cares only for the interests of the rich shall be enacted into law. Every newspaper that pretends to any interest in honesty or claims to be a defender of the people’s rights ought to join in denouncing a proposition that congress shall pass a law compounding felony, confirming men in the possession of stolen goods and cheating the American people out of their own property.

WM. T. CROASDALE.

A Hallelujah Chorus for the New Year.

How my heart is thrilled with gladness, when I hear the grand refrain, “Glory be to God on high and peace on earth to men,” And my soul aloft is borne where the angels wake that strain, On fancy’s golden wing. Chorus.—Gloria in excelsis Deo, Gloria in excelsis Deo, Gloria in excelsis Deo, And peace on earth to men.

“Go give the greater portion,” the prophet thus was told, “Unto the greater number, and the fewer the less shall hold;” “But the land is mine,” the Lord saith, “and it shall not aye be sold;” While the heavenly choirs did sing: Gloria, etc.

Press onward, oh, my brothers; yours is God and nature’s plan, All in sin are equal born, equal rights should mark life’s span— Teaching God, the common father and the brotherhood of man— What a gospel of peace you bring. Gloria in excelsis Deo, Gloria in excelsis Deo, Gloria in excelsis Deo, And peace on earth to men.

WILLIAM FITZGERALD.

TENEMENT HOUSES AND IGLOOS.

Lieutenant Schwatka in the Independent gives an interesting account of the Esquimaux snow house, or igloo. Speaking of the usefulness and comfort of these primitive dwellings, Mr. Schwatka says:

The idea of conducting an expedition of twenty-two persons and forty to fifty dogs continuously throughout the Arctic winter and living off the country, would have been deemed insanity. With the help of igloos and reindeer clothing it was done with less discomfort than the average twenty-two workmen of New York city will endure in going through a severe winter. With the help of the igloo (which necessitates the employment of Esquimaux skilled in their construction, of course) the matter of cold, preposterous as the statement may seem, becomes almost entirely eliminated from any Arctic problem, instead of being the pivot on which they seem to swing and against which the greatest precautions are taken.

It appears, therefore, that, in the opinion of a competent judge, a house of snow, without any fire, is preferable as a winter shelter to a New York tenement house with coal at a varying price per pail. Why doesn’t some philanthropist organize a society, with patrons, life members, salaried officers, handsome quarters and all the rest of it, to assist the unemployed of New York to emigrate to the Arctic regions, where snow banks are free and every man can build his own igloo? This might solve the labor problem and the Arctic problem both at once, and it would certainly afford a magnificent excuse for a fashionable ball.

Another Michigan Worker.

STURGIS, Mich.—I have just finished reading “Progress and Poverty,” “Social Problems” and a copy of THE STANDARD, and I cannot refrain from writing to you. But first let me introduce myself. Your correspondent is a house carpenter; his back is bent, his hair is growing gray, his frame is getting weak with bearing heavy burdens; but it has cost the government so much to protect him there is nothing left for the support of old age, and he must work on and feel grateful, too, if the lords of creation “give him leave to toil” for his daily bread. The reading of your books was like a visit of an old familiar friend. The problems discussed and some of the conclusions reached have, though unexpressed, been filling my mind for years. Your correspondent has been one of the army that have prostrated forests, bridged rivers, laid the iron pathway for the iron horse, reared cities, built mills and manufactories, farm houses, cottages and mansions, and he has spent the past forty years in helping develop a wilderness. For all this he has received enough to keep him in condition to serve his master from day to day. The rest has gone to the landlord and “protection.” There is a rich field in this section of country, and the grain is ripe for the reaper. But our work must be carried on in an inexpensive manner. Our friends are among [the?] poor, but they have votes. Capitalists, rich farmers with bank accounts, manufacturers with large mills to be protected while “they grind the face of the poor” upon their stone that goes by steam power, in fact all who are “fixed” care nothing for your reform. I am going to see what can be done with an “anti-poverty” club at our place, and would gratefully appreciate any suggestions you may be so kind as to make.

RUFUS SPALDING.

Benefiting Property.

NEW YORK CITY.—I have been reading the advertised appeal of Messrs. Work, Rockefeller and others for a “drive for speeding horses from Fifty-ninth street, west side, in Central park, to 110th street,” which the advertisers say will be a great benefit to property and to the public and damage no one a dollar.

If this pretty scheme to procure a driving park for these modest gentlemen “would greatly benefit property” it would be very certain to resolve itself into a command to tenants to move on farther from the center of population. The history of “benefiting property” is the history of injuring all non-land holders.

There is yet to be seen a plan for “benefiting property” which does not inure to the damage of the many, for all such plans aim to concentrate population at given points and appropriate the “unearned increment.” Then fast horses can be bought and an attempt made to steal a park in which to “speed” them.

BURCH.

p. 3, col. 5

“OUR FATHER.”

In the creed of the Anti-poverty society, the Lord’s prayer occupies, and rightly, a prominent place. The ascription of fatherhood appeals to the human heart. When we were children we were free from care, light hearted and happy. Care we did not know. As the lambs on the hillside, so we sported, because we had a father—a father on whom we rolled our cares; a father at whose table we sat, and where brother helped brother with no sense of degradation, because, as Mr. George so well showed us in last week’s STANDARD, we were all dependent on a common father, and though there may have been diversities among us, we were all recipients of a common love and providence. Now, that the great number of us have cares and responsibilities on our own shoulders, and no earthly father to help and counsel us, how comforting the thought that we have a Father still, “Our Father”—one who does provide for us, one who causes his sun to shine and his rain to fall, that there may be abundant provision for our needs; a Father, who has inspired many of his children to work out problems on both mental and physical worlds, that the labors of their brethren might be lessened, and their comforts and enjoyments increased.

The fatherhood has been and is recognized, but do we emphasize sufficiently the “our?” He is not my father, not my family’s father, not my church’s father, not my country’s father, but Our Father, the father of all men, the father of the republican American, the monarchical Briton, the despot trodden Russian, the ghost ridden Chinaman, “the father in whom the whole family in heaven and in earth are named.” In the light of this prayer, which Christ himself taught us to pray, where then stand our protection theories, our discriminating laws against foreigners and foreign goods?

One would have thought that a doctor of divinity, as one of our social economists is, would have hesitated to condemn Adam Smith in his “Wealth of Nations” as being too far reaching and embracing. The study of the nature, character and attributes of the divine being that is supposed to be the aim and life work of divinity doctors, one would think would also lead to the knowledge that he has made of one blood all the nations of the earth, and that no scheme can be successful that aims at the exaltation of one nation to the detriment of other nations. Would not one naturally think that he in whom there is neither Jew nor Greek, Scythian nor barbarian, bond nor free, would have so contrived all things that the advance of one must mean the advance of all the rest? And yet R. E. Thompson, D. D., of the University of Pennsylvania, in his text book, called “Social Economy,” which he uses for study in that institution, makes exclusiveness, the we-be-Abraham’s children spirit, the all absorbing, grasping, greedy, I, me, mine, the foundation of his argument. Take that thought out of it and it is a house of cards falling down about our ears. If this nation is to be great, if it is to extend its civilization to every other nation—and this is the only excuse for the life and existence of higher, richer, more endowed nations as well as individuals—if we ourselves are to grow, we must recognize the “our.” What gave England the immense stride and increase in material wealth and power over the thought of the world, but the faint recognition which she has given to the brotherhood of man? What has increased our own strength and wealth but our actions, belying our creed, and the free access we (I am sorry to say have) have given^sic to every brother under the sun to come here and partake of our Father’s bounty?

Can we go on praying “Our Father,” and at the same time put up barriers against our brother’s labor, which we ourselves need, and which we can in turn repay to him with labor which he needs? Can we shut the door in our brother’s face when he comes with the superabundance of our father’s gifts to him, asking in exchange some of the superabundance which we have received? If we do, shall there not then be waste—waste to others and waste to us, and shall not the proverb hold true, “Willful waste makes woful want?” Our nation will only be truly great as we value among ourselves and among surrounding nations the brotherhood that projects itself so boldly in this “our.”

Then let us pray that come it may, As come it will for a’ that, That sense and worth o’er a’ the earth, May bear the gree and a’ that, For a’ that and a’ that. It’s coming yet for a’ that, That man to man the world o’er, Shall brothers be for a’ that.

FREE TRADER.

A RHODE ISLAND OBJECT LESSON.

PROVIDENCE, R. I.—The advantage of having natural opportunities free to all is well illustrated in the case of a large class of men who get their living from the waters and along the shores of Narragansett bay.

The right of every person in Rhode Island to catch fish, dig clams and gather quohougs and scollops has been acknowledged for a great many years. The legislature has made laws to govern the fisheries in Narragansett bay; but subject to those laws every person in the state has an equal right to all the the products of the bay^sic below high water mark. At various times individuals owing land along the shore^sic have claimed the land as far as the low tides left it uncovered, and have brought suits to restrain people from digging clams, but the courts have invariably overruled such claims, so that now there is no dispute as to the right of the people to take clams and other shell fish except bedded oysters anywhere in the bay. In consequence of this common right hundreds of people get a good living by taking the products out of the bay.

Along Narragansett bay there are a great many shore resorts (so-called) to which thousands of people go every day during hot weather to enjoy a sail on the salt water and have a shore dinner. To furnish all the people with shore dinners it is necessary to have thousands of bushels of clams daily, besides large quantities of fish and quohougs. All these are taken from the bay, and many people along the shore get a good living by taking clams, etc., and selling them at the shore places.

In the early fall, when the law permits the taking of scollops, hundreds of sailboats can be seen on different parts of the bay being loaded with those luscious bivalves which are shipped to New York by car loads every fall. Besides the men who make a living along the shore many farmers and others go and get a mess of shell fish whenever they feel so disposed, while some make a practice of drawing seaweed away to put on their land.

It will be readily seen that if the land along the shore of Narragansett bay between high and low water mark were reduced to private ownership, it would be held upon the same conditions as agricultural lands, and he who wanted to dig a bushel of clams would have to give some land owner a part of them for the privilege of digging them, just as he now has to give a part of the potatoes, corn, etc., that he raises for the privilege of raising

p. 3, col. 6 them, if he rents a farm. If the shore was private property the clam diggers, who now have all they produce, would be compelled to share it with some landlord, and instead of working for themselves would be compelled to work for others at such wages as they could get.

As the shore is held, so could all the land be held, and as the clam digger has all the products of his labor, so should other men. None of the people that I have been speaking about are rich, yet none are miserably poor. All are comfortable except those who are unwilling to work; and so highly do they value the shore privileges that I believe they would rebel rather than surrender them.

JOHN WASHINGTON.

A MISSIONARY CAMPAIGN.

A Practical Illustration.

HENDERSONVILLE, N. C.—Right here in Henderson county, North Carolina, where I am spending the winter, I understand that the principle of the land value tax has been tried on a small scale with good results.

There is a little place here called Flat Rock, consisting of fine residences, whose owners, with few exceptions, spend only the summers here, their homes being in Charleston or elsewhere in the “low country.” When these people come up for the summer they bring their own furniture, their own horses and carriages and their own servants, and even their groceries are bought at wholesale in Charleston. Fresh meat, vegetables and fruit are all they need to buy here, and to a great extent they have fruit and vegetables raised on their places.

But besides their summer residences and beautiful grounds, most of these people hold idle, on speculation, large tracts of the “Mud creek land,” the best in the county. While these lands are assessed at a nominal figure, land back on the mountains, probably inferior and certainly farther from market, is cultivated and assessed at nearly its full value.

However, a year or two ago the county authorities assessed at something near their real value the idle lands of one Flat Rock gentleman; consequently he sold much more land than usual during the year.

Who can be surprised that when I told some of the mountaineers of the united labor party and its proposal to tax land values and nothing else, they were eager to read all the single tax literature I could give them, and hopeful of the speedy success of a party with such a platform?

N. H. WHITNEY BROWN.

In Brooklyn’s Twentieth Ward.

Readers of THE STANDARD in Brooklyn’s Twentieth ward should know that there is a very live organization in that ward devoted to propagating the principles of industrial emancipation. The second of the monthly educational meetings of this association will be held this Thursday evening, Jan. 19, at Adelphi hall, corner of Myrtle avenue and Adelphi street, when there will be provided, besides an excellent musical and literary entertainment, a short address by Louis F. Post. Persons wishing to join this club should address Secretary John F. Keenan, 392 Myrtle avenue, or President C. O’C. Hennessy, 8[illegible]5 Vanderbilt avenue.

The Third Assembly District Officers [for?] 1888.

At a well attended meeting of the united labor party Third assembly district, held at 185 Grand street on Tuesday, Jan. 10, the following officers were elected for the ensuing year: Chairman, Wm. Osborn; vice chairman, Thomas Morrow; recording secretary, Daniel Bree, jr.; financial secretary, John J. Shine; treasurer, Thomas Kelly; sergeant at arms, Thomas Hewitt; county general committee—Patrick Doody, Thomas Morrow, John J. Shine, Wm. J. Lougheed, Daniel Bree, jr., Louis P. Howe, Michael J. Weldon, Alphonsus A. Foy, Thomas Kelly, Francis Ficke; county executive committee, Patrick Doody.

A Brooklyn Organization Discusses the Tariff.

At a meeting of the Nineteenth ward association of the united labor party of Brooklyn, on Friday, Jan. 6, Mr. Joseph McGuinness read a paper on James G. Blaine’s Tribune “manifesto” on the tariff.

Mr. McGuinness’s application of the term “American workmen” would be, he said, not only to Americans but to all foreigners seeking homes in America, bent upon bettering their condition, and using the sacred trust of citizenship to help perpetuate our free institutions. Mr. Blaine had asked, “How are we to manufacture cheaper than they do in Europe unless we get cheaper labor than they have in Europe?” and then had gone on to say, “Whenever we can force our carpenters, masons, iron workers and mechanics of every department to work as cheaply and live as poorly in the United States as they do in Europe, we can of course manufacture just as cheaply as they do in England and France.”

“Regard for American labor,” says Mr. Blaine, “should compel us to sleep only under American made blankets and to cover our backs in the garments made only of American cotton and wool.” Regard for American labor has not prevented the employment of Scandinavians and Hungarians in the Hocking valley mines—in which Mr. Blaine has a considerable interest. To-day the miners of Pennsylvania are largely Welsh and Hungarians working at a dollar a day. In the great protected mills and factories of New England British operatives, brought to this country by the shipload, are working.

The speaker was acquainted with the working people in a Brooklyn factory producing “protected” goods whose wages when on full time was [$9?] a week, and who were put on half time several months a year. In the New England mills, when male and female operative married^sic, both kept along at work, and as soon as their children grew old enough they, too, were obliged to help augment the pittance earned by the parents. Referring to the “balance of trade,” which Mr. Blaine warned his countrymen to watch, “that dollars should not flow out from here while only dimes flow in,” the speaker said, “If, in this inclement season, I am tramping about in shoes having holes on all sides, and I have a snug two dollar bill in my pocket, what is the most valuable thing to me, a pair of new shoes or the two dollar bill? Yet, according to Mr. Blaine, if I purchase the shoes the balance of trade is against me.”

The Harlem Branch of the Anti-Poverty Society.

Mr. Jerome O’Neill presided at a meeting of the Harlem branch of the anti-poverty society on Friday evening, January 13, at Mount Morris academy. The meeting was called for the purpose of organizing the branch so that the members might become better acquainted with each other, and that by means of gatherings at the homes of the members and occasional lectures and entertainments, they could more effectively propagate the principles of the anti-poverty society.

The following permanent officers were elected: Secretary, Miss Lizzie Battle; treasurer, Miss Cassidy; managing committee, W. O. Eastlake, W. J. Vitt, Dena Ochs, Sarah A. Corrigan, Mary O’Neill, M. Battle, Ellen C. Wall, J. Hamilton Dillon, Jas. Bingham, Mrs. Clara [Hunke?]. The committee proposes to [inaugurate?] an active propaganda of anti-poverty [doctrines?] in [Harlem?].

p. 4, col. 3

ANTI-POVERTY IN CINCINNATI.

What the Railroad Has Done for Aspen.

ASPEN, Col.—In 1879 indications were discovered that the country hereabouts contained veins or deposits of silver and lead. At that time the nearest white man’s cabin was forty miles away across the continental divide, and town lots and quarter sections were valueless. Now we have a population of 3,000 or 4,000, while the valley below is fairly well settled with ranchmen. Town lots are worth from $500 to $5,000, and ranch land is assessed at $10 an acre, whether it is five or twenty-five miles from market.

Until two months ago we had no railroads and everything but native produce (hay, oats, potatoes and turnips) was freighted across the divide, a distance of fifty miles, by mule teams. Now we have two railroads. Before we had them many were looking for their arrival with great expectations. Now the majority of people cannot see that they have been of any benefit. With the railroads came an influx of men seeking work and creating an uneasiness among miners here that wages would be reduced in the near future. One of the local papers even circulated a rumor that January 1 had been set for a reduction, and the general feeling is that it is but a question of time for the reduction to be made. Workmen find it as difficult as ever to secure work and ranchmen get less for their produce. On the other hand mine owners get lower freight rates on their ore, which means their [property?] is worth more and [rents?] are rising. p. 4, col. 4 There are plenty of vacant lots and plenty of people who need houses, and plenty of unemployed labor willing to be employed, yet one must pay now twice as much for house rent as he did three months ago.

Truly the railroad is a great benefit—for some.

M. LORENZ.

Follies of the Ancients.

Toronto Grip.

Come, listen, my son, while I tell you what I know Of some singular people who lived long ago In a far-distant country, whose ways were so queer That I’m sure you’ll be glad there are none of them here.

These people, like us, lived by labor and toil, By working the mines and tilling the soil; If no one had worked they would quickly have died, For only by labor their needs were supplied.

This being the case, anybody might think That those who worked hardest whould have meat and drink^sic, Good houses to live in, good clothing to wear, And be free for their lives from all trouble and care.

But these curious people had curious ways, Though the blessings of labor full loudly they’d praise, Yet those who worked hard for long hours every day Were forced to exist upon very poor pay.

They were sometimes half starved, and the fact must be told, They even have perished with hunger and cold; For the most part they lived on from cradle to grave, Enjoying but little, nor able to save.

But many of those who did no work at all Had fine houses, fine coaches and servants at call; In pleasure they lived on the fat of the land, For the products of labor were theirs to command.

Some other strange laws had this nation of yore— If a man killed another or plundered his store, The shedder of blood on the gallows was hung, And the robber in jail for a season they flung.

But the man who made killing a regular trade, And marched out with others for battle arrayed, Was reckoned a “hero,” got money and fame, The more that he killed, why, the greater his name.

And he who by smartness was able to steal Not one dollar, but millions, by some tricky deal, Was honored, respected and hailed with applause, And sometimes elected to help make the laws.

I couldn’t begin to tell all the strange ways Of the people who lived in those barbarous days; Their customs and laws were decidedly queer. Now, isn’t it good we have none of such here?

The New York County General Committee

The united labor party’s general committee of New York county for 1888 met for the first time on Thursday evening, 10th inst., at Clarendon hall. Of the 384 members, 340 were present, and the spirit displayed was by no means that of men disheartened by defeat. Very few of those prominent in last year’s committee failed to be returned as representatives for this year, and many of the new members are men who have lately gained prominence through their support of the Syracuse platform. John J. McGrath was elected temporary chairman and Fred C. Leubuscher temporary secretary. Protests were received from members of the Seventh and Fifteenth assembly district organizations, declaring irregularities in the election of delegates, and two delegations contested for the seats allotted to the Eighteen district^sic. The hearing of the three cases before the committee on credentials occupied more than two hours. While awaiting the report of the credentials committee resolutions were passed, as follows: Protesting against the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses; protesting against the proposed repeal of the half holiday bill; reaffirming allegiance to the Syracuse platform; asserting a determination not to be diverted by any issue of tariff tinkering from exclusive and unswerving support of the fundamental reforms set forth in that platform; declaring for the Australian system of voting; and thanking the Anti-poverty society for its assistance in the last canvass. The report of the committeee on credentials^sic—that the sitting delegates of the Seventh be recognized, that a re-election be had in the Fifteenth and that the Eighteenth district be reorganized—was then adopted. John McMackin was re-elected chairman, receiving 304 votes. Each district announced the name of its member of the executive committee, and adjournment was made to the call of the chair.

Believes in Concentrated Effort.

Reading William Schwalb’s indorsement of J. Z. White’s suggestion to capture one state and then go on further, I heartily indorse it, because I believe it to be practicable. For a long time this has been my idea of the way to success.

Now the question is, what state shall it be? I will emigrate to any that may be selected and do what I can to help on the good work. New York would be the best state for us to get, but can we not find a smaller one that we can get in less time? Some of the New England states have discovered the advantage of exempting new manufacturing industries for a term of years from town taxes. The single tax enlarges the advantage, and it may be we should find one of these states easy to control. Though if we could teach all the workingmen we had better take either New York or Pennsylvania.

Let us decide on the state and then go to work and carry it. If we have a compact body of voters we can compel the recognition of our aims, so far as state affairs, by allying ourselves to the party that will pledge itself to carry out our plan of taxation and thus compel an early trial of the single tax. When once tried it will remain. When we have the control, which we shall attain in due time, we will take the railways, telegraphs and telephones and run them in the interest of the people, not of any monopoly.

What state shall it be?

H. R. S.

Anti-Poverty at a Clergymen’s Meeting.

At a recent meeting of “liberal ministers” in Minneapolis, Minn., C. J. Buell, president of the local anti-poverty society, read a very able and carefully prepared paper on “The Moral Aspect of the Land Question.” The paper called forth an interesting discussion, in which Rev. M. D. Shutter, Rev. L. G. Bowen, Rev. K. Jansen and Mr. Simmons took part. The remarks were partly favorable, partly adverse to the views of the speaker. Mr. Buell spent some time in answering the objections raised.

p. 4, col. 5

A LETTER FROM VICTOR A. WILDER.

BROOKLYN.—In reply to Mr. I. I. Barnard, who asks how I understand the Syracuse platform as saying “no word of a protective tariff or of free trade,” I would at once for ocular proof as to the literal truth of my assertion refer him to that document. But of course his mind is running on what he thinks is the spirit of that declaration; he is reading between the lines and he discovers “free trade.” His question in this direction demands an answer which I will endeavor to give. There is the best of reason for coming to a clear understanding upon this point, for it seems to me to involve a plain question of common, every day honesty. Did the declaration made at Syracuse mean free trade? And by free trade I do not mean the thing that is to come under different conditions than now exists, but the “free trade” that is a principle as against the protective principle. If the single land tax will yield sufficient revenue there is, under the Syracuse platform, to be no longer any tax on the products of labor; that is clear. Then of course there would be free trade; there would be no tax on rum or tobacco, All this^sic we understand. And yet I am right in the assertion that neither in spirit nor letter is the Syracuse platform a free trade document, just as I am right in saying that it was not a document such as to warrant the assertion that we were as a party in favor of no rum tax. In spirit—since it was a deliberate omission, after thought and conference, a fair bargain between men who differed upon the question of free trade and protection as they differed upon many other questions—to sink their differences in the presence of that fundamental issue of the single land tax. In letter, as I before remarked, as the context of the document shows. The spirit is quite as important as the letter, true; but is such cases as this^sic a pretty strict construction is allowable. There was a spirit, too, in the fact that no mention was made of free trade or protection in the Syracuse platform. It was a spirit for which I feel a very great respect. It was the spirit that sinks petty issues in the presence of grave concerns. To that spirit and the compact born of it I to-day have a profound loyalty, so deep that were the united labor party to make a presidential nomination on the Syracuse platform, demanding of me to elect between throwing away my vote upon its candidate and electing by that vote James G. Blaine, for whom I have the greatest admiration, and in whose principles of protection to American industries I am a strong believer, I would unhesitatingly annul my vote and stand with the men of Syracuse. I would keep the compact I made with those men, whatever the consequences.

I do not attempt to deny the ultimate of the Syracuse platform; but I do assert, and to the spirit and the letter of the document I appeal, that free trade or protection was left undeclared, for good and sufficient reasons and by fair agreement. Others may violate it who wish; I will not. I claim no right that it be enlarged in the direction of protective tariff declarations, and I deny the right of free traders in the party to urge any additions in the way of free trade.

Mr. George says, referring to the protectionists in the party, “they are with us in state politics, but would not be with us in national politics.” Before accepting such a statement I really think it would be proper to define as to who is meant by “us.” Is it the united labor party or the free traders? If the former, would it not be more truthful to say “it is the free traders who would not be with us?” And in this direction allow me to say that the Syracuse platform was not a declaration upon state issues. It was a declaration as broad as humanity. It was a garment that fitted the nation as well. If free trade was an essential principle of the party at that time we should have stated it so to be. We were there to formulate a political creed, not to elect some one to office through compromises and ambiguities. Why did not Mr. George and the free traders declare then, as they now declare, that the differences upon free trade and protection were so fundamental that an honest, complete statement of principles was impossible, and hence our duty was to disband?

To Mr. Bernard^sic I would say that the strongest possible way the men who met at Syracuse could declare (to make somewhat of a bull) that neither free trade nor protection were issues was by silence. I leave it to him if the silence was not somewhat profound. The free trade issue is an after thought. I leave to those who have raised it the responsibility. I simply record my protest against any attempt to force the men in the united labor party to swallow free trade as a first step to free land, any attempt at least based upon any declaration in the party platform. I would record the same protest against any attempt to make protective tariffs a necessary step to the same end. We agreed to commence the fight for free trade by sinking our^sic differences upon protection and free trade; we accepted the status quo. I stand upon the Syracuse platform, but that does not necessarily make me a free trader. Many advocates of free land believe in keeping the tax on rum, but “wet damnation” is a product of labor. They are good land men, however. I would retain the tax on importations where they compete with the product of our home industries, not because I believe it the proper way to collect taxes, but a good deal as Father McGlynn would put a tax on dogs, to get rid of them.

It is not the logic of the Syracuse platform you say; yet it is, for the true logic of that document is this: The supreme question in our industrial and civic life are land, transportation, money and the elective franchise, not free trade, protection, prohibition or civil service reform. I trust I have made myself clear. Pardon my long intrusion upon your columns, but I feel there should be no misunderstanding as to the real spirit of the work done at Syracuse as many of us honestly see it.

V. A. WILDER.

Mr. Post’s Class in Political Economy.

The class in political economy recently formed under the leadership of Mr. Louis F. Post is holding meetings weekly in the small meeting room of the Cooper union. The average attendance is about one hundred, the roll bearing the names of one hundred and fifty men and women. While the members of the class are deeply in earnest, its sessions partake somewhat of the character of social reunions, the readiness and wit of Mr. Post being often matched by the bright things said by members of the class. The study of “Progress and Poverty” is now taking up the sessions. A review of the work gone over will soon be had. The class meets on Wednesday evenings at 8 o’clock. The fee for the entire course is one dollar, which goes for rent and gas.

Sewing Seed in Maine^sic.

WOODFORD, Me.—Brother Gordon, who lives here and does business at Portland, and myself are doing what we can by talking and distributing tracts and papers. Some of those we approach are indifferent, some appear to be waiting for the cause to become popular before they come out.

I believe the calling of a national convention and nomination of a full ticket will put us on the high road to success. As for the party name let it remain as it is.

SAMUEL BUTTERFIELD.

WHAT THEY SAY ABOUT IT

The New Crusade in Harlem.

Rev. Charles P. McCarthy will begin the series of Sabbath evening services at Arion hall, 2,233 Third avenue, on Sunday evening next. The subject of the discourse will be “Thy Kingdom Come.” The exercises will be varied with congregational singing and sacred solos.

p. 5, col. 4

A SCHOOL TEACHER’S EXPERIENCE.

From an “Irish World” Man.

SAMARIA, Mich.—About seven years ago I commenced reading the Irish World and began to see the light. I borrowed, and afterward bought, “Progress and Poverty” and became a convert to “Georgeism.” I commenced to take THE STANDARD last October, and, reading the speeches of Dr. McGlynn and Mr. Pentecost and others of the anti-poverty society, I was “born again.” I found myself in the “straight and narrow way.” This, after being a “hardened infidel” for years. To the man that so clearly sees “Henry George’s Mistake” I would kindly say, “We are journeying toward the country of which the Lord said, ‘I will give it to you; come thou with us and we will do thee good, for the Lord has spoken good concerning Israel.’” I don’t suppose he will, though.

A. F. OSBORN.

The Boston Land and Labor Club.

BOSTON, Mass.—Will you please announce in THE STANDARD the fact that the place of meeting of the land and labor club of Boston is at No. 45 Eliot street, room 11, every Friday evening. The subject for discussion for Friday, Jan. 20, is “Why Do Wages Tend to a Minimum?”

E. N. WHITE.

p. 5, col. 6

THE CALL OF DUTY.

Thoughts Suggested by Victor A. Wilder’s Letter.

HUTCHINSON, Kas.—I have read and re-read V. A. Wilder’s letter in THE STANDARD of Jan. 7. It has been a matter of surprise to me how any one holding our land principles could also hold the doctrine of protection. I was aware that Patrick Ford took this position, but I thought he did it more to spite English people than to help either the Irish or the Americans. I was aware that T. V. Powderly held this position, but I thought that was because he lived in Pennsylvania. It never occurred to my mind that any considerable number of those believing in the single tax could also believe in protection; nor can I believe this yet.

Free trade is freedom; protection is the opposite of free trade, therefore it must mean slavery. Now, there are various degrees of freedom and of slavery. The bull tied to a post with a very long rope cannot be said to have his freedom, but as he winds the rope round and round the post his freedom becomes less and less. When the rope is all wound round the post we may call him a slave. Let us call him in this condition a chattel slave.

If he should unwind the rope a few times we might compare his condition to that of our ancestors who were deprived of religious freedom, a religious slave. If he should unwind his rope further we might compare his condition to that of a people deprived of commercial freedom by a protective tariff. If he should unwind his rope still further we might compare his condition to those who are deprived of all right to any share in the gifts of nature and are compelled to work for others for wages, the industrial slave. If he should unwind his rope to its full length we might compare his condition to those living under the single tax, who have equal rights to natural opportunities and are only bound not to trample upon each other’s rights. If he should break the rope his condition might be said to be absolute freedom, such as is enjoyed in the Cannibal islands—no law, anarchy.

Mr. Wilder would not unwind the rope unless he could do it all at once. To be consistent he should have been opposed to liberating the southern slaves unless he could have at the same time brought about the single tax. He could easily have shown that the freedom which the colored people now enjoy could not be much improvement on chattel slavery. This actually was the strong argument against liberating the slaves. Still I presume that Mr. Wilder will admit that the abolition of chattel slavery was unwinding the rope. So the declaration of the right of free thought was unwinding the rope. Any movement that will increase our freedom to trade where we please will be still unwinding the rope.

Of course we will not be satisfied with anything less than the whole length of the rope, which will give us all equal rights to natural opportunities. We do not ask or want freedom to treat our neighbors unjustly. We want them to have the same rights and privileges we ask for ourselves and no more.

J. G. MALCOLM.

The Cleveland Land and Labor Clubs—An Address by Dr. McGlynn.

Mr. John Benbow writes that Cleveland, O., has now three land and labor clubs, with lists of members increasing every week. Land and labor club No. 9 has elected Tom L. Johnson president, C. W. Whitmarsh vice president, M. Siemon secretary, and F. L. Carter treasurer. On January 11 Dr. McGlynn delivered his address on “The Cross of the New Crusade” at the Cleveland Music hall before 1,000 persons. The audience was composed of mechanics, clergymen, lawyers and a large number of business men. The speaker was introduced by W. S. Kerruish. The address produced a good effect in Cleveland. Arrangements were made by the clubs for a reply to the doctor by the Hon. R. G. Horr. Dr. Bates’s recent argument in opposition to the objects of the clubs had strengthened them, and the plan of hearing speakers on all sides of the question is recommended by the Cleveland upholders of the new crusade.

QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

How Long Will They be Content?

Peabody, Mass., Reporter. > > A hundred thousand people in New York becoming criminals and paupers, becoming a burden upon their fellow men, not from any fault of their own, but because there is no way for them to earn their own living; they are willing to work, but there is no work. Few there are who will not steal rather than starve; a father is not a father who will see his child pine away and die of hunger, while there is a bountiful supply around. It is impossible for a mother to allow her child to die of starvation if it lies in her power to prevent it, and this hundred thousand, two hundred thousand or more, are not suffering because of a famine, but because of the mismanagement, ignorance or indifference of the class in power. > > It is no use to talk philosophy or political economy to these men; they want bread, > must and will have bread: part will obtain it through crime, part through vagrancy. It is no use to talk of the magnificence of our government, the glories of our institutions when they are suffering for the necessaries of life; and what is true of the hundred thousand or more in New York is true of an equal per cent in all of our large cities. It is not confined to our cities; you will find these unemployed in every town and hamlet. > > It is not a hundred thousand, but it is a million; not one million, but millions. Is it any use to tell these men to be patient, not to listen to the teachings of anarchists, socialists, communists and nihilists when they see Goulds, Sages, Vanderbilts springing up all round? How long will this great middle class, this industrial class, patiently submit to the conspiracies resulting from consolidations on the one hand, and the millions of poor, ignorant, perhaps well meaning but unemployed people on the other? How long will the true brain and sinew of our country be content to see their money go to increase the wealth of the millionaires on the one hand while they are building jails and poor houses to be filled up with the paupers and criminals sent here from other lands? > > The state of affairs must cease, or it is anarchy in the full sense and force of the word.

p. 6, col. 5

TO A BOOKKEEPER.

It is amusing to hear you complain of the low salaries of bookkeepers, you who so often express contempt for what you call “the unreasonable demands of workingmen for better wages.” Have you never thought that wages are wages, whether paid to bookkeepers or cardrivers, and that calling your wages a “salary” does not remove it from the influence of the same conditions that make all wages higher or lower?

You are yourself a workingman and it is impossible for your wages to be very much higher or very much lower than the wages of other workingmen. Why don’t you think of this and inquire into the reasons for it? It is a simple matter. If something should turn up to make bookkeepers’ wages high. so many^sic people would leave other occupations to become bookkeepers that competition would bring bookkeepers’ wages down again. On the other hand, if bookkeepers’ wages should fall below wages in employments as easily learned so many bookkeepers would hunt for other employment that bookkeepers’ wages would rise again. You know this as well as I do, but you have never reasoned from it. Now that you think of it, do you not see that, considering the relative agreeableness of different employments and the difficulty of qualifying for them, there must always be a substantial equality of wages along the whole line of labor? Your complaint of the low salaries of bookkeepers, then, is only an echo of “the unreasonable demands of workingmen.” To you it has seemed that the world has a spite against bookkeepers, when the truth is that every one who works for a living has the same cause of complaint that you have.

And what do you suppose the cause is?

You may think, perhaps, it is too many bookkeepers; but that is a narrow notion, since any decrease in the number of bookkeepers sufficient to materially raise wages in your vocation would speedily draw recruits from other vocations. Is it, then, too many workingmen of all kinds? Yes; too many workingmen relatively to the opportunities for work which are open to them.

And now don’t you see that if there were unlimited opportunities for work in any vocation all wages would rise? Suppose there were more openings for bookkeepers than bookkeepers, would not bookkeepers’ wages go up? Of course. “But,” you may say, “so many people would then leave other vocations to become bookkeepers that competition would bring bookkeepers’ wages down again.” Yes, that is what would happen if the openings for bookkeepers were not practically unlimited; but if they were unlimited—if, no matter how many people learned bookkeeping the demand for bookkeepers kept ahead of the supply—bookkeepers’ wages would not fall; they would rise. And as bookkeepers’ wages rose, wages in other employments would rise too, or nobody would work at anything but bookkeeping.

Of course an unlimited demand for book- keepers is out of the question; but there are vocations in which opportunities for employment are unlimited. There is practically no limit to the natural materials for food, clothing, shelter, warmth and so on, that labor may take from the earth; nor is there any limit, short of an ample supply for every one, to the demands of mankind for such materials. In the employment of procuring these materials, then, no matter how many people engage in it, the demand for labor keeps ahead of the supply, and wages must rise; and as any increase in the supply of such materials makes greater demand for laborers to work them up into finished products, and to distribute them through the channels of commerce, and to keep accounts of the multifarious transactions, the demand for labor in every department of industry also keeps ahead of the supply and all wages must rise.

Wait a minute! I know what you want to say. You would like to remind me that an increase in the number of farmers tends to reduce the wages of farmers, and, therefore, it cannot be true that the demand for labor in the production of food materials, for ex- ample, keeps ahead of the supply. I admit it. You are quite right. But that is because opportunities for employment in farming are not unlimited.

Now, in saying, in one breath that opportunities for such employment are unlimited and in the next that they are not, I am not talking in riddles. What I mean, and what I want to impress upon you, is that by nature they are unlimited, and by law they are limited.

Nature offers unlimited opportunities for work. So long as these opportunities remain unlimited there will not be too many bookkeepers. As soon as there is an indication of crowding in any vocation the pressure is communicated along the line of industry until it is felt by laborers who produce raw materials; when these laborers feel it they readily find relief in new natural opportunities, and the relief which they obtain is communicated back along the the line of industry^sic. These natural opportunities therefore are the regulators of all wages.

This is so when natural opportunities for work, which are not in actual use, are readily accessible and free; but when they cannot be availed of except upon such conditions as a purchase price, a mortgage or lease burden, or a long journey to some sparsely settled region, the natural regulator of wages is thrown out of gear, and surplus labor, to which nature offers employment, is forced back upon other vocations. I do not mean that unemployed farm labor, when denied free access to natural opportunies^sic, goes to cities to compete for work at bookkeeping, nor that bookkeepers go to farming when natural opportunities are free; therefore do not tell me that you are no farmer and would be as badly off as now if farmers were as plenty as poverty. It would not be necessary for you to farm in order to enjoy the benefits of free farming opportunities. Relief from crowding at one point in the circle of industry implies relief at all points. Free opportunities for farming would lessen the number of farm hands seeking employers and increase the number of employers seeking farm hands; that would lessen the number of men seeking employers in all secondary occupations and increase the number of employers seeking men; these conditions would be in- tensified by the greater ability of every one to buy the product of others; and the general tendency would persist until human desire for labor products was wholly satisfied or natural opportunities ceased to be free.

If you think this over you will never be guilty of the foolishness of saying that bookkeepers are not interested in the question of free farming opportunities. But do not suppose that farming land alone offers unlimited employment. There are mining lands, and lumber lands, and water rights, and city lots, and a thousand and one other natural opportunities for labor which are not used, that are capable of supplying work without limit. Why are not these opportunities used? Now, you touch the heart of the question. Well, do you not see that as population increases in any locality these opportunities in that locality increase in value. Do you not also see that by buying at a low price and holding while population increases, the buyer can make a good deal of money without doing anything? To be sure, you do. That is precisely what others have seen, and they have acted upon it. Consequently you will find in

p. 6, col. 6 every community a great deal of unused land of different kinds upon which “surplus” labor might find employment. The reason it does not find employment there is because the price is so high that those who are out of work and have no money cannot get permission to use it, and those who have work and money would not, after paying the admission fee, be able to make any more than they make now. So the land is as useless to labor as if it were walled in or did not exist.

Is it necessary now to tell you what to do to make bookkeepers wages high? If I offer a suggestion will you think it over? Abolish all those taxes which now keep consumer and producer apart by increasing the price of commodities—taxes on houses, food, clothing and other things which every one wants and only labor produces, and collect all public revenues from the value of land. This would increase the demand for labor products by lessening prices to the extent of the tax thrown off; and by making it expensive to keep land out of use, it would make natural opportunities for supplying the demand freer than they are now. Having taken that step it would be a mere matter of detail to increase the tax on land values until all land that was not in actual use was wholly free. Then the impassable walls that separate labor from natural opportunities to labor would be gone, and with the relief from crowding that labor in all departments would experience, a bookkeeper, instead of wondering how to get a job, or how to keep the one he had, as bookkeepers do now, would be wondering whether to keep the job he had or to take another one that would be constantly open for him.

BARTHOLOMEW APPLEBY.

THAT LAND AT TEN CENTS AN ACRE.

Protecting Labor.

James Parton in the Forum.

> Can it be possible that orators of reputation will again have the effrontery to stand before assemblies of workingmen, and tell them that the protective system is a protection to them? Shall we again hear of the pauper labor of Europe as being the consequence of free trade, of which the continent of Europe knows nothing? As I write these lines I can hear the hum of a cotton mill, where the best hands, by working a long factory day, earn eight dollars a week; and if they object to the wages, the manufacturer has only to send across the Canada line for a few car loads of French Canadians to depress wages still lower. A tariff to protect those mill operatives would put the duty upon the Canadians, not on the cotton cloth. If cotton spinners are to be protected artificially and at the expense of their fellow citizens, we should stop the Canadians at the custom houses on the border, and put a thousand dollars duty upon every family. Here is an issue distinct and clear, which the republican party is willing to face. They say that it protects the working man more to put the duty upon the cloth than upon the Canadians. Let us respect their courage and imitate it. Let us say with equal distinctness to the workingmen of America that it is their true policy to admit both the cotton and the Canadian duty free.

The Way it Goes.

J. Bruce Wallace, M. A., in Limavady (Ireland) Brotherhood.

> There are vast areas of land in the united kingdom withdrawn from cultivation for the pleasure and sport of certain mostly unproductive persons. In Scotland alone 2,000,000 of acres, once occupied by an industrious, thrifty and contented peasantry, are now reserved for the grouse and the deer. And the people who ought to have been healthily and comfortably earning their subsistence on that land (such of them as have not been able to emigrate) are now competing with each other, often for starvation wages, in other country districts and in our congested towns, crowded together in noisome slums. If all the land were recognized as being, not the private property of this or the other gracious duke or noble lord, but (what it really is) the common property of the whole nation, the nation would not be so considerate of the savage sporting tastes of the aristocracy as to reserve that land for grouse and deer; it would have it peopled again with more precious inhabitants; those solitary hillsides and valleys would again resound with the hum of busy workers in the fields and with the ringing laugh of happy, healthy children.

TWO BROTHERS.

We were school boys together—John and Walter Hunt and I—at the little old school house in the village of W——.

I never knew two boys, to say nothing of two brothers, more unlike each other. The teacher used to say it was a case of extremes meeting—John, lazy, shiftless, always at the foot of the class; Walter, full of life and ambition, and leading his fellows in their studies. It was the same thing at home; John would sit baking himself by the fire for which Walter cut and carried in the wood. There wasn’t a farmer for miles around that didn’t shake his head when John’s name was mentioned, and prophesy that he would never come to any good.

As the two boys grew up, the difference in their characters became more strongly marked. Walter went to work on his father’s farm with such energy and to such good purpose that before he was twenty-one, the mortgage which had been Farmer Hunt’s rock ahead for half a generation, was paid off, and the productive power of the farm nearly doubled. As for John, when he wasn’t absolutely idle, his days were spent in hunting and fishing; and the only money he ever really earned was a few dollars for acting as guide to a naturalist who spent a summer in the vicinity.

Well, at last—it’s some fifteen years ago now—Mrs. Hunt died, and her husband. broken hearted, soon followed her. When the will was read it was found that everything was left to be divided equally between the two boys. There was some slight dispute about the division; but this was settled amicably by selling the farm and dividing the proceeds; and the two brothers, having turned all their belongings into cash, left W—— for the west. I, myself, soon after moved away, and for years I heard nothing more of my old school fellows.

Last week I spent an evening with an old resident of W——, chatting pleasantly of the old days when we were boys together, and calling up reminiscences of old school fellows and playmates. We had well nigh exhausted the catalogue of marriages and deaths, of fortunes and misfortunes, when at last I said:

“I wonder what ever became of the Hunt boys?”

“Why,” said my friend, “don’t you know? Why, I saw them both not a fortnight ago, out in ——. They’re doing well, too—’specially John. Why, John must be worth a quarter of a million at least.”

“And how is Walter doing?” I asked.

“Oh! Walter pegs along in the same old way, making a good living as a farmer.”

“Guess you’re a little mixed about those boys,” I said. “If either of them has made any money it must be Walter. John never had the industry and drive in him to make money. I never believed he would work hard enough to make the first hundred dollars.”

“And he never has,” replied my friend, “but he’s the rich one, nevertheless. But you see he didn’t make his money by hard work.”

“What do you mean?” I asked in some amazement. “You don’t mean to say he stole it?”

“Oh! not at all! He got it fairly enough—just had dumb luck, you see. The two boys bought farms about twenty miles apart, and for a time the luck all seemed to run Walter’s way. He worked hard, he made good crops and saved money, while John just fooled away his time and did nothing. Fact is, if it hadn’t been for John’s wife being a pretty likely kind of woman, who kept things together after a fashion, I reckon Mr. John would ’a starved.

“But while John was lazying around fishing and hunting, and letting his wife do all the work, the country was filling up, and at last the railroad came along. And, as luck would have it, the best place in the whole neighborhood for a depot was right in one corner of John Hunt’s farm.”

“I see,” said I, “I understand how he got his money now.”

“Just as easy as nothing at all,” said my friend. “First he sold a mill site on a creek that ran through his land, and then the town began to grow between that and the depot, and fellows just began begging John Hunt to sell them building lots, and—well you can guess all the rest. John Hunt lives in an elegant mansion nowadays, and people speak of him as a rare example of what can be done out west by industry. honesty and thrift^sic. It sounds kind o’ queer to folks that know what John Hunt really was.”

“And what about Walter?’ I asked.

“Oh! Walter’s only got what he earns himself. He hasn’t got a city full of people to work for him and pay him rent. Walter’s a good, honest, steady, hard working fellow, Walter is. But they don’t speak of him like they do of John out there. Because, you see, John’s got the money.”

W. C. WOOD, M. D.

THE ECONOMIC VALUE OF SOCIETY.

Washington Craftsman, Organ International Typographical Union.

One who has had any experience in pioneering can form some idea of the disadvantages under which a man labors who has cut loose from civilization and attempted to open up a new country far away from the co-operative agencies of his fellow men. Instead of stepping over the way to buy his groceries he may have to go fifty miles for them, camping out over night going and coming, as a pioneer once told us he had actually done for several years.

We have only to recall the story of Robinson Crusoe to see how helpless the most intelligent business man is when isolated from others. The various trades and useful occupations have developed simply because no one man can do everything he wants done by his own individual efforts. Experience proves that the division of labor is a means of saving labor—a process by which a given amount of labor will produce the greatest result. This being true, it necessarily follows that man’s home should always be in the midst of society, where he can have the benefits of co-operation with his fellow men. These truths are so well recognized that they constitute the very axioms of political economy, and without them political economy could have no place in our literature.

There is another proposition of political p. 7, col. 2 economy which is also fundamental, and without the admission of which its conclusions would be worthless. It is this: Other things being equal, men will naturally congregate where they can make their labor most productive. Now, if we bring together these two propositions, that men can make their labor most productive when closely associated, and that they naturally seek to live where their labor is most productive, how, upon the admission of these truths, can we account for the fact that the people of this country are scattered over such a vast extent of territory? What could have induced the man to establish his home fifty miles away from the nearest grocery? Why should he, for fifteen or twenty years, abandon the advantages of civilization if civilization is desirable? Do you imagine he went there to get land? He did. But there were at that time hundreds of thousands of acres of land just as good as he selected lying vacant and idle much nearer his former home, and in the immediate vicinity of the grocery to which he had to go fifty miles to get his supplies. Why did he not take some of these lands instead of going so far away? It is the old story: These lands had been given away by the government to a few gentlemen who had no use for them, except to hold them until pioneers enough came along hunting places to give these lands a value that would induce the gentlemen enjoying the privilege of holding them to part with their privilege.

However, our pioneer went so far beyond the speculators and so far away from civilization that he found some land for which there was no competition, and therefore no rent value or price. The government gave him the privilege of taking a farm there for about $25. When we saw him society had developed around him, and it would now cost another pioneer to get a farm of the same kind in that neighborhood, without a stroke of improvement upon it, about $2,500. The difference between $25 and $2,500 is the price the second pioneer would have to pay for the privilege of living in society. If he has not accumulated enough to pay this he must do as the first pioneer did—get out of society if he would enjoy the privilege of “owning” a part of this planet. Or he may adopt the alternative of remaining in society and paying the land owners a part of his wages for the privilege of living on their land. The price of this privilege is called rent. The power by which one man can charge another rent for land is a gift or grant from government. In this case of the pioneer the gift can be enjoyed only by first abandoning society and the advantages of civilization and undergoing all the sacrifice involved in years of isolation, loneliness and hardship. But not so with the wealthy speculator. He is permitted to own land for the sole purpose of forcing the real pioneer, the actual settler, to pay a high price for it or submit to the alternative of going further into the wilderness, while the speculator luxuriates in large cities and enjoys all the advantages of civilization. Thus we see that while political economists universally agree that men can be most useful to each other when associated together in society, government is constantly giving to one set of men a power which enables them to remain in society and compels others to either abandon society or pay to those whom government has given the privilege of owning all the land to which society or the immediate prospect of society gives a value.

This accounts for the scattering of our population over such a vast extent of territory in the country, on the one hand, and the overcrowding of our cities by the wretches who are too poor to scatter, on the other. Either political economists are wrong in saying that there is an economic value in society and the division of labor, or landlordism is wrong, because it drives labor away from society in the hope of finally profiting by the privilege of landlordism elsewhere, or so completely brutalizes it by poverty as to render it less effective.

If society causes rent, and rent expresses the value of society to the individual, it certainly ought not to require a very great effort of reasoning to see that the individual should pay his rent to society for the common benefit, instead of to landlords for their exclusive benefit. This course is especially suggested by the fact that it would relieve labor of all the various forms of indirect taxation by which it is now oppressed, and effect a change in the distribution of wealth that would make a decent democracy possible.

PRACTICAL WORK IN TEXAS.

POSTAL TELEGRAPH.

Several bills have recently been offered in congress prescribing remedies for the telegraph service of the country. One proposes a system of lines to be constructed, owned and operated by the government on a financial basis that shall be simply self-supporting; another proposes that the government purchase existing lines, and a third places telegraph companies under the control of the interstate commerce commission. It is almost needless to say that the first of these propositions is the only one that deserves serious consideration if reform is really intended. The telegraph ring would be well satisfied to unload its water soaked stock upon the government, while the men who “earn an honest living” by pulling wires between corporations and politicians would prefer the commerce commission plan; but the postal plan alone will change the telegraph from a racket ball of speculation into a genuine public service.

It is a common objection that a postal telegraph under the control of partisan employes would be dangerous. Curiously enough, this objection is urged most strenuously by people whose chief visible means of support is the management of partisan patronage—the very people who are fighting, tooth and nail, in season and out of season, openly and secretly, against any reform in the civil service that has a tendency to diminish the power of patronage. Why they should object to an enlargement of the field of patronage and an increase of the power and profits of those who manipulate it, can only be inferred, and the inference is that telegraph patronage is to the manipulator more profitable in the hands of corporations than it would be under the control of a postal department fettered with civil service rules. It is an uncharitable inference to be sure; but as patronage “bosses” are candid enough to make no pretense of possessing any such virtue as public spirit, except as a commodity, charity would be wasted on them.

In sympathy with the patronage boss in opposition to a postal telegraph to be constructed by the government is the corporation magnate who now owns the telegraph. But his sympathy proceeds from a different motive, and his measure of reform is of a different kind. While the patronage boss wholly opposes a postal telegraph because it would cut off the connection between him and rich corporations, and wishes to retain the institution where it is, the corporation magnate is not wholly opposed to the postal telegraph, but only to its construction by the government, because he knows he can make more money by selling out at high water mark than by retaining control under the guardianship of his political patrons.

The truth is that the present system is more corruptly managed by the corporations than even a corrupt administration would manage it, and that the corrupt corporations breed corruption in the departments and congress. This will be so as long as a great public institution p. 7, col. 4 like the telegraph is left to the tender manipulation of private greed. Opposed to both “boss” and magnate are the people at large, who are anxious to add the benefits of telegraphy to an efficient mail service.

LOUIS F. POST.

THE LAND QUESTION IN NEW MEXICO.

Nogal, Lincoln County, New Mexico Nugget.

The land question is the great and absorbing question in New Mexico. This territory is not like the eastern states, where almost every acre of land can be cultivated profitably. Our arable lands constitute at present much the smallest portion of the territory.

By means of the land grant claims and fraudulent entries the larger portion of the best lands in New Mexico has passed into the hands of the wealthy. These men do not need the land for actual occupation; they have acquired it for speculative purposes. Such a condition of affairs does not argue well for our future prosperity. The Rio Grande valley is taken up by land grants from the north line of the territory to the Texas line. The Raton mountains and nearly all the valuable agricultural lands lying south and east of Raton is claimed by grant cormorants. The Taos country, Las Vegas, Santa Fe, Albuquerque, Socorro, Las Cruces and other desirable portions of New Mexico are all included in old Spanish grants. Some of these grants have been confirmed and others are seeking confirmation.

What is going to be the condition of the laboring class of New Mexico when absolute title to all these vast bodies of land is secured to the wealthy individuals claiming them? The newspapers answer this question by saying that unexampled prosperity will be the result. The grant claimants are constantly howling that the development of New Mexico is retarded on account of the unsettled conditions of land titles; and Governor Ross has now joined in the cry, and has appointed a “commission” to proceed to congress and urge that body to confirm these claims and thus make New Mexico prosperous!

Prosperous!

Is Ireland prosperous?

Is the English farmer prosperous?

Is the highlands of Scotland prosperous?

In all these countries, the great body of the land is held by a few wealthy men; what hope have we that our condition will be better than theirs when “our large land grants” have been patented to the claimants?

The arrogance and oppressive measures of the claimants toward the poor farmer, even now while the “titles are unsettled,” is convincing proof of the course they would pursue after their titles are made absolute.

In this territory American citizens are harassed and worried by large and wealthy land owners simply because they attempt to exercise their undoubted right to make homes on the public domain—on land which no grant fiend claims; the attitude of said fiends toward men who presume to encroach upon their fraudulent claims can easily be imagined.

A large proportion of the citizens of New Mexico are notoriously known to be peons to these grant claimants to-day. They are practically enslaved to the rich. No one pretends to deny this. It is one of the standard arguments against the admission of this territory as a state; yet Governor Ross and the newspapers are howling that congress shall confirm all the grants in order that a larger proportion of the population may be peoned!

Whatever men may believe as to the future of New Mexico, all past experience of the human race teaches that when the land of a nation or state has passed into the hands of the few, practical enslavment^sic of the laboring classes has resulted. Until it is shown that such peonage has resulted from some other cause than the robbery of the people of their homes the world is justified in ascribing human slavery to that cause. As long as a man owns his home he is independent. Take that away from him and the rent will soon bring him to vassalage and peonage. To prevent men from acquiring homes is as bad as to take their homes already acquired away from them. The result is the same—grinding poverty and degradation.

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Address HENRY GEORGE,

25 Ann Street, New York.

[Advertisement] Heaven and Hell,

HEAVEN AND HELL,

From things heard and seen by Emanuel Swedenborg. Cheap edition, paper, fifteen cents, postpaid. This work unfolds the laws of the spiritual world and describes the condition of both good and evil men after death. It treats, among other things, of the sun of heaven and the light and heat thence proceeding, of the garments and habitations of the angels, their government, worship, occupations, conjugal relations, etc., of the state of the heathen and young children, of the rich and poor, and of the wise and simple in heaven.

Intercourse Between the Soul and the Body, paper, five cents; and all other writing of Swedenborg^sic and of New Church authors. Catalogue free. Address New Church Board of Publication, Room 20, Cooper Union, New York.

J. C. JACKSON, Business Manager.

[Advertisement] Anti-Poverty Doctrines in a Nutshell.

ANTI-POVERTY DOCTRINES IN A NUTSHELL.

Thirty pamphlets on various phases of the social problem. The question of the hour. All should understand it. Will be sent post paid on receipt of fifteen cents in stamps, or will be sent free to any one sending twenty-five cents for six months’ subscription to the Tax Reformer, a sixteen page journal. Address, ANTI-POVERTY PRESS, 184 William st., New York.

[Advertisement] Henry George’s Solution of the Labor Problem (Pentecost)

HENRY GEORGE’S SOLUTION

OF THE LABOR PROBLEM.

WHY I PREACHED ON IT.

by

HUGH O. PENTECOST,

Minister to the Belleville Avenue Congregational Church in Newark, N. J.

A sixteen-page pamphlet. Price 5 cents.

Sent by mail on receipt of price. Address as above.

[Advertisement] $5.00 Labor Library

$5.00 LABOR LIBRARY.—30 STANDARD works by 24 authors—Marx, Darwin, Spencer, Huxley, Krupotkin, [Reclus?], Hyndman, Gronlund, Bebel, Annie Besant, Lassalle, Bradlaugh, George. Speeches of anarchists and trial, etc., bound in 3 vols.; cloth, $5; postpaid, $5.50. Complete list mailed free.

MODERN PRESS, 250 1-2 Bowery, New York.

[Advertisement] Just Out. An Account of the George-Hewitt Campaign.

JUST OUT.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE GEORGE-HEWITT CAMPAIGN.

By Louis F. Post and Fred. C. Leubuscher.

1 vol., paper covers. Price, 20 cents.

Address HENRY GEORGE & CO., 25 Ann street, New York.

[Advertisement] The Single Tax.

THE SINGLE TAX. Special editions of ready-printed newspapers containing current Single Tax reading matter. All sizes; low prices. UNION PRINTING CO., 15 Vandewater street, New York.

[Advertisement] German Tracts.

GERMAN TRACTS.

ISSUED IN THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.

NOW READY.

No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error^sic.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish.) H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.

Prices, free by mail: 2-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $4.25.

Four-page tracts—25 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 25 cents; 1,000 copies, $2; 5,000 copies, $8.50.

Eight-page tracts—25 copies, 20 cents; 100 copies, 50 cents; 1,000 copies, $4; 5,000 copies, $17.

Other numbers in preparation. Address

HENRY GEORGE, 25 Ann street, New York.

p. 7, col. 6

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

[Advertisement] The Land and Labor Library.

THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.—We are now publishing under the title of “The Land and Labor Library” a series of short tracts on various phases of the social problem. These pamphlets contain facts, figures and arguments expressed in concise, vigorous language easily understood. As a means of propaganda we recommend them to all who desire to help on the movement for social reform. Those who wish to have these tracts placed where they will do good but who are unable personally to attend to their distribution, can remit the price to us, as we have every facility for sending them where they are needed and will be read.

The following have already appeared:

No. 1. “First Principles.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 2. “Land and Taxation.” A conversation between David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages. No. 3. “The Right to the Use of the Earth.” By Herbert Spencer. 4 pages. No. 4. “A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty.” A sermon by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost of Newark, N. J. 2 pages. No. 5. “A Sum in Proportion.” By T. L. McCready. 2 pages. No. 6. “The Settler’s Nightmare.” By Louis F. Post. 4 pages. No. 7. “New York’s Docks: The True Mode of Raising Revenue.” By. J. W. Sullivan^sic. 4 pages. No. 8. “Unemployed Labor.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 9. “Voices for Reform.” 2 pages. No. 10. “A Mysterious Disappearance.” By Lewis Freeland. 6 pages. No. 11. “How to Increase Profits.” By A. J. Steers. 2 pages. No. 12. “The American Farmer.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 13. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 14. “The Collegiate Church and the Shoemaker’s Field.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 15. “Only a Dream.” By Abner C. Thomas. 4 pages. No. 16. “The Anti-Poverty Society.” Dr. McGlynn’s address at the first meeting. 8 pages. No. 17. “The Cross of the New Crusade.” A poem. By David Rorty. 2 pages. No. 18. “It is the Law of Christ.” By Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 19. “My Landlord. By John Jones^sic. 4 pages. No. 20.”Thou Shalt Not Steal.” An address by Henry George before the Anti-Poverty Society. [8?] pages. No. 21. “Christianity and Poverty.” An address by Father Huntington before the Anti-poverty society. 4 pages. No. 22. “Poverty and Christianity.” An address by Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the Anti-poverty society. 8 pages. No. 23. “The Single Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 24. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 1. 4 pages. No. 25. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 2. 4 pages. No. 26. “Religion vs. Robbery.” Address by Rev. Dr McGlynn before the New York Anti-poverty society June 12, 1887. 8 pages. No. 27. “Back to the Land.” Bishop Nulty’s letter to the clergy and laity of his diocese. 16 pages. Price, 5 cents. No. 28. “Anti-Slavery and Anti-Poverty.” An address by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the New York Anti-Poverty Society, June 19. 8 pages. No. 29. “Tenement House Morality.” Rev. J. O. S. Huntington in the Forum. 4 pages. No. 30. “The Case Plainly Stated.” A speech by H. F. Ring before the Knights of Labor at Houston, Texas. 8 pages. No. 31. “Questions and Answers.” Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson of the Sixty-first street M. E. church of New York; with answers by Henry George. 2 pages. No. 32. “Objections to the Land Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 33. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 34. “Horse Sense.” W. C. Woods. 2 pages. No. 35. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 36. “Citycus and Rusticus.” Tudor S. Jenks. 4 pages. No. 37. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pp. No. 38. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 39. “What We Want.” Everett Glackin, president Typographical Union No. 6. 2 pages. No. 40. “Protection or Free Trade.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. (German.) 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” (German.) Henry George 4 pages^sic. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. (German.) Henry George. 4 pages. No. 44.”How John’s Father Saw the Light.” W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages. 45. Platform of the United Labor Party^sic. 2 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” (German.) Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” (German.) Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (German). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 49. “The Distribution of Wealth.” Thomas G. Shearman. 16 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” (German.) Henry George. No. 51. “Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers.” Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” (German.) Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 54. “What the United Labor Party Want.” Henry George. 2 pages. No. 55. “Stories for Farmers.” 4 pages. No. 56. “Electoral Reform.” A. T. Rice. 4 pages. No. 57. “Protection as a Universal Need.” Henr George^sic. 4 pages. No. 58. “To a College Professor.” Bartholomew Appleby. 4 pages. No. 59. “Before a Royal Commission.” W. A. Douglass. 4 pages. No. 60. “The Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 61, “A Practical Illustration.” Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages. No. 62. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 63, “American Protection and British Free Trade.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 64. “Hints as to What You Can Do.” Henry George. 4 pages.

Prices, free by mail: 2-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $4.25.

Four-page tracts—25 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 25 cents; 1,000 copies, $2; 5,000 copies, $8.50.

Six-page tracts—25 copies, 15 cents; 100 copies, 37 cents; 1,000 copies, $3: 5,000 copies^sic, $12.75.

Eight-page tracts—25 copies, 20 cents; 100 copies 50 cents; 1,000 copies, $4; 5,000 copies, $17.

Twelve-page tract —25 copies, [30?] cents; 100 copies, 75 cents; 1,000 copies, $6; 5,000 copies, $22.50.

Sixteen-page tracts—25 copies, 40 cents; 100 copies, $1; 1,000 copies, $8; 5,000 copies, $34.

Other numbers in preparation.

Address HENRY GEORGE, 25 Ann st., New York City.

[Advertisement] The Democrat.

THE DEMOCRAT.

A RADICAL REVIEW MONTHLY.

The Democrat advocates Land Resumption and those reforms which are necessary to make the English people a free people. It asks “compensation” not for those who have benefited by unjust legislation, but for those who have suffered thereby.

For one dollar the Democrat is supplied for 18 months to any address in the United States or Canada.

Address 5 New Bridge street, London, E. C.

[Notice] United Labor Party

UNITED LABOR PARTY—Citizens of t[he?] following named states who indorse the pr[inci?]ples of the United Labor Party and desire to lend [effec?]tive aid in the movement, are requested to communicate with the State Organizers of their respective states, as follows: [ends of the first lines faded/damaged at right edge]

California—Judge James G. Maguire, San Francisco. Connecticut—Robert Pyne, 284 Asylum st., Hartford. Eastern Pennsylvania—Henry George club, box 190, Philadelphia. Indiana—Warren Worth Bailey, Vincennes. Kentucky—Land and Labor Club No. 1, box 406, Cincinnati. Louisiana—Jere. J. Sullivan, 705 Fulton street, New Orleans. Massachusetts (Berkshire county)—F. Harvey Lincoln, box 115, Zylonite. Maryland—T. H. Garside, 1507 West Lexington street, Baltimore. Minnesota—Central Committee, United Labor Party, 42 Third st. south, Minneapolis. New York—John McMackin, 28 Cooper Union, New York city. Ohio—Land and Labor Club No. 1, box 99, Cincinnati. South Carolina—Benjamin Adams, Charleston. West Tennessee, Eastern Arkansas and Northern Mississippi—Land and Labor Club No. 2. Rooms, 9 and 10, Cotton Exchange, Memphis, Tenn.

[Notice] Illinois.

ILLINOIS.—Readers of the “Standard” in the state of Illinois, and all others interested in the great principles it advocates, are requested to send names and addresses to W. H. Van Ornum, president of land and labor club No. 1, Room 63, 170 Madison street, Chicago, with a view to effecting some plan of organization for the state. Persons in Chicago not already members of land and labor clubs, as well as secretaries of such organizations, are especially requested t[o] write.

[Notice] All Readers of The Standard (First Assembly District, Albany)

ALL READERS OF THE STANDARD IN favor of a united labor party in the First assembly district, composing the First, Second, Third, Fourth and Fifteenth wards, also the counties and towns included in the district will please send their names and addresses to the undersigned, for the purpose of organizing the district thoroughly. JOS. H. ROSHIRT, President First assembly district, united labor party, 22 Third avenue, Albany, N. Y.

[Notice] 23rd Assembly District

23RD ASSEMBLY DISTRICT MEETS every Monday evening. German speaking members every Tuesday evening at Vincent hall, 1897 Third avenue, corner 105th street. Open every evening for enrollment of members. Thursday and Saturday evenings free debates of the Progress and Poverty club

[Notice] Voters of Maryland

VOTERS OF MARYLAND WHO ARE desirous to aid in propagating the principles of the united labor party, as set forth in the New York platform, adopted at Syracuse, Aug. 19 are requested to send their names and addresses to

JOHN SALMON, 415 N. Eutaw st., Baltimore, Md.

PUBLISHER’S NOTES.

Inclosed find list of five subscribers to THE STANDARD with postoffice order for same. These are all new men; and I hope to be able to send you some more in a short time.

One north side club is doing remarkably well. The anti-poverty society had its first meeting last Sunday evening and was well attended.

DENIS MINOGUE.

BELLEVUE, Ia.—I send the money to keep up my subscription to THE STANDARD. My wants are many and my means are small, but I have put aside some of wants that I may continue^sic taking the best newspaper in the world. You go to the bottom of all our trouble, and I hope you will have a great circulation.

My opinion is that we should run a national ticket by all means. It will bring about discussion that would not otherwise be provoked.

PATRICK PRANDY.

TORONTO, Can.—Under the guidance of Mr. Cartwright of the central society we have to-night organized the “West End anti-poverty society^sic, and I have been instructed to send for a few of your tracts. Inclose find $3 for which please forward a supply of Nos. [5?], 7, 8, 10, 13, 18, 23, 27 and 30.

D. HENDERSON. Sec. pro tem.

CHICAGO, Ill.—Inclosed find post office order for my subscription to THE STANDARD for another year. It has become indispensable to me.

THOMAS J. CANTY.

SCRANTON, Pa.—At the request of ten Lehigh valley mining slaves, who have contributed ten cents each for the purpose, I send herewith $1 for a six months’ subscription to that national educator, THE STANDARD.

G—— ——.

KANSAS CITY, Mo.—“To those who, seeing the vice and misery that spring from the unequal distribution of wealth and privilege, feel the possibility of a higher social state and would strive for its attainment,” your appeals are irresistible.

I inclose $2, for which send me one copy each of “Progress and Poverty” and “Protection or Free Trade?” cheap editions; and dispose of the remainder as you please. Hereafter I will make regular monthly contributions to THE STANDARD office, and do everything within my limited means to accelerate the reformation you are working for. Too much cannot be said in support of THE STANDARD. It is in every respect worthy of its mission, and it would be a hard task to find a more able and consistent paper.

WM. J. MAHONEY.

CADILLAC, Mich.—I have told my neighbor, a newsdealer, that if he will order and keep on sale three copies of THE STANDARD I will take what he has left at the end of each week. I suppose I ought to loan my STANDARD to my neighbors more than I have done; but I like to keep the paper for reference. It seems to me to be more of a magazine or cyclopædia than a newspaper.

J. —— ——.

Inclosed find list of four subscribers and remittance. I cannot help but do my best for THE STANDARD, for I believe it to be my duty.

JOHN A. ROOST.

PANA, Ill.—Having read THE STANDARD for a year I can say that it exactly fills the bill. After investigating the “labor question” from a greenback standpoint for several years the reading of “Progress and Poverty” was like a revelation to me. I often wonder why all old greenbackers do not have the same experience. They see the injustice of monopoly, yet continue to overlook the greatest of all monopolies.

S. C. REESE.

RAVENSWOOD, Ill.—I like the recruit subscription plan, and shall endeavor to use it myself as largely as my means will permit, and try to induce our clubs to do the same. I shall hold meetings in the country where circumstances are favorable, and seek more to induce people to study out the thing for themselves than to try to explain everything myself. I have an idea that inquirers can be induced to pay fifteen cents themselves for THE STANDARD, and in that way, together with a liberal use of tracts, we can reach many more than our own means would otherwise enable us to. I start out on the road about Feb. 10, and shall make Elgin, Ill., a kind of headquarters for a while, during which time I am in hopes to get a good working club there. I know that there has yet been found no means so effective for spreading the gospel as THE STANDARD, and for that reason I shall push it to the utmost.

W. H. VAN ORNUM.

CEDAR FALLS, Ia.—I inclose postal note for following list of recruit subscribers and also a copy of “Protection or Free Trade?”

Although not yet twenty years old, I have read “Progress and Poverty” three times, besides reading “The Land Question,” “Social Problems,” “Property in Land,” and about thirty of the land and labor tracts. I have been taking THE STANDARD from our newsdealer for the past eight weeks, and the more I read on this most vital question, the more I want to read. Not a single day passes that I do not get into an argument with some one; and one by one we are gathering recruits under the cross of the new crusade.

About six of us that are interested in this cause are going to hold our first meeting within a day or two and try and form a land and labor and capital club. We must not turn a cold shoulder to capital, which should be an efficient partner of labor. Having enlisted for life in this cause you will hear from me again.

FRANK MCNALLY.

AUBURN, Me.—The only thing that I take any interest in outside of my family is the grand and glorious cause advocated by THE STANDARD.

I am a working man with a large family to support, and am obliged to deny myself all luxuries in order to get the bare necessaries of life; therefore the lack of money prevents me from doing all that I would like to, but all the time that I can spare, and more than I can spare, is and ever will be devoted to this cause. In a week or so I shall send another club, and I hope a much larger one than before.

And I wish to say in regard to THE STANDARD that it is one of the luxuries that I must and will have, in fact it is one of the necessaries of life to me. I do not consider it a newspaper but an educator. A bundle of STANDARDS placed in the hands of the statue of Liberty would have been much more appropriate than a torch. But better than that will be to place one in the hands of every man in the United States, and I will do my part of the work required joyfully.

W. E. JACKSON.

So they come to us, day by day, the renewals and the new subscriptions, and the orders for books and tracts, and the enthusiastic words of cheer and commendation—not perhaps so thick or fast as we should like to see them if we could have everything our own way, but thick enough and fast enough to assure us that THE STANDARD has made for itself during the first year of its existence a host of sincere and earnest friends, who not only mean to keep on taking the paper themselves, but take sufficient interest in its success to persuade their neighbors to do likewise.

The STANDARD readers, a good many of them at least, realize that this is their paper, in a peculiar sense; a weapon, ready to their hands, for the advancement of the great principle whose triumph they are longing for. They seek to get subscribers to THE STANDARD, not so much because they admire it as because they love the cause THE STANDARD advocates. They use it on their friends through the recruit subscriptions; they send it flying through the mails by means of the recruiting fund; and when they once get a man or woman fairly committed to reading it, they rejoice with certainty over a recruit to the new crusade.

John Smith, is this the way you look upon THE STANDARD? Is this the way you work with it, and for it?

———

These are our terms for subscriptions to THE STANDARD:

p. 8, col. 2

One subscription, one year, . . . . $2 50 One subscription, six months, . . . 1 25 One subscription, three months, . . . 63

Three or more subscriptions:

One year, each, . . . . . . . . . . $2 00 Six months, each, . . . . . . . . . 1 00 Three months, each, . . . . . . . . 50

After the first club of three has been sent, subsequent subscriptions may be forwarded at the same reduced rates.

Recruit subscriptions, for four weeks, will be received, singly or in clubs to different addresses at fifteen cents each.

———

Not all the letters that come to us, however, bring subscriptions or renewals. Once in a while we get a sharp letter of disapproval, or a curt request to stop the paper. Two such letters are before us now—an unusually high average for the week. The first is from a town in Canada, sent by a person for whom one of our friends of the Toronto anti-poverty society ordered a recruit subscription.

Your letter is received asking for subscription to THE STANDARD. I have not ordered the paper. Supposed it must have been sent me by a friend. Never think of [reading?] it or even opening it; and shall be [exceedingly?] obliged if you will cease sending it.

Well, we are sorry for our Canadian correspondent, and sorry, too, that our Toronto friend’s money should have been spent to so little purpose. But if a man doesn’t want to read THE STANDARD he has a perfect right to refuse to do so; and we wouldn’t force him to it, even if we could. His mind is, for a time at least, an utterly barren soil, on which any amount of seed may be thrown without the slightest chance that any of it will take root. Such men, when by any accident the shell of their prejudice is once broken, often become the most ardent of converts. Meantime, the cause can afford to wait for them, and, if need be, to do without them altogether.

But the second letter is altogether a different one. Here it is in full:

Y. M. C. A., JOHNSTOWN, N. Y.—Mr. Editor, I have returned THE STANDARD once, but I find I must request you by letter not to send your paper to this association. You doubtless find some foolish enough to be captivated by your arguments, not seeing that you want office and stir up confusion and dissatisfaction. You will oblige us by not sending your paper.

EXECUTIVE BOARD.

The executive board of the Young men’s Christian association of Johnstown, N. Y., appears to be rather a despotic person. He assumes a right of censorship over the Christian young men who are not executive boards, but only common every day Christians, which is, may we say, just a little at variance, not only with Christianity, but with ordinary social decency. A gentleman, anxious that the members of the Young men’s Christian association of Johnstown should have an opportunity of learning something concerning a movement that is enlisting the sympathies of many of the best and purest men of to-day, subscribed for the THE STANDARD^sic on behalf of the association. Unfortunately, however, he neglected asking permission of the executive board. Probably he never thought of doing it—ignorantly assuming that he was sending the paper to an association of young men, and not to a class of political and religious infants whose literature must be examined and stamped correct by an executive board which speaks of itself as “I.”

THE STANDARD will continue to be sent to the Young men’s Christian association of Johnstown until the end of the period paid for. If the association continues to permit their executive board to treat the well meant courtesy of a friend with boorish disdain we cannot help it.

———

A correspondent sends us a slip of paper without date or signature on which he protests against the publication of names and addresses in the columns of THE STAND[ARD?] and says he has several times been on the point of sending news of interest, but the fear lest his name and address should appear in print has deterred him. “I can’t see,” he says, “what possible good the publication of the names can do; and I can see that in very many cases it may be followed by very disagreeable results for the writers of the letters.”

Our correspondent, and all who like him are deterred from writing to THE STANDARD by a fear lest their names appear in print, have a very simple remedy. It is only necessary for them to state in their letters that they do not wish their names to appear and their wishes will be strictly respected. As for why we prefer to print names whenever possible the following letter illustrates at least one very good reason. It is from a railway official:

———.—Inclosed find post office order for $2.50, for which send me THE STANDARD for one year. I called at two book stores in this city, about 9:30 a. m. to-day, and found they had sold every STANDARD. One of the proprietors directed his clerk to order more copies at once. It is not ninety days since one of these men told me he was “stuck” on THE STANDARD every week and was pleased to find it so, as he was bitterly opposed to the principles it expounded. I forced him to admit that he had not investigated them. This is the way with every man I have ever talked with or heard talk against the principles of THE STANDARD. Pin them down and nine times out of ten you will find they don’t know what they are kicking against, and have never read anything about it only what they see in the daily papers. It is unfortunate that a man’s vote who does not think counts as much as the vote of one who does his own thinking. I have converted a real estate dealer in this city. He had heard Mr. George lecture here about a year ago and failed to “catch on.” I was looking at some property with him one day when I brought up the subject. He at once commenced to “kick” in the usual style. After he got out of breath I managed to suggest that he was on a wrong track—that he did not understand what Mr. George was aiming at. He thought he did, and so we parted. A few days after I received a package of tracts from the Anti-poverty society and sent about ten of them by mail to the real estate agent, who is a stranger to me, so to speak, as I have been in this city only a few months. Judge of my surprise at receiving a letter from him in about ten days admitting that he “saw the cat.”

Should you publish any part of this letter you must not mention the location or any names, nor must my name appear in any shape in print. It is pretty tough that in our boasted free America a man whose ancestors fought to establish this government of and for the people should be compelled to keep his sentiments and views on political economy to himself for fear that the bread will be taken out of his children’s mouths; but so it is, nevertheless.

——— ———.

It is “pretty tough.” It is a thing to make Americans hide^sic their faces that under our government “of the people, by the people and for the people” a man who

p. 8, col. 3 honestly desires to see a great wrong righted, to see the law of equal justice for all men established, should be compelled to shrink from a public avowal of his principles lest the bread should be taken from his children’s mouths. But suppose that from the city in which this free born American lives who dare not assert his birthright—suppose that from other towns and cities along the line of the —— railroad scores of letters should appear in THE STANDARD signed by men fortunate enough to have less exacting masters, or no masters at all, wouldn’t that do much to help our friend to liberty of speech?

The principle which we are striving to establish is so radiant with truth that no one can really see it without embracing it. Men have reviled it, sneered at it, pretended to deny it; but no man has ever yet stated it fully and plainly, and then said, “This is not so.” And this is what gives us our security of victory. All we have to do is to get men to look: they can’t look long without seeing. And there is no surer way to draw men’s attention to our cause, to make them consider the reform we are advocating, than by letting them see that men whom they know and respect are devoted to it.

STANDARD readers, bear these things in mind. Avow the faith that is in you as often and as publicly as possible. Write to THE STANDARD; write to your local papers; write to your friends; discuss the single tax at every opportunity. For by doing these things you will set men to thinking; and when once that is done, our triumph will be near at hand.

———

> NEW YORK CITY.—THE STANDARD pleases me immensely each week. I want to “chip in” with Edward Griffiths and his friend to help send the good news among the miners, according to his suggestion in this week’s STANDARD. Should it fail to be carried out, please drop the inclosed five dollars for it in the recruiting fund. > > A VOLUNTEER.

Well, STANDARD readers, what do you say to carrying out Mr. Griffith’s proposition^sic? His idea was that while the coal strike is going on the miners have ample time for reading and are moreover peculiarly disposed by circumstances to the consideration of economic questions, and that it would be a good plan to send a colporteur among them to distribute tracts and STANDARDS. Mr. Griffiths inclosed $2 for this purpose, which, with “A Volunteer’s” contribution, makes $7 altogether. It is for you to say whether the thing shall be done or not. If you wish it done send in your money.

———

The receipts for the recruiting fund have been:

S. B. Rigger…………………….. $5 00 ’Ammer ’ammer ’ammer……………… 2 00 Georgean………………………… 30 Wm. J. Mahoney…………………… 1 30 S. C. Reeves…………………….. 30 George Croser……………………. 1 87 Oswald Earp……………………… 87 H. S. R…………………………. 5 00

Total for the week……………….. $16 64 Previously acknowledged……………$2,026 07

Total to date…………………….$2,042 71

———

OUR CHILDREN.

Janet E. Ruutz-Rees in The Epoch.

Facts are terribly impressive things. There are in our city twenty-four thousand child workers. What a satire upon our boasted civilization!

Out of these twenty-four thousand children only nine thousand are protected by the factory act, and it is no secret that the law is very easily evaded, and that of these nine thousand the majority have yet to see their twelfth birthday. But no law reaches, or ever will reach, the army of child workers in our city. The sole protector is public opinion. As long as humanity and brotherly love can look on and see the true state of affairs without a shudder, so long will our little ones be sacrificed to that tyrannical despot—Modern Mammon.

What does the inquirer find to be the age of the youngest earner in New York city? In a tobacco factory a baby of five years old was found side by side with an old grandmother, engaged in stripping leaves, and in later revelations it was clearly shown that “protected” childhood begins its work, in the most enlightened country in the world, at the mature age of four.

Is it any wonder that the mothers of working children thank God when they bury them? What is the later development of a baby likely to be who at five years of age is earning a modicum of the family support, and who at ten has “sewn on millions of buttons!” These cases, public opinion urges, are rare. No, they are not rare; and, if they were, it would be no excuse for us, for they ought to be impossible.

Pleas for cash girls and boys have been made before. We talk of our early closing movements, of our holiday and Saturday afternoons, but how many of us stop to inquire into the actual experience of the children in the crowded stores?

Shopping one day in one of the great west side emporiums, my change was brought to to me^sic so expeditiously by a bright faced little maiden that I put some trifling question to her, and a conversation ensued which was very suggestive. I asked her at what time she reached home in the evening?

“Oh, in holiday week it’s going on twelve most nights. You see, m’m, we don’t close up till half-past nine, and then there’s putting away and getting off, and I live out at Kingsbridge, you know.”

“What time are you here in the morning?”

“Half-past seven, sharp, if I don’t want to be fined.”

“How much do you make?”

“Three dollars a week, if I’m real smart. You see, I’m paid by check, so I run ever so hard to get before the other girls.”

“Aren’t you tired?

“Oh, yes; but—” a deep sigh; “oh, well, it’ll be better when I’m growed a little; I’ll be saleslady then, and make five dollars and may be more, if I’m real persuasive.”

The “real persuasiveness” of the incipient saleslady has often recurred to my mind. To be real persuasive on five dollars a week argues a degree of philosophy worthy of imitation.

Think of the position of this child; a pretty, bright little maiden of twelve, going home night after night in the depth of winter by the eleven o’clock train! Public opinion is a very curious factor in civilized life.

“No other country guards its children so well.” At least it is satisfactory to read that. “We are not as other men are.” Like the pharisee of olden time, we can stand afar off and thank God for that. We are not slave drivers; our little ones don’t work in mines; no “Song of the children” need prick our conscience or stir our sympathy. We protect child labor by factory acts, yet twenty-four thousand infants toil from early dawn till late at night in one city alone, and this number includes only the recognized workers. It would be quite within the truth to add another thousand

p. 8, col. 4 or two, but figures are such queer things; they don’t appeal to one at all! It is strange but true that one detailed account of a case will do more to stir public opinion to action than the constant repetition of the fact that twenty-four thousand children are working when they ought to be playing.

Not that I have the smallest intention of deprecating work. On the contrary, I hold it as true that the children of the working classes are, on the whole, more enviable than those whose lives are passed in absolute ignorance of the existence of the need of work; but, granting that labor in itself is good, I yet maintain that the conditions under which children work in the city of New York are, in the vast majority of cases, a disgrace to a vaunted civilization.

Too much cannot be said on the general subject to direct the attention of the benevolent thinking public to the conditions under which little girls and boys work in New York city in stores which are frequented by those whose own children are shielded from every rough wind. What is the probable future of these “persuasive” little girls? of these smart little boys? In a few years they will be our men and women, representative citizens doing their part “to protect all classes, and the weakest most,” as we are all so laudably doing to-day.

———

ENRICHING NEW YORK’S LAND OWNERS.

HENRY AND JIM.

St. Louis Chronicle.

Blaine—“Henry Watterson, I see you have been writing a magazine article, in which you assert that this country has prospered in spite of the tariff laws.”

Watterson—“That is precisely what I said and say.”

Blaine—“What is your idea of the orgin of all wealth^sic, Henry?”

Watterson—“Human labor applied to the profferings of the forest, the field, the flood and the mine. There is no other way to create wealth.”

Blaine—“Correct, and, therefore, our tariff laws, by keeping wages high, have brought to this country millions of laborers, who, developing the resources of nature, have made the country rich. Refute this, Henry, if you can.”

Watterson—“I deny that you can make wages high by making laws, unless you can regulate arbitrarily the number of laborers. In a free government this cannot be done.”

Blaine—“If the tariff has not made wages high, what has?”

Watterson—“It is cheap land, not protective duties, that produce high wages in this country. The great west has been filled up mainly by men who have refused to work for factory wages. Then absence from the manufacturing centers^sic has kept down the number seeking employment, and as the price of labor, or wages, like that of all other things, depends upon upon the amount^sic offered for sale, the average wage scale of the United States has been kept relatively higher than in Europe, where there has been no great west to bid against the shops for the labor of human hands.”

Blaine—“If that is the case, Watterson, how do you account for strikes?”

Watterson—“As you say that protection protects labor, I would think that a question you would better answer yourself. But as it might bother you, I will save you the trouble, by suggesting a fact, well known to you, and that is that the strike is the result of a consciousness among the laborers that they are not getting a fair share of the profits of the protected industries. When a strike wins it is because skilled labor is scarce. When it fails, there is a rush of those who are not again taken into employment, to the great west, and thus the wage scale is kept at about its former degree.”

Blaine—“But suppose we had no vent for our surplus labor, would not our tariff laws have defended our laborers from the goods manufactured by the paupers of Europe?”

Watterson—“Against the goods, yes, but not against the makers of the goods. They could have come over here and have turned out goods for a home market of 55,000,000, and long ago our wages would have been as low as those of England, if not lower.”

Blaine—“How lower?”

Watterson—“Because England would have the world for its market and we the United States. In other words, she would have 1,500,000,000 customers; we 55,000,000. She could sell, therefore, to better advantage, could make more goods and thus employ more labor, the demand for which, as you know, regulates its price.”

Blaine—“Henry, next fall we will let the people settle the question, and I think you will then owe me the cigars.”

Watterson—“I am content. If the people like your doctrine, Blaine, they ought to have it. But you can’t deny they have been doing a good deal of thinking for a few years last past. What a joke it would be if you had to furnish the cigars to me next November.”

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ANTI-POVERTY SOCIETY.

REV. EDWARD McGLYNN, D. D., PRESIDENT.

———

The thirty-ninth public meeting of the society will be held at

THE ACADEMY OF MUSIC,

SUNDAY EVENING, JAN. 22.

———

ADDRESS

by

REV. DR. M’GLYNN.

Subject, “The Ecclesiastical Machine in American Politics.”

———

Musical service by

CONCORDIA CHORUS.

———

Admission free to Family Circle. Balcony Circle, Boxes and Orchestra Circle 10 cents. Orchestra 25 cents. Proscenium Boxes 50 cents.

Tickets on sale at the Anti-Poverty Society office, 30 Cooper Union.

Box office at Academy open at 6:30 p. m. Sunday.

ANTI-POVERTY SOCIETY IN PHILADELPHIA.

The Society will hold meetings every Sunday evening at 8 o’clock at Lincoln hall, corner of Broad street and Fairmount avenue.

Everybody invited. Admission free.

A LIVE CHRISTIANITY.

Speakers have been secured as follows:

Sunday, Jan. 22……..Wm. J. Gorsuch of Philadelphia.

By order of Executive Committee.

WM. J. ATKINSON, President.

J. H. M’INTYRE, Secretary.

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