April 14, 1888 Vol. III, No. 15Whole No. 67

THE STANDARD

HENRY GEORGE, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.

NO. 67—VOL. III, NO. 15.

NEW YORK, SATURDAY, APRIL 14, 1888.

PRICE FIVE CENTS

p. 1, col. 1 The offices of THE STANDARD have been removed from 25 Ann street to 12 Union square, East, to which address all communications should be sent.

THE SPREAD OF FREE TRADE SENTIMENTS IN PENNSYLVANIA.

How is This Woman Protected?

MATAWAN, N. J.—Last week, as I was standing on the street in this town talking to a neighbor, I noticed a woman pass by carrying a large bundle in her arms, and on inquiry I learned that it was shirts to be made up. As I read so much in the newspapers about how our working people are “protected,” curiosity prompted me to ask how many shirts the woman carried in her arms; the answer was six dozen. How much are you paid for the work^sic! Twenty-five cents per dozen. She had walked three miles to the horse car station, rode in said cars two miles to obtain the bundle of shirts, the same returning, of course. Here is her net return in wages:

Six dozen shirts, . . . . . . . . . $1.50 Deduct care fare both ways^sic, . . . . 10 Deduct extra for bundle, . . . . . 5 ———— $1.35

Now, will not some son of a son of a protectionist explain to myself and lots of other inquisitive people how protection protects the above mentioned^sic!

JOHN STEWART.

p. 2, col. 3

QUININE.

THE ABSURDITY OF “PROTECTION.”

THE BREWERS’ IMPENDING STRIKE.

THE CIGAR MAKERS.

Where the Profits Went.

NEW YORK.—Three years ago I was employed in the financial office of a southwestern railroad. The office was located in in one of our large eastern cities. The net receipts that year over and above all operating expenses had fallen somewhat below the previous year’s, and the general manager was trying to find out where the trouble lay. He wrote down to the superintendent and auditor and asked for a detailed statement of all expenses and receipts. They arrived in a week or so and we set to work to find out what they showed. At last he put me to work at figuring on the wages of the common laborers, “section hands,” as they call them. The gangs of these section hands had been increased in number that year on account of lengthening of the road, and the aggregate paid in wages was considerably higher than previously for that reason. When the manager saw that, he at once said: “Yes; I knew it. That’s where the leak is. That item must be cut down.” I concluded for my own information and satisfaction that I would figure out what we were paying these men. The foremen got $50 a month, whether they were busy or idle. The men were paid by the day at the rate of $1.[15?] per day. They made during two fairly good months, $15.50 a month on the average, or say fifty-five cents per working day. The foremen generally boarded their men and for this absorbed about all their earnings.

This was in the “new southwest.” Shortly after came the great Missouri Pacific strike. The treasurer of our road said he had no fear of our men striking, as they were paid and treated so well.

W. BENDEL.

British Manufacturers Alarmed at Our Free Trade Agitation.

GLASGOW, March 27.—As free traders, and as a means toward advancing single tax doctrine, you are quite right in supporting Cleveland. The abolition or the reduction of the tariff will pave the way for the understanding and acceptance by the American nation of the great principle of “the land for the people.” The manufacturing interests on this side view with alarm the establishment of free trade in the United States, for, they say, as long as Americans hold fast to protection they can be relied upon as good customers. Goods that Americans require can

p. 2, col. 6 be produced on this side cheaper largely for the reason that here machinery and nearly all the necessary materials are free of a large share of the burden which in the United States they have to bear. I have talked with a number of manufacturers who ship goods regularly to the United States, and they all fear the establishment of free trade there, and say that in such an event Americans will become masters of the industries of the world.

FINLAY BELL.

State Committee United Labor Party.

The state committee of the united labor party of New York met at the Mansion house, Albany, last Saturday, April [3?], to arrange for the election of delegates from this state to the national conference to be held in Cincinnati, May 15. It was settled that the basis of representation in the nominating convention should be upon the vote cast in this state last fall for the head of the labor ticket; that no man should be a delegate to the national conference who was not wholly identified with the united labor party; and that the delegates to the Cincinnati conference are to be chosen by conventions in the congressional districts, the conventions to be called by the state committeemen, each for his own district. It was said that provision had been made to secure full representation at Cincinnati in case of any default.

How the Poor Man is Encouraged to Drink Champagne.

In 1887 the duty on those “spirits distilled from grain,” the manufacture of which is controlled by the whisky ring, averaged 396 per cent. The duty on champagnes that year averaged 53 per cent; thus the poor are encouraged to waste their surplus earnings on champagne rather than whisky.

A Luxury and a Necessity.

That luxury, the horseshoe, pays 55 per cent duty, while that necessity to every poor man, the gold watch, pays 25 per cent under our present tariff.

PEN, PASTE AND SCISSORS.

Jay Gould is said to be turning his attention to the purchase of enormous tracts of land.

The South Africa diamond fields last year yielded gems amounting to [3,646,899?] carats, valued at over $20,000,000.

A German paper says that a company has been formed to manufacture watches to be run by electricity instead of a spring.

A Swedish farmer has connected a dynamo with a waterfall and intends to use electricity to light his farm and to run his machines.

The ærostatic corps of the German army recently succeeded in taking good photographs of large tracts of country from a balloon a mile and a half up in the air.

The Boatmen’s savings bank of St. Louis has purchased a corner lot in that city for $150,000, and the Post-Dispatch congratulates its fellow citizens on the wealth that will be added to their city by the increase in land values, consequent on the erection of a handsome bank building.

The new Spanish cruiser, Reina Regenta, left the Clyde for Spain this morning. She was built by Messrs. Thompson at Clydebank for the Spanish navy, and on her trial maintained for nine hours a speed of twenty-four miles per hour, a record unequaled by any other war cruiser afloat.

A letter from Japan tells that “another way to worship Buddha, in the temple at Kiote, is to chew the prayer paper, and, when soft, throw it at the god, through a wire screen. If it goes through and sticks on the god the prayer will be answered. If it hits on the screen it is no good.”

Berlin now utilizes the sewerage of the city by conveying it in pipes to the outlying districts, and then with force pumps spreading it over the ground in trenches. Sandy wastes which formerly produced nothing have by this means been made very valuable for market gardening, and the finest vegetables are raised on them.

The Chinese authorities were officially instructed at the last eclipse of the moon to wear court dress, beat gongs and save the moon from being swallowed up by the sun, as long as the moon was above the horizon. When she disappeared they were to make one low obeisance, but need not bother to save her any longer when she was below the horizon.

Everybody knows something about Lord Tennyson’s poetry. Everybody doesn’t know about his butter and cream. His dairy, the management of which is in the hands of Mrs. Hallam Tennyson, is known for the excellence of the butter, cream and milk it sends to market. In the Isle of Wight there is an increasing demand for the produce.—[London Echo.

It is proposed to preserve fish alive by placing them in vessels partly filled with water and hermetically sealed. It is said that fish so confined have been found alive after three weeks, without either air or water having been changed, while fish in an open jar died in forty-eight hours. If the air in the vessel is compressed the life of the fish is still further prolonged.

The Western union telegraph company is conducted on strict business principles. The girls in the bookkeeping department received their salaries for March the other day and were docked two days’ pay for absence on March 12 and 13—the blizzard days. It is not known whether any deduction was made from the salaries of the president and other high officials of the company.

The Copts of Egypt have a very old industry, that of artificial egg hatching. There are [700?] such establishments within a short distance of Cairo, and the production of chickens from the ovens reaches 12,000,000 annually. The season for incubating lasts through three months in the early summer. The country people take fresh eggs to the owners of the ovens and give two for each newly-hatched chick.

Berlin has two railroads owned and run by the city government: one of them, the Ringbahn, encircles the entire city; the other runs through it in an irregular line and connects with the Ringbahn at both ends. This latter road is called the Stadtbahn and is elevated on stonework and is comparatively noiseless. The fares are graduated according to the distance traveled. There are two classes of coaches. The roads are very profitable.

Mrs. Hetty Green of New York has amassed a large fortune, estimated at several millions, by some of the best conceived and most daring enterprises ever undertaken on the stock market. Her father, a New England whaler, left her some millions with which to commence operations, which are characterized by consummate business ability. Mrs. Green is abstemious in her habits, rigidly economical in expenditure, dresses with puritanic simplicity, and may be continually encountered proceeding to business in horse cars.

The oldest newspaper in the world is said to be the Pekin Gazette. It is the official organ of the Chinese government, and has been published continually for 300 years. It hardly represents the modern idea of a newspaper, being a thin, littje^sic, narrow pamphlet, about four inches wide by ten long, with a yellow cover, tied on with bits of twisted paper. Those who can do so read it by beginning at the back and reading down the line, instead of across it. In this paper the edicts of the government and the appeals to it are published.

The new steamship City of New York, just launched at a ship yard on the Clyde, makes a new departure in ship building. She is practically unsinkable. A longitudinal water tight bulkhead divides her into two half ships, each with separate engines, separate supply of coal and separate screw. These longitudinal compartments are again divided by transverse bulkheads without doors. The ship would thus be perfectly safe and easily navigable, even in the event of the most serious collision or of the breaking of her shaft. It is expected that she will be faster than any other ship afloat.

THE WEEK.

In 1861—nearly a generation ago—congress levied a direct tax of $20,000,000 on real estate, apportioning it to the different states, in accordance with the provision of the constitution, in the ratio of population. Most of the loyal states paid their shares of the tax in full, and a very large portion of the amount due from the seceded states was secured by the seizure and sale of the property of individuals. The money was needed for the prosecution of the war, and was spent as soon as collected. Of the $20,000,000 levied, $17,859,685 was paid; and the balance has since been carried upon the books of the treasury department as still due from various states.

It is now proposed to refund the amount of this tax to the states by whose citizens it was paid. The chief argument advanced in favor of this repayment is that it will enable the treasury department to write off the outstanding balances that appear on its books. The true reason for the proposition is that if by this and other large appropriations the existing surplus in the treasury can be got rid of, the advocates of free trade will be deprived of an ad captandum argument, which they are using with great effect, and the advocates of protection will have an excuse for shouting, as they enter the coming campaign, that the revenues of the government are no greater than its legitimate expenses.

The wrangle in the house of representatives over the direct tax bill is the skirmish which precedes the coming battle. It is a maneuvering for position. And considering that the measure is in the nature of a direct bribe offered to the twenty-eight states among whom the money is to be divided, the fact that a large minority of the democratic members are resolute to prevent its passage, is a hopeful omen for the cause of freedom.

Why a paper dollar backed by the authority and credit of a government which has paid its debts should be of less value than one backed by the authority and credit of a government which has not paid its debts, is a puzzle past finding out. That it is of less value is precisely what is implied by Senator Beck’s amendment to the bill providing for the purchase of United States bonds by the secretary of the treasury. Here is the amendment as adopted by the senate of the United States April 4—yeas 37, nays 13:

That whenever the circulation or any part thereof of any national bank not in liquidation shall be surrendered by the deposit of United States notes in the treasury or otherwise, and the same or an equivalent amount is not taken by other national banks within thirty days thereafter, the secretary of the treasury is hereby authorized and directed to purchase, at the market price thereof, an equivalent amount in silver bullion in excess of the minimum of $2,000,000 worth per month for coinage purposes, which shall be coined and used as provided in the act passed Feb. 28, 1878, entitled, “An act to authorize the coinage of the standard silver dollar and restore its legal tender character;” provided that nothing in this act shall alter or repeal said act of Feb. 28, 1878.

Just consider a moment. The secretary of the treasury, observing money to be tight in Wall street, and securities consequently comparatively low, expends [$10,030,030^sic?] in the purchase of government bonds for cancellation. Some of these bonds—say $5,000,000—are the property of national banks, which have had them on deposit in Washington for years past as security for their circulation—eating their cake and having it too—and of course the bonds being sold, the bank notes issued on the strength of them must be retired. The volume of money is thus diminished by $5,000,000. One would think that if the secretary of the treasury issued $5,000,000 in United States notes to take the place of the bank notes, buyers and sellers would be very willing to use them. Such a course, however, would be contrary to those canons of finance that have been used with such effect in plundering the common people of the United States. The secretary must go to the treasury again for some more money, with which to buy enough silver to coin five millions of dollar pieces, and having coined these dollars and locked them up in a vault where nobody can get at them, then, and not till then, he may issue paper dollars, based on silver dollars that nobody will consent to use.

If the United States were to buy in every penny of their indebtedness to-morrow, and could buy it in at par, they would, under the Beck amendment, be forced to pay out $2 for every dollar’s worth of bonds held by national banks—one dollar for the bond and another dollar for silver to replace the bond as security for currency. Was ever such a jugglery of swindling!

One step in the right direction has been taken by the house of representatives in the passage of the $15,000,000 fractional currency bill. But in view of the vote on Mr. Beck’s amendment, it seems highly improbable that even this slight recognition of the people’s rights will be accorded a place among our statutes.

Reports from Rhode Island of April 4 state that on that day the market for votes opened at $5 with a brisk demand and strong upward tendency. Many holders declined to enter the market, even to the extent of naming figures, preferring to stimulate inquiry by an affectation of confidence in the value of their franchises. Prices quickly mounted, and many transactions took place at $6, $7 and $8. prompt^sic delivery and strict spot cash. The upward movement continued during the afternoon, and the highest point was reached at 3 p. m., when $10 was freely offered and accepted. The published quotations, however, by no means represent the real strength of the market. A very large number of private transactions took place, and it is said that in many cases as much as $50 was realized for a single vote.

Many complaints are made of irregular dealings. In some instances, it is said, the same goods were sold twice to different purchasers, one of the buyers receiving only a pretended delivery. It is needless to point out that conduct of this kind is detrimental to the interests of sellers, and if continued at subsequent sales will have a tendency to diminish the value of their wares.

It is said that the late chief justice of

p. 3, col. 2 the United States has left an estate valued at something less than $30,000. Society is shocked at the prospective indigence of his family, and proposes to raise a fund, either by private contributions or by legislative appropriation, that may enable them to live “in the style to which they have become accustomed.”

The chief justice of the United States receives a salary of $10,500 a year. He is a servant of the people. There are quite a number of his employers who earn—or at all events are allowed to keep out of their earnings—considerably less than $10,500 a year. And when they die, if they have been so improvident or so unfortunate as to leave only a trifle of $30,000 to their families—why, the families just have to make the best of it.

It is pleasing to learn that Mr. Waite’s family disclaim any desire to be thus provided for. But the proposition to raise the fund is instructive, as showing how natural it is for those accustomed to live by the labor of others to see no shame in pauperism and to look with horror upon the prospect of any of their number having to go to work.

The western railroad strikes are virtually at an end. An agreement has been signed between Chairman Hoge of the brotherhood and T. V. Powderly of the Knights of Labor by which these two organizations will act together against the railroad companies, but it is not known as yet whether the agreement includes the reopening of the present strike. There seem to exist serious doubts as to whether the knights and brotherhood men would, in view of their experiences lately, obey any order which would have a tendency to renew the struggle just closed.

The strike began on Monday, February 27, after frequent conferences by the engineers and firemen with the managers of the Burlington road respecting demands which they had made for an equalization of pay—the passenger engineers to receive 3½ cents per mile and the freight engineers at the rate of 4 cents per mile, whether they were employed on the main line or branches, and regardless of the classes of engines. The company offered a compromise, which was that on its main line it would pay the same as was paid on competing lines, but on side lines, where traffic was light, to ask the same price “was unreasonable and unfair.” Sixteen hundred engineers and firemen left their engines, and 12,000 conductors, brakemen and round house employes were thrown out of work. The strike gradually spread to other railroad systems—at one time including all the roads running into Chicago and their branches, and involving nearly 100,000 men.

Jacob Sharp died at his home in this city on Thursday, April 7^sic. Had he died three years ago, when his purchase of the New York board of aldermen was simply a matter of common fame, and had not yet been made the subject of a criminal indictment, he might have been held up to the youth of this city as an excellent specimen of a self made man—an example of the success that any American boy might hope to achieve who should bring to his life work the qualities of energy, perseverance and honesty. Dying now, with a cloud of disgrace overshadowing him, he will point an altogether different moral, and young men will be urged to learn, from his unhappy fate, that wrong doing never prospers.

Yet Jacob Sharp was the same man in 1884 as in 1888; and what is more, everybody knew perfectly well what kind of a man he was. It was no secret that he had in some way influenced legislation by bribery. It was perfectly well understood that he had done the same thing before, in securing the franchise of the Seventh avenue road. Yet honorable men did not hesitate to associate with him, and though the newspapers said for a time some hard words about him, it was well understood that in that they were only following their vocation, and that their hard words really didn’t mean anything.

More than this, there are plenty of men alive to-day in these United States, honored and respected pillars of churches, some of them, noted for their benefactions, of whom it is notorious that they have influenced legislation for their own profit by methods just as corrupt as and far more injurious to public welfare than those employed by Jacob Sharp. It was right that Sharp should be punished for his crime; and though he managed to avoid the state prison, there can be no question that he was terribly punished. But it is greatly to be feared that his punishment will be looked on by those who most need to be warned from following his footsteps, less as a warning against crime than as a warning against being found out.

The truth is, that in spite of his criminality, Jacob Sharp was a fair type of the successful self-made man. He bribed legislators, it is true, but only because there was no other way of getting the legislation he wanted—the statesmen he had to deal with were deaf to argument, and shameless in demanding bribes. He saw his own profit in providing needed public facilities. Thanks to our corrupt system, he could only get permission to provide these public facilities by bribery; and he bribed. Elsewise he was a good husband and father, a stanch friend, a man whose word could be depended on, and an attendant at a Christian church. He came to New York without a dollar, and he died worth several millions.

Ordinarily this would have insured him glowing obituaries in the newspapers and “favorable mention” in the churches. But he was not merely found out—that of itself would have made no difference—but publicly found out.

The squabble between the representatives of the United States and the government of Morocco is something worse than ridiculous. Judging by the newspaper headlines and the excited tone of the press dispatches, one might suppose that some frightful wrong had been done to citizens of the United States, and that prompt action was necessary to protect American lives, or, at all events, American property. The simple truth is that no American citizen has been in danger of life, limb or estate for a single instant, and the whole trouble has arisen out of a thoroughly

p. 3, col. 3 indefensible attempt by an officer of the United States to interfere between the Moorish government and its citizens.

Under the treaty with Morocco natives of the country in the employ of American citizens have a right to American protection—that is, they can be sued or tried only before the United States consular court, the Moorish government waiving, for the time being, its jurisdiction over them. To be assured of these privileges, however, such employes must be registered at the consulate, and the authorities notified of such registration. Not long ago the United States consul at Tangier transmitted to the Moorish government a somewhat lengthy list of proteges, with the announcement that he had duly registered them as American employes. The Moorish government responded, not questioning the consul’s rights, but asking for the particulars of each case—the name of the employing American, and so on. The consul answered that these things were none of the Moorish government’s business, and refused to give the information; upon which the government disregarded the protections and proceeded to tax, fine and imprison the proteges just as if they had been the ordinary kind of Moors. And hence has arisen all the trouble—the indignant dispatches of the consul, the lavish expenditure for cable messages, the rushing to and fro of ships of war, and all the rest of it.

Considering that a protected Moor has a pretty good time as compared with his unprotected compatriots—that he escapes bastinadoing, and irregular taxation, and imprisonment, and other every day difficulties of ordinary Moorish existence, it is evident that it is worth something to be an American protege. Our state department might do well to ask Consul Lewis for that bill of particulars which he has refused to the authorities of Morocco.

General Daniel Butterfield presented diplomas to 120 bricklayer graduates of the New York trade schools on April 6. Of course he made a speech on the occasion. “If I had ten sons,” said he, “and $10,000,000, I would not give one of them a cent until he had learned a trade.” This is very pretty, and no doubt the plan would work well. Most any one would learn a trade to get $1,000,000. What General Butterfield forgot to say was that if he himself had learned a trade and stuck to it he might have had the ten boys, but he certainly wouldn’t have had the $10,000,000.

The emperor of Germany, like the rat catcher who lived in Westminster, has a daughter, and, to carry the parallel still further, the gentlefolks all take off their hats when they meet her. This young lady has fallen in love with a young gentleman named Alexander Something or Other—called Battenberg for short—who heartily reciprocates her affection. Mr. Alexander has called on the emperor and told him how matters stand, and both Mr. Emperor and Mrs. Emperor are satisfied that the wedding should take place. If the young people were named Smith and Jones there would be no more trouble and we might look forward to seeing an account of the nuptials in the society columns of the Berlin press with full particulars of the bride’s and bridesmaids’ costumes, and a list of the presents, with their value. But just because the young woman is a princess and the young man a prince there is the deuce and all of a row about the matter. The emperor of Russia doesn’t like Henry^sic, and says he will feel hurt if the marriage takes place. And when the emperor of Russia feels hurt a good many other folks are likely to get hurt, too. Prince Bismarck doesn’t like it either, and threatens to turn sulky, go home to his estates, and let the German people see how they can get along without him. On the other hand, the queen of England, whose daughter is married to a brother of Battenberg, is crazy for the match, and is going to run over to Berlin on purpose to see about it. Altogether things are mixed, and no one knows what may happen. It is not at all improbable that the natural desire of two young people to get married may suffice to set all Europe by the ears. On the whole one cannot help thinking that the world would be a great deal better off if the emperors and queens and chancellors could be compelled to lay aside their nonsensical pretensions and go to work for their living.

The law keeps strict watch over the sacred rights of property in England, and will have none of Cardinal Manning’s doctrine of the starving man and his right to bread. In East Sussex, William Cook, a laborer out of work and starving, stole some turnips. The jury recommended him to mercy, but the judge gave him two months hard labor. And at Grantham a man of good character, seventy-three years old, was sentenced to seven days hard labor for entering a store and asking for an onion. The English newspaper which reports the case calls it rather hard.

But where the rights of property are not concerned English law views the transgressions of the lower classes with lenient eye. Michael Burns was convicted at Brighton of an assault upon his wife, having dragged her out of bed, kicked her, struck her and given her two black eyes. He was fined ten shillings. Another English gentleman named Rush, a resident of London, threw his wife down stairs in a transport of affection and then hurled a lamp after her, setting fire to her clothes. The magistrate remonstrated with Mr. Rush and made him find security in £5 to keep the peace for six months.

Patriotic protectionist Americans, who want to see their country foremost in the international race for prosperity, will rejoice to hear of a singular act of folly of which the English people have lately been guilty. The London dock companies have made special arrangements with the transatlantic lines, by which not only will the discharge and delivery of cargoes be much expedited, but the expenses of handling will be very much reduced. The dock companies, in fact, guarantee London consignments all the speed and facilities in delivery now offered by Liverpool and Glasgow, at about half the expense charged to consignees at those ports for similar services. The foolish Londoners p. 3, col. 4 imagine that in this way they are going to increase the traffic and wealth of their port. Of course the real result will be, on well known protectionist principles, that they will be deluged with foreign goods, and see the grass growing in their streets.

Alleghany City has had an object lesson in political economy. Not very long ago it was discovered that beneath the city there was an immense reservoir of natural gas, which could be utilized at the mere cost of piping. Then Alleghany City rejoiced greatly at the prospect of cheap fuel and light, and the more pious residents had a good deal to say about the goodness of God to the inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania. But now that natural gas has been generally introduced throughout the city, and people have adjusted their household economy to its use, the folks who own the ground through which alone the gas can be got at, have raised the price some sixty per cent. Alleghany city has ceased rejoicing, and providence is less generally commended.

Once in a while we get an opportunity to see the tremendous rate at which land values are increasing in the upper part of New York city. Only six years ago, in 1882, seventy-eight vacant city lots belonging to the Jumel estate were put up at auction and bought in, the prices bid being unsatisfactory. On the 3d of this month the same lots were again put up at auction, and this time they were sold, the prices being “satisfactory” to the estate. At the first sale the seventy-eight lots were bought in for $70,440, an average of $903 per lot. At the second sale they brought $248,405, an average of $3,184.60 per lot. Increase in value per lot, $2,281.60—two hundred and fifty-two per cent for six years, or forty-two per cent a year!

Figures like these are fairly staggering. They show us, as by a flash of lightning, the frightful power of taxation that our system of private land ownership places in the hands of individuals. Assuming that the prices paid for these Jumel estate lots represent twenty-five years’ purchase, the ownership of the seventy-eight lots carried with it in 1882 the power of exacting from the people of New York a yearly tribute of $2,817.60, which is now increased to [$9,936.20?]. Is it any wonder that a million of New York’s people are stied in tenement houses?

As land values soar upward, flesh and blood goes down. When all the land is monopolized by private owners, and the majority of the people are compelled to surrender all they earn above a mere subsistence in return for the privilege of using enough of mother earth to stand and eat and sleep on, it is evident that there must be some unfortunates who will find even standing room a luxury beyond their means, and who, unless private or public benevolence comes to their relief, must actually leave the planet and try their fortunes in another world. Such a case occurred here in New York a week ago.

Hans Stockrica and Fanny, his wife, were two Polish Jews, who, crowded out of their native country by population pressure and race persecution, came to the United States. The man was a tailor by trade, with the industry and economy of his race. They had a little baby—an eight months’ old boy. They landed in New York, as near as can be learned, about a month ago, and established themselves in a wretched little attic room in a tumble down two story tenement in Crosby street, for which they paid $5 a month. They were not paupers. They had their little savings and were full of hope. And so Hans Stockrica went out to look for work.

But alas! there was no work for Hans Stockrica. How could there be? There was only so much work to go round, and for every job there were two people who wanted it. What chance had a man, ignorant of the language and without friends? Day after day Hans renewed his quest, and night after night he came home disappointed and despairing. And so the little hoard dwindled and dwindled, till at last it vanished altogether.

They lived awhile on what they could pick from garbage pails and ash barrels. But garbage will not feed an infant. The mother fount dried up for want of nourishment, and the baby cried all day for food.

So at last the crisis came. The rent was due, and there was no money to pay it with. Their sleeping space on earth was wanted for some one else who could afford to pay for it. There was no place for them in this world, and so they left it. Rat poison could be had when food could not, and together Hans Stockrica and his wife departed on their second emigration.

Think what a story they will have to tell before the Judgment seat.

They have a queer code of official ethics in England. The late khedive of Egypt, Ismail, had, or pretended to have, a claim of $7,000,000 against the Egyptian government. He submitted this claim to the English gentlemen who preside over Egypt, and was rather laughed at than otherwise. Then he bethought himself, and engaged the judge advocate general of the British army to look after his interests, promising him, it is said, a fee of $100,000. Mr. Marriott went to Egypt, and very speedily convinced his fellow countrymen in charge of that unfortunate country that Ismail was a much abused individual, and his claim an entirely just one. So they spoiled the Egyptians. Ismail got his $7,000,000, the judge advocate general got his $100,000, and Sir E. Vincent, the Egyptian minister who allowed the claim, presumably got nothing but the satisfaction of having done his duty by the country that had adopted him. Some pestilent demagogue tried to make a fuss about the matter in parliament, but Mr. Marriott jauntily explained that his judge advocateship gave him very little work to do, and he thought he had a right to turn an honest penny by outside jobs. The attorney general said it was all right, and the motion of censure was lost by 218 votes to 126.

Professor F. T. Miles of the university of Maryland delivered a lecture in Baltimore lately on “Food and Digestion,” in the course of which he said:

The criminal classes are called dirty, lazy

p. 3, col. 5 and ugly. Of course they are. They are dirty because they have no spare heat to let go; lazy, because the muscles are weak and nature tells them to keep still when hungry. You would be astonished to know how much of the beauty of the fairest women is made up of fat. The criminal classes are ugly because they have no fat. . . . There will be a great mission to the poor some day to see that they get enough of good food.

Professor Miles is quite right. There will be a great mission to see that the poor get enough to eat. In fact, there is such a mission already. And the chief point of its teaching is that the social system which forces some men to suffer hunger is by that very fact condemned as contrary to the law of God.

Gilbert & Sullivan never imagined anything much funnier than the dispute among the church of England clergy as to whether Prince Oscar of Sweden might or might not lawfully be married in a certain church. The prince was specially anxious to be married at a church in Bournemouth; and he wanted to be married according to the Swedish service. The question was, might he do it? At first the authorities said no; a foreign service couldn’t be read in an English church. But then it was luckily discovered that the church had not been licensed for marriages. Of course that changed the situation altogether. The church was not a complete all-round church, and so might stand a Swedish service being read without defilement. And so it came to pass that Prince Oscar was lawfully married in a church in which, had it been lawful for him to be married there, he could not lawfully have been married. It takes time to think this out, but there’s a whole sermon on ecclesiasticism in it.

There is something very comic in the fluttering excitement of the legislators at Albany over the World’s account of its reporter’s interviews with a professional lobbyist. The innocent assemblymen were horrified to hear that people were going so far as to say that legislation could be influenced in other than straightforward and legitimate methods. Of course a committee is to investigate and find out what it all means; and equally, of course, the committee will report that the astounding assertion is absolutely without foundation.

There is an English nobleman called the earl of Harewood. He owns two villages, Harewood and Dunkeswick. It is pretended that he does not own the people who live in these villages; but this is false.

The people of the two villages are mostly Wesleyans. The earl of Harewood doesn’t like this and signifies his august displeasure in the manner following. At Harewood he permits a Wesleyan chapel, but forbids service during “church hours,” won’t allow any Sunday school, and absolutely prohibits the administering of the sacraments at any time. At Dunkeswick there is a chapel, but the congregation are forbidden to use it. Out of his loving kindness, however, the earl of Harewood allows them to worship in a barn, of course under proper restrictions.

It may be asked, Why don’t these poor Wesleyans move away? The answer is, They can’t. There is nowhere for them to go. If they migrate from their proper parish they will be arrested and sent back as vagrants. As far as they are concerned the earl of Harewood owns the earth, and, owning that, owns them.

Hillard & Ogden of Cincinnati announce that they are about to issue a weekly called the United Labor Age, which shall advocate the single tax and also strive to bring about a union between the union and united labor parties.

The following call for a conference of advocates of the single tax has been issued from Chicago. In summoning the conference Mr. Bailey states that he is complying with the request of over 400 single tax men who have written him on the subject:

CHICAGO, Ill., April 6, 1888.

To Single Tax Advocates, Greeting—By virtue of the authority invested in me by letters on file in my office from the several states and territories, a call is hereby issued for a national conference of the single tax advocates of the several states and territories and the district of Columbia of the United States, to convene in the city of Chicago, Ill., at ten o’clock a. m., on Wednesday, July 4, 1888.

All persons who believe that the public revenues should be raised by a single and direct tax upon relative land values are invited to attend and take part in the deliberations.

Further details and instructions will be published in the New York STANDARD and other papers friendly to the cause.

WARREN WORTH BAILEY, Chairman of the Provisional Committee.

Mr. Bailey also announces the following general committee on arrangements. Other names are to be hereafter added to the list:

Chairman, Warren Worth Bailey, No. 281 South Hoyne avenue, Chicago. Secretary, M. K. LaShella, Times building, Chicago. Treasurer, Robert H. Cowdrey, 160 Quincy street, Chicago. Judge James G. Maguire, San Francisco, Cal. H. F. Ring, Houston, Tex. H. Martin Williams, St. Louis, Mo. L. P. Custer, Indianapolis, Ind. Benjamin Adams, Charleston, S. C. Freeman Knowles, [Cresco?], Neb. C. A. S. Higley, Minneapolis, Minn. Thos. A. McCann, Detroit, Mich. Richard L. Atkinson, Philadelphia, Pa.

STARVING IN THE MIDST OF WEALTH.

STRAWS WHICH SHOW THE WIND.

The New York Sun is already pegging down the flaps of the small tent in which it proposes to run another republican side show this year.—[Jacksonville Times-Union.

The single tax theory is rapidly growing in favor among the masses of the people in this country, notwithstanding the unfavorable comments and sneers of the press and the adherents of the old political parties.—[West New Brighton, N. Y., Advance.

’Now I begin^sic to see the light. I can see how all my taxes on all my property will be reduced from twenty-five to seventy-five per cent. Besides I have discovered that the single tax means absolute free trade, and a saving of nearly fifty per cent on all I purchase in the store the year round.”—[Farmer quoted approvingly in editorial in Hempstead, Texas, Advance Guard.

The taxation of corporate franchises is based on the idea that they are in some sense monopolies, and that in granting them the government has granted to individuals valuable privileges which belong to the whole body of the people. Holders of franchises should either pay a tax on their gross earnings, or surrender them back to the power that gave them.—[Minneapolis Star and News.

There are 100,000 girls taking the places which 100,000 boys should occupy in the business of the country, and the result must be an increase of shiftlessness and loaferism on the one hand and the decrease of vigor in the manner of doing business on the other. After a girl has kept a boy out of a place until he has been compelled to turn to something else she is ready to get married.—[Detroit Free Press.

While the congressional committee is engaged in the investigation of alien landlordism in the United States, it should also turn its attention to the rapid acquisition of enormous tracts of public lands by syndicates and combines of American citizens. This evil is closely allied to the other, and if possible should be abolished. Both are equally opposed to the spirit and genius of our institutions and to wise public policy.—[Indianapolis Journal.

It is safe to say, as Mayor Hewitt does, that the remission of taxes on personal property would attract so much additional business to New York or any other city that the increased value of real estate would directly prevent any loss to the grand list. Another reason, closely connected with the above, is that in taxing land we tax what is to a certaint^sic extent a monopoly, whose value has resulted from the growth of the city rather than from the efforts of its owner.—[Minneapolis Star and News.

Time was when we had hundreds of millions of bare acres needing settlement, that any influx of immigration was fairly enough estimated [a?] blessing, and those who came here paupers were as convenient for filling huge continental holes as better men. That time is long past, and the greed of rich corporations in Europe as well as at home has so far reduced our national domain that we want nothing now but settlers who can settle something.—[Indianapolis News.

Ground rent is the rightful possession of the community, and it would afford an ample fund for the payment of municipal expenses if the tax system were so arranged that the unearned increment should be diverted from the pockets of private individuals into the public treasury. It is only by accepting this principle and basing legislation upon it that the legislature can finally settle the question of municipal taxation. Continuous patching at the old garment only makes its defects more apparent.—[Hamilton Evening Times.

If a long and distressful struggle between the railway companies and their employes should result, the occasion might properly be seized upon by congress to consider and enact laws that would prevent the wanton misuse of highways which are designed primarily for the use of the public, and which are not private property in the true sense of the term. Legislation against strikes should include measures to prohibit the forcing of strikes by methods analogous to those which have become involved in the trouble at Chicago. If the strike should become general the duty of regulating by law the relations of the railway companies to their employes could scarcely be longer evaded.—[Philadelphia Record.

When the history of American politics for the decade comprised in the years from 1880 to 1900 is written, the Henry George movement will occupy a unique position. It reached its culminating point, apparently, when Mr. George made his surprising run for mayor of New York. As a separate political movement, the theory of a single tax on land seems to have declined since that date, until at the present time, Mr. George is an active supporter of President Cleveland on account of his position on the tariff tax, while Dr. McGlynn is still anxious to carry out the single tax idea by the political party methods. As an economic movement it is receiving as much recognition as ever. Whatever the outcome may be as to the so-called united labor party, the agitation of the land question has been of immense good. It has set multitudes to thinking on the methods of taxation and the remedy, as proposed by Henry George, for what are acknowledged evils. The simple tax on land^sic has at least the merits of simplicity. Society gives the value to land by its aggregations into cities and towns, and it is proposed that society take for its own uses the value it gives. Thus nobody is robbed of the fruits of his toil to support the government. Nobody is compelled, as now by the tariff on wool, to pay twice as much as he otherwise would for a suit of clothes. Whether the single tax would work well in practice or not, cannot be told until the experiment is tried. But one thing is sure. Taxes ought to come off of property that can be hidden away and put on property that, like the land, is held unimproved for speculation, to obtain a margin which is not earned, but which society creates, and which society could take and wrong nobody. At any rate, the tendency now is to put the burden on the man who holds the land for speculation, and not on his neighbor who builds a house on the next lot. For in the latter case it operates as a fine on improvements.—[Minneapolis Star and News.

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

Published weekly at

12 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY.

THE DUTY ON TIN PLATES.

Mr. C. A. Scott, who signs himself “Chairman tariff committee national iron roofing manufacturers’ association,” tells about the woes of his association in the Age of Steel. It’s the tariff that is making the trouble. It always is either the tariff or the laborer—either the workingmen refusing to have their pay cut down, or the tariff tinkerers threatening to lay unholy hands on the sacred system which alone prevents wages being reduced. This time it is the tariff.

If the Mills bill is passed, Mr. Scott tells us, and tin plates are admitted free of duty, the effect will be to “cause widespread confusion and disaster among our sheet iron mills and those industries immediately connected with and closely dependent on them.” The United States will at once be deluged with tin plates, which we shall use not only for making into cups, sauce pans, tomato cans and other things of that sort, but also for roofing our houses, to the utter destruction of the galvanized sheet iron industry.

We now import from Europe each year 280,000 tons^sic of sheet iron in the shape of tin plates, while our entire domestic manufacture of sheet iron of all gauges and qualities is only 150,000 tons, of which [80,000?] tons is now used in the making of galvanized roofing and siding. If the Mills bill passes this 50,000 tons of galvanized iron will be replaced with an equal quantity of pauper made tin plates. Thus our output of sheet iron will be reduced by one-third, to the terrible derangement of our social economy. And after all, we shouldn’t get the tin plates any cheaper, because, as Mr. Scott cogently puts it, “what assurance have we that the foreigner will not add to his profits the one cent per pound duty that the Mills committee proposes to cut off? It can be done if desired”—on the same principles probably that enabled the foreign manufacturers of quinine to keep on collecting the duty for their own behoof after we had put quinine upon the free list. Mr. Cowdrey has a word or two upon this subject in another column, which we commend to Mr. Scott’s attention in passing.

What we really ought to do, Mr. Scott assures us, is to so arrange matters that we may make our own tin plates for ourselves, and stop dealing with the hated foreigner altogether. And then Mr. Scott gets down to particulars, and tells us how the thing may be managed.

The reason we don’t make any tin plates in this country now is because we can’t afford to pay for the sheet iron to make them with. Sheet iron pays a duty of fifty per cent, while tin plates pay only a little less than twenty-five per cent; so that if we make sheet iron into tin plates we actually destroy a sixth of its value, and the last end of the manufacturer is worse than the first. It sounds funny; but Mr. C. A. Scott vouches for it, and the chairman of the T. C. N. I. R. M. A. ought to know.

Now there are two ways in which we can make it profitable for our suffering manufacturers to convert sheet iron into tin plates. We can take the duty off sheet iron—of course retaining the duty on tin plates—or we can increace^sic the duty on tin plates to such an extent as to stop their importation altogether. Mr. Scott rejects the first method with horror, and gives his voice for the second. It would, he admits, involve a general advance in the prices of tinware; but who, he nobly asks—“who would not be willing to pay two cents apiece more for tin cups, coffee pots, etc., to add to the output of our mills 280,000 tons of sheet iron now annually imported from Europe in the shape of tin plates, adding $15,000,000 to labor, employing $30,000,000 invested in plants, and providing the necessaries of life for [400,000?] people who would be directly supported from the business?” Accordingly he formulates, on behalf of his committee, this demand:

The National iron roofing manufacturers’ association ask that the duty on tin plates may be advanced to an equality with other items in the metal schedule. We can then make tin plates here, locate 100 mills of two teams each, keep $20,000,000 at home that now goes abroad, and reduce the revenue $6,000,000 annually.

And to secure all this we have only to pay two cents apiece more for our tin cups, and coffee pots, and tomato cans, and dippers, and pie plates, and dairy pans, and candle sticks, and all the rest of it. We could easily manage this by making our tin cups, etc., last a little longer, and so using fewer of them—although when one comes to think of it, perhaps Mr. Scott

p. 4, col. 2 might not care to have our two cent contributions made up in that way.

So much for Mr. Scott, whom we may dismiss with the sympathizing hope that he won’t be too much disappointed if he doesn’t happen to get quite all he asks for. On the next page of the Age of Steel is an extract from a letter which Mr. F. G. Niedringhaus, president of the St. Louis stamping company, has been sending to the Iron Age. It is worth quoting:

It is true that our free trade friends may be able to put forth a strong argument in favor of free tin plates, and, looking at the question merely from one standpoint, their point may be well taken, as long as tin plates are not made in this country. But, nevertheless, if this one cent of duty, which is equivalent to twenty per cent ad valorem, is taken off, tin plates will be adopted for a great many things for which sheet iron is now used. This would, as a matter of course, lessen the demand for sheet iron just to that extent, and a certain number of men now employed in producing that iron from the ore and coal beds to the finished sheets must look for employment in other channels, or else the price of labor must be reduced to a point where it can effectually compete with foreign labor. If any one will take the trouble to look into the iron business more closely, he will observe that the cost of iron is all labor from beginning to end, and that the profit put upon the finished product by the manufacturer, as can be clearly proven, has not exceeded ten per cent, and in some cases not five per cent, for quite a number of years. When, therefore, our free trade friends say that it is the manufacturer that needs protection, you may put it down as all idle talk and that they are passing upon a question which they have not thoroughly investigated. Give our American manufacturer labor at the same price that the European competitor gets it and he will not ask for any protection. The whole question at issue, therefore, hinges upon this one point—namely, What or how much shall we pay those who labor? If we have free trade, labor must work for exactly the same price it does in Europe. In other words, you will have pauper labor and a community without a purchasing power. Whether or not this would be advisable American policy is a question that we will not attempt to answer, but leave it to the wisdom of our national representatives. Steel plates and sheets are now being largely imported under the ad valorem duty, and at that rate they can be imported at a much lower figure than sheet iron can be produced. This also is working very depressingly upon the American manufacturers of sheet iron, and the final result will be that either this trade will have to be left to European manufacturers or else the wages of the operatives will have to be cut down in order to overcome this competition. It was our intention to have increased our mill capacity, but from the present outlook we think ourselves very lucky in not launching out any further in that direction. If the free trade faction of the democratic party is to control the politics of the country, it is not difficult to foresee what hardships are in store for our manufacturing communities.

Putting Mr. Scott’s argument and Mr. Niedringhaus’s argument together, we get a pretty fair illustration of the protective theory—a non-existent industry, the way to bring it into being, and the people who are going to benefit by it. It reads smoothly enough. It has done effective work before, and may do effective work again. It has only one weakness, but that is a fatal one. It is nonsense.

When Mr. Niedringhaus says that “the cost of iron is all labor from beginning to end,” leaving only a miserable five per cent profit for the manufacturer, he says what is perfectly true, and conveys an idea that is absolutely false. It is true that, given iron ore and coal lying beneath the surface of the earth, nothing but labor is required to produce any sort of iron product, from pig iron to watch springs. But it is utterly false that labor receives as its reward anything like the total of its product. Yet this last is clearly the assumption that Mr. Niedringhaus makes, for when he contemplates the result of a fall in the price of iron plates he tells us that the men engaged in manufacturing iron must either go to work at something else, or submit to a reduction of their wages. Evidently it has not occurred to him that there is a third party who now absorbs a large part of the natural reward of both labor and capital, on whom the loss might without injustice be made to fall.

There are deposits of coal and iron ore in a great many different parts of the United States; some easy to work and handy to a market; others more difficult and remote. Probably not one-fiftieth part of them has been touched yet. No man put them there. Divine providence stored them away when the foundations of the earth were laid, presumably for the use of coming generations of mankind.

Suppose that wherever one of these deposits is lying unused, the first man that wished to were allowed to go and take what iron ore or coal he wanted, freely, as long as only he wanted them, and on payment of a proper rent value tax when other people wanted them too. What would be the effect? Evidently that coal mines and iron mines would at once become divided into classes. The lowest class would comprise the mines that nobody cared to work yet—the poorest and most difficult deposits. Next would come the mines that men could work at remunerative wages so long as they had no rental value tax to pay. And above the rent line, taxed each according to its value, would come the richer and more accessible deposits, which could be worked to greater profit. Under such conditions three great economic laws would assert themselves unchecked—the law of wages, the law of rent and the law of competition. Miners working for hire would receive a trifle better wages than they could earn by working for themselves on tax free deposits—because if offered less or discharged from work, they could at once migrate to the free mines, where they would be their own bosses, earning the whole product of their labor, and not liable to discharge by any man. Rental values would be determined by the greater profits to be made by working

p. 4, col. 3 one mine rather than another mine—since the moment the mining of any deposit became extraordinarily valuable, men would compete for the privilege of working it, and would be willing to pay for that privilege a little less than the extra profit to be secured. And the law of competition would assert itself in this: that so soon as it became more profitable to work in a free iron or coal mine than at some other equally toilsome occupation, more men would become miners and would compete for the privilege of working mines that hitherto had paid no rental value tax. The rental line would be pushed forward and the line of free mines be forced back. Throughout the whole mining industry rental values would advance, and wages fall until they reached a point at which it would no longer be desirable to abandon other industries for coal mining.

There is nothing new or heretical in all this. These laws of rent, wages and competition are recognized by all standard authorities on political economy, and would probably not be disputed even by Messrs. Scott and Niedringhaus. The trouble is that their operation is interfered with by our system of private land ownership, which allows individuals to seat themselves on the throne of God and dictate to less favored individuals how much of God’s gifts they shall use and on what terms they shall enjoy them. There are plenty of coal and iron ore deposits yet untouched. There are plenty of miners and laborers standing idle who would be glad to work them. But round them all the landlords’ parchment fences rise high and strong, forbidding the access of labor to the gifts of God. The rent tax is collected with unfailing regularity, and it rises and falls in strict accordance with the law; but it goes to enrich the vicegerents of the Almighty who control the earth, and not the community to whom it properly belongs. The law of competition asserts itself; but with coal and iron ore deposits monopolized, and labor forbidden to exert itself, save by permission of the land owner, the effect of competition is of necessity to force down wages to the point of mere subsistence, to reduce the reward of capital, where capital is called in to aid in making labor more productive, and to raise the rent tax to the highest possible point.

Mr. Niedringhaus tells us that if the duty is taken off tin plates, the imported plates will be used instead of domestic sheet iron. This, he thinks, will lessen the demand for sheet iron, “and a certain number of men now employed in producing that iron from the ore and coal beds to the finished sheets must look for employment in other channels, or else the price of labor must be reduced to a point where it can effectually compete with foreign labor.” In the name of common sense, why? Capital says it can’t afford to work any cheaper; and, goodness knows, labor gets little enough as it is. Why should either of them be forced to take less? Why shouldn’t the mine owner—the landlord, who as a landlord has never done anything and never can—why shouldn’t he be made to stand the loss? There are thousands upon thousands of acres in Pennsylvania beneath which lie stores of iron ore and coal, untouched since the foundations of the earth were laid. If capital and labor could get at these without first submitting to a blackmail, then indeed the cost of iron would be “all labor from beginning to end,” save a small percentage for the use of capital. But does Mr. Niedringhaus think in that event there would be any danger of a deluge of sheet iron from abroad, even were the last shred of protection removed? Why, there are to-day, in the mining and manufacturing regions of Pennsylvania alone, enough men, idle and eager to go to work, to double or treble our production of sheet iron, if only they could take the raw material out of the earth where God put it. And there is far more than enough capital to set them all at work. It is only the landlords that stand in the way—the men who claim to be specially commissioned by the Almighty to serve out His stores of coal and iron ore at their own pleasure and for their own price.

And what people like Mr. Scott and Mr. Niedringhaus either do not see or do not choose to tell, is that these representatives of providence are the only class of men in the whole United States who can, in the long run, profit by a protective tariff. Whatever is gained by protection, they gain. Nobody else gets anything, save in transition periods, when economic policy is suddenly changed, and then but very little. Suppose, for instance, that tin plates were absolutely barred out by a prohibitory duty, what would be the effect? There would be an increased demand for iron. The men standing idle in Pennsylvania would be set to work. If there was work enough for them all wages might rise a little. Then a rush of immigration would be made into Pennsylvania, the labor market would be overstocked, and the strikes and lockouts and reductions would begin again, even as now. But the things that would increase in value, and stay increased, would be iron lands, and coal lands, and tin lands. And when once the shock of the sudden change was over, protectionist statisticians would compute the value of Pennsylvania lands and property, and, dividing it by the sum of the population, tell us how rich the tariff had made Pennsylvanians. And they would point to the idle men, and the discontented workers, and the withered women, and the stunted children, and tell us that a little more protection would soon cure all that. Just as they are doing now.

There was a time when such talk as that of Messrs. Scott and Niedringhaus

p. 4, col. 4 was potent with the wealth producers of the United States. That time is passing, and will soon be gone. For men are beginning to realize that God made the earth, not to be the plaything of a favored few, but for the equal use of all; and that foremost among the inalienable rights of man are the right of access to nature’s storehouse, and the right to do what he will with his own.

LEARNING TO PLAY AT WORK.

A Corinthian yachtsman is not, as the uninitiated might suppose, a yachtsman who lives in Corinth; but one who has arrived at a knowledge of how to handle his own yacht—who can hand, reef and steer, and knows other things proper to be known by an able seaman. To be a yachtsman is easy enough. One has only to buy a yacht, hire a captain and crew, and remain complacently at home while his vessel goes abroad to win racing cups for him. Many yachtsmen, however, are not satisfied with being merely yachtsmen; they want to be Corinthian yachtsmen as well, with a yeo heave oh! and a rumbelow, and a shivering of timbers, and a general flavor of tar pots and sou’westers. There is a joy in ordering the man at the wheel to “l-l-luff and be damned to you,” or in instructing the crew to “lay aloft there, one of you, and stow that gaff tawps’l,” that only the true Corinthian knows. To heave the log and know what you’re doing when you heave it—to “shoot the sun” through a “pig yoke,” to scan the vernier carefully, and with one eye cocked knowingly aloft to tell the quartermaster to “make it eight bells”—to pace the moonlit deck with the lass that loves a sailor, awaking the emotions of her innocent heart with a whole string of lies about that “harricane” down in the West Injees last cruise, when we scudded before it for forty-eight hours with an oil can on the starboard quarter, and then hove her to and rode it out like a duck—these are joys that yachtsmen sigh for, but only Corinthian yachtsmen know in their full flavor of perfection.

Now there are two ways of becoming a Corinthian yachtsman. One is, to say you’re a Corinthian yachtsman; and the other, to go to work and learn something about sailorizing. The first method is to be avoided, if possible; not on account of its immorality—because the Corinthian yachtsman is bound to disregard the truth, anyhow, just like a fisherman, and a falsehood more or less won’t make much difference to him when he weighs his anchor for the last time and goes into dock for final survey and condemnation—but because of its riskiness. The vocabulary of sea terms is intricate and requires care in using; and the Corinthian who only says he’s a Corinthian may some time give himself away in presence of a real sure-enough sailorman by hauling out his spanker when he ought to flatten in his head sheets, or swinging his head yards first and ordering the hands to “maintopsail haul” afterward. It isn’t safe. No yachtsman who desires to maintain his reputation as a yachtsman will become a Corinthian yachtsman by any other than the inductive or experimental method.

It is for the benefit of mariners of this class that Captain Howard Patterson, principal of the New York navigation school, and author of “The Yachtsman’s Guide,” is about to establish a training ship, or floating marine college. Captain Patterson has already taught his pupils all about charts and chart sailing, keeping the log book, dead reckoning in all its considerations of taking departure, current sailing, and allowing for drift when hove to, middle latitude and Mercator’s sailings, latitude by meridian observations of the sun and moon and by stellar observations, longitude by equal altitudes of the sun, chronometer sights, and by sunrise and sunset sights; Sumner’s method, variation and deviation of the compass calculated by amplitudes and azimuths, and the reading and adjusting of the sextant; and having imparted to them all this knowledge—which, it may be observed, an ordinarily intelligent boy could acquire on shipboard in three days with the aid of a sextant, a “Navigator,” and an obliging first mate—he now proposes to take them to sea in a square rigger, and let them find out how they like it.

With this benevolent end in view Captain Patterson is fitting out a full rigged brig of about 140 tons; and as sixty yachtsmen have already entered their names the cruise may be looked on as a coming certainty. The curriculum of study has not been made public; but as Captain Patterson is a sailor who knows his business, and the yachtsmen are anxious to become sailors knowing their business, it is not at all difficult to foretell it.

The college will be towed down the bay and anchored in the Horsehoe^sic near Sandy hook. During this time the students and their friends will indulge in champagne, songs, jokes, and pleasant anticipations. Captain Patterson will wear a plug hat, smile genially and show himself not averse to a glass of wine now and^sic again. Arrived at the Horseshoe, the last farewells will be said, and the friends of the students will go off amid a roaring of steam whistles and waving of handkerchiefs. The students will then be instructed in the keeping of an anchor watch, which duty they will master readily, and think going to sea great fun.

At 4 a. m. the students will dream they hear a voice from heaven, which will gradually resolve itself into a stentorian yell of “All hands up anchor! Do you hear the news? Turn out there, you lazy all sorts of things, and show a leg!” The students will then rise and proceed on deck in a body. Captain Patterson will be

p. 4, col. 5 walking the poop in a monkey jacket and peaked cap, with a new and strange expression on his countenance, and the chief mate will utter violent language from the topgallant forecastle. The students will salute Captain Patterson politely, and will be astonished when he tells them in reply that “by God, there’s been enough of this nonsense. I’m captain of this ship, and you’ll obey my orders and speak when you’re spoken to. Get for’ard now. and man the windlass.” One student will ask for some information about the mechanical principles involved in the machine they are about to man. Captain Patterson will spring from the poop, knock the student down, stamp on him and swear volubly at the entire class. A second mate, carpenter, boatswain and steward will mysteriously appear from somewhere; the first mate will come aft in about three steps; the students will move forward, propelled by hitherto unknown forces, and when they come to their senses they will find themselves clustered round the windlass brakes, heaving away for dear life, and drawing encouragement from casual remarks of the chief officer.

And so on, and so on. If any reader of THE STANDARD wants to know the whole course of study, let him ask any old sailor of his acquaintance, or read Dana’s “Two Years Before the Mast.” The students will eat bread scouse, flavored with cook’s hair and dandruff. They will pick over the stock of potatoes once a week, with the cheering knowledge that the rotten ones will be cooked for their own consumption. They will learn to look on a slice of fat pork as a treasure to be fought for, and a raw onion as an unattainable delicacy. They will turn in wet, and turn out steaming—work hard, live hard, and be cursed and knocked about for doing it. They will learn something about the way sailors live who go to sea in dead earnest, and not merely for the fun of the thing, and, incidentally, they will get more nonsense knocked out of them than would fill a half dozen “full rigged brigs of 140 tons.” And when they get inside Sandy hook again, and the steamer takes them in tow, and the sails are furled for the last time, Captain Patterson will come on deck in his go-ashore plug hat and long tailed coat, call them all aft, and treat them quite like his equals, asking them if they haven’t had a good time. And they will all be so glad its over^sic and so delighted to get home again that they’ll think they actually have had a good time. And when Captain Patterson visits them at the club house, instead of taking summary vengeance on him, as erstwhile they swore to do, they will shake him by the hand and mix drinks for him, and ask him to corroborate a yarn or two, which he will do cheerfully. And they will advise all their friends to attend one course at the marine college and “get some of the nonsense knocked out of ’em.” But they’ll be mighty careful not to take another cruise in the college themselves.

Captain Patterson’s floating college ought to be a great success. If it does nothing else for its graduates it will give them some idea of the realities of life, equip them with a plentiful stock of experience and furnish them with an utterly inexhaustible fund of lies.

LUTHER R. MARSH.

Newspaper interest in spiritualism has been reawakened by the accounts of Madame Diss Debar and her celestial portraits. She is unhesitatingly pronounced an impostor, and Luther R. Marsh, who vouches for the genuineness of her mediumship and supplies her with money, is regarded as a senile dupe; while a variety of exposures of transparent tricks of spirit mediums are published for the purpose of showing that spiritualism is in all its phases a humbug^sic,

Madame Diss Debar may be a mere adventuress and confidence woman, her spirit portraits the veriest daubs, and her professions of supernatural power another variety of fraud. But beyond the probability that she is an adventuress, and the improbability of such spirit manifestations, nothing appears to justify the flippancy with which Mr. Marsh’s convictions are treated. Mr. Marsh has for years been one of the leading lawyers of the state. He has been accustomed to sift evidence and weigh facts. It is true he is an old man, but until now no one has suspected that his faculties were weakening, nor is it now suspected except in reference to this particular matter. He has a large practice, to which he devotes his usual attention and skill, and he holds a public office in which he exhibits the same intelligence and judgment that have always characterized him. But he says that this woman, Diss Debar, has produced paintings in his presence under circumstances that made the interposition of human agency impossible. He may be deceived. He probably is. But his sincerity is not disputed, and his judgment should not be ridiculed.

It is difficult to believe that spirits write letters, paint pictures and hold carnivals in darkened rooms or cabinets. It is more difficult to believe that they write trashy letters, paint tea store pictures, and hold cabinet carnivals every night in the week, with two matinees, for fifty cents admission and reserved seats extra. It is certain besides that a great many gross frauds are perpetrated in the name of spiritualism. Nevertheless, there are not a few people who frequently experience strange manifestations which, as they firmly believe, have a spiritual origin; and it cannot be disputed that phenomena are presented through mediums which have not been accounted for by any known agency.

The explanation that spirit rappings are

p. 4, col. 6 produced by the medium’s toe joints is not satisfactory to any one who has heard such rappings made under the influence of non-professional mediums who have no possible object in deceiving and who do not attribute the rappings to spirits. Nor can that explanation be accepted by any one who doubts the ventriloquial power of toe joints.

No explanation has been made of the movements of heavy articles in response to the mere touch of a medium; and while slate writing may be done by sleight of hand so as to deceive the most vigilant, it is difficult to understand how a sleight of hand performer can by his art make writing appear on your own slates while they are locked in a drawer of your own table and in your own house, as some slate writing mediums do. As of rapping, table moving and slate writing, so of other manifestations claimed to be spiritual. They may be jugglers’ tricks always, as they undoubtedly are at times; but it is worthy of note that jugglers never perform them except in places adapted to trickery, and that people wholly incompetent as jugglers do perform them in places not at all adapted to trickery.

Whether these phenomena, assuming them to be real, are spiritual revelations, or manifestations of some unknown natural force, every one must judge for himself on his own experience. But whether or not they are only tricks is a problem that may be solved to the satisfaction of candid minds. It cannot be solved, however, so long as a claim of power to produce the manifestations is regarded as conclusive evidence of fraud, and belief in their genuineness as proof of idiocy.

LOUIS F. POST.

THE BUSINESS MAN’S FATE.

One of the oldest inhabitants of Worcester, Massachusetts, Joseph H. Walker, who has collected statistics relative to business fluctuations in his native city during the past fifty years, recently delivered an address before the local young men’s Christian association, in which he exhibited some of the results of his statistical work. Worcester is not the whole United States, much less the civilized globe; in fact, is comparatively such an infinitesimal part of that part of the earth which has come under the influence of civilization, that any one might be pardoned the impoliteness of telling this old gentleman that while his figures may do for Worcester they are too insignificant for anything but “make weights” when business fluctuations generally are under consideration. Nevertheless, these figures tend to verify the results of more extended inquiries, and are useful for illustrative purposes.

It has been frequently asserted that about ninety per cent of business men fail in a generation. To demonstrate this is impossible, but Mr. Walker’s figures show that it is not very far from the truth so far as Worcester is concerned. Of fifty-six men who were prominent in business in Worcester in the year 1845, he found that in five years one-fifth, in ten years two-fifths, and in fifteen years three-fifths, were out of business. These figures leave two-fifths in business at the end of half a generation. But as the cases are selected, he infers that, taking business men generally, not more than thirty-three out of one hundred continue in business for fifteen years.

For the purpose of showing what becomes of those who drop out of business, Mr. Walker has noted the history of the principal manufacturers of Worcester in the years 1840, 1850 and 1860. Of 30 in 1840 14 have failed; of 75 in 1850 41 have failed, and of 107 in 1860 [43?] have failed. These failures are far below ninety per cent; but it must not be forgotten that none but the prominent manufacturers, those having the very best opportunities, were considered by Mr. Walker. If from such statistics it appears that an average of nearly fifty per cent fails, what might not be expected from an investigation which comprehended the business experience of all classes of business men?

It may be a consoling thought to some orders of mind that those who fail make way for others to take their places, and that by virtue of a sort of everlasting three-card monte game—“now you see it, and now you don’t”—in the business world, the slave of yesterday is a master to-day, and the master of to-day is a bankrupt to-morrow; but it is only men in whom the gambling spirit is dominant that can find satisfaction in such conditions.

The tendency toward failure in business is akin to the tendency toward minimum wages in employments, and is traceable to the same cause.

A COMMON SENSE DIAGNOSIS AND PRESCRIPTION.

An English physician, who justly calls himself a “common sense” doctor, has recently written in the Provincial Medical Journal on “The causes of small average fees among doctors.” This is a subject which ought to interest every member of that most useful of all professions. Some doctors get enormous fees, but it is not of such fees that this doctor writes; he writes of small average fees.

That the average fees of physicians are small cannot be disputed. None of their time is their own. At all hours in the day and in the night they must respond to the call of distress, and the great body of them, practicing as they must among the masses, are paid only as the masses can pay them. It is these doctors, too, and not the medical attendants of rich families, whose sympathies are most frequently and most strongly appealed to for pecuniary aid; for they go daily into human hovels where, instead of getting pay for their continued on p. 5 →

[continued on page 5]

ON CAUSES OF CRIME.

One of the editors of the Philadelphia Ledger, having made an excursion into the penitentiary statistics of Pennsylvania, comes back with a supply of significant facts.

What seems to have startled him most is the discovery that of 560 convicts in the eastern penitentiary only 75 had not attended school, while 395 had attended public schools and 90 had gone to private schools; and as he learns that this is not an accident of one year’s statistics, but a fair exhibit of the experience of many years, he concludes that schooling “is not of itself a guard or protection against criminal ways or tendencies.” In that conclusion he is clearly right. Indeed, he might have gone further and inferred that education without free opportunities to make it available in earning a living promotes criminal ways and tendencies. If we would have men live like swine we must be careful not to educate them up to an appreciation of more desirable modes of life. South Carolina was perfectly right in making it a criminal offense to educate slaves. Slavery is exceedingly dangerous unless the slaves are contented in their place; but what educated slave could be contented in his place? And it is quite as true of an impoverished class as of slaves, that education only arouses discontent and invites destruction. Education is an admirable adjunct of freedom; but of slavery, whether chattel slavery or industrial slavery, it is a companion prolific of evil promptings. It is not by education that prisons are to be depopulated, but by securing to all equal opportunities to produce property, and the possession and full enjoyment of the property they do produce.

But in his further progress the editor of the Ledger discovers a fact that fits better to one of his theories. Of these 560 convicts, 471 were wholly ignorant of any trade, and 241 were entirely idle at the time of their arrest. This is regarded as a very important fact, tending to show that idleness causes crime. It is the most potent cause, as the editor feels “compelled to believe.” In this there is a large measure of truth. To make the truth full rounded, though, poverty as well as idleness must be considered. Otherwise we should “feel compelled to believe” that crime flourishes most in the best society, where idleness is a badge cf^sic nobility.

Idleness is no doubt a principal cause of crime. But it is idleness in poverty; idleness that means homelessness, hunger, degradation. To urge the learning of a trade as a preventive of this, as the Ledger does, is like proposing lessons in table etiquette as a preventive of starvation.

In the last issue of THE STANDARD was published an amusing extract from a letter to the Pittsburg Express. Replying to a former correspondent who had asserted that all wealth comes from the land, this unconscious joker says: “So it does, but through a protective tariff.” Since the tariff neither digs, ploughs, nor sows, it would be impossible to see the point of this joke were it not for the accompanying explanation. Referring again to the letter of the former correspondent, the joker goes on: “He asks Mr. Reese or some other protectionist to tell him how tariff will make p. 5, col. 2 land more productive. Well, if ‘Workman’ comes up here in the coke region he can easily see how a tariff has made the land more productive. He can see how it has increased in value from $50 to $300 per acre.” We print the point of the joke in italics after the manner of joke books, so that the obtuse may know where to look for it.

But, on second thought, this apparent joke is not so much of a joke after all. The tariff has made land more productive in this sense; and that is about all it has done in the way of benefiting anybody. But whom does it benefit to have land more productive of rent? Certainly not the rent payer; nor yet the laborer he employs. But obviously the land owner.

Robert H. Cowdrey of Chicago has had years of experience in the wholesale drug trade. In another column he tells some facts about quinine that ought to be brought to the attention of every American who still clings to the delusion that the way to make a country prosperous is to build a wall round it. A single series of facts, such as Mr. Cowdrey relates, is more than sufficient to confute a whole volume of protection “theories.”

The New York Press is a bright and sparkling little paper—well edited, newsy, and filled day by day with the latest illustrations of the benefits of the protective tariff and the latest logic of the tariff advocates. And there is one thing we specially like about the Press: it isn’t afraid. If it thinks the interests of protection demand that a thing should be said, it just goes right ahead and says it, as Quintus Curtius jumped into the hole—without the slightest regard to where it’s coming out. It enunciates protectionist theories as if it really believed them, and repeats some oft told story of the self sacrificing mill owner and the happy workman, with an air of quoting the bible. Here it is, for instance, telling a little fairy tale about linen thread. It is answering some remarks of the Philadelphia Record as to the effect of the tariff on thread, and says:

The best answer to the above senseless tirade may be found in the following statement from the agents of the Grafton linen thread mills, who have mills also in Johnstone, Scotland: “We may say that owing to fierce competition among domestic threadmakers we sell a large proportion of the product of our mills at Grafton, Mass., at prices which are as low absolutely as prices obtained in Britain for similar qualities made at our mills in Johnstone, Scotland.

“As the operatives at Grafton receive more than one hundred per cent higher wages than the Johnstone workers, and as, according to the best information obtainable, the cost of living at Grafton is less than fifty per cent more than in Johnstone, it requires no argument to show who receives the major benefit of the protective tariff upon linen thread. Competition has more to do with prices than tariffs have, in this case, and we doubt not in many others.”

So! It costs the Grafton linen thread people two dollars for labor in this country, where it only costs them one dollar in Scotland, eh? What a lot of money they must be making at their Scotch mills, mustn’t they? Or else what a pile they must be losing over here! Wonder if the Scotch workers won’t strike when they learn what a margin there is for a rise of wages. Wonder if the American workers won’t soon be told they must work for less. Wonder why the Grafton concern don’t shut up their American mills and agitate for free trade. Wonder if the Press—but no, we’re not going to wonder about the Press. Even imagination has its limits.

The Tribune adjures the “new south” to cling to protection as the one means of economic salvation. Here is its latest argument:

More than $200,000,000 of capital is said to have been invested within the past twelvemonth in southern enterprises and lands. There is no estimate of the amount invested within the same time in town lots and real estate operations on account of the establishment of promising manufactures. Of all this capital, much the greater part has for the basis of its investment the success of new works in producing iron and steel at the south, in developing the mines of coal and ore, and in supplying abundant material for a great number of other works which are projected. . . .

That is an eminently practical question for “the new south.” Its enormous investments may be of value or for many years valueless, and that may depend upon the success of Mr. Mills’s bill. The great sums expended for land and lots, the great sums invested in enterprises which indirectly depend upon the success of iron manufacture in the broader, larger and more permanent sense, are all at stake.

Exactly. Just so. More than $200,000,009 “invested” in southern “enterprises and lands.” An unknown quantity—say as much more—“invested” in southern town lots and “real estate operations.” Don’t you see? With a duty of $6.72 per ton on pig iron, mine speculators can afford to pay mine owners royalties sufficient to constitute a fair return on the money “invested” in “mines of coal and ore.” If it were not for the duty the mines couldn’t be worked, because, of course, it would be ridiculous to expect the mine owners to let anybody take any of the coal and ore that God put into the ground for their benefit, without the payment of a sufficient quid pro quo. It’s easy enough to reduce wages; but let no sacrilegious hand be laid upon “investments.”

And the American laborer? Where does he come in in this scheme for making the new south rich by strangling trade? Oh! the laborer is all right. His part of the programme is to hire rooms to live in and thus increase the value of the “town lots” in which so much has been “invested.” Never fear! The American laborer will be taken care of!

Edward L. Hyneman, 166 North High street, Columbus, Ohio, sends the following p. 5, col. 3 petition, which is to be circulated throughout Ohio for signatures:

To the Congress of the United States:

Your petitioners, citizens of the United States, whose post office address is ——, do pray that your honorable body that the bill now before cougress^sic and known as the Springer bill be amended so that it will enact as follows:

1. That land in the Oklahoma country shall not be sold; but

2. That tracts of land not exceeding 160 acres shall be leased by the government in perpetuity to any citizen of these United States of America at an annual rental based on a six per cent valuation of the appraised value of such land.

3. That for the first six years said rental shall not exceed $1.25 per year; and that thereafter every ten years a revaluation shall be made.

4. The grant shall become forfeited on the failure of the payment of the annual rent six months after it becomes due.

5. This rent shall be first expended in building roads and other necessary improvements, and after accrue to the territorial government for the benefit of the people.

The effect of the opening of Olakahoma^sic by a bill embodying these features would be to roughly apply the single tax principle, as far as it can be applied without abolition of national taxes, to the new territory, to vastly stimulate its growth and prosperity, and to afford an example to the rest of the country. The settlers would get their land without expenditure of capital, and the rent they would pay would be applied to local improvements, and when the territory is organized to local expenses. The petition would, however, be improved if the rate of rental were reduced to five per cent, the limitation of values reduced to at most two years, and annual revaluation substituted for decennial. Six years of fixed valuation and ten years between revaluations would give opportunities for land speculation that ought to be prevented.

We suggest to our friends in other parts of the country to get up petitions on these lines, and forward them directly to their members of congress.

WHY WE SHOULD NOT NOMINATE.

MRS. SHERWOOD ON “ADVENTURERS.”

The Single Tax and Prohibition.

NEW YORK CITY.—A recent meeting of the North New York prohibition club was devoted to a debate between Mr. Clark, who appeared to champion the cause of prohibition, and Mr. A. M. Molina, as a representative of the single tax idea. The claim of the prohibitionists that “the prohibition of the liquor traffic would be to the first interest of the laboring classes,” was the subject discussed.

Mr. Clark, whose address consisted chiefly of a regulation prohibition speech, maintained that, after the enactment of a prohibitory law, the money now invested in the liquor traffic would be diverted to other industries, which would afford increased opportunities for the employment of labor, as the same amount of capital applied to other industries would give employment to a greater number.

Mr. Molina began his address by saying that he was not opposed to the temperance movement; in fact, that his sympathies were with it; but he asked their attention to his exposition of a theory, without the success of which the realization of their dream would be more of a curse than a blessing. He proved the fallacy of Mr. Clark’s statement that the money invested in the liquor business would go toward building up other industries by showing that if that were the case there would have to be industries that require the use of more capital and labor; but he pointed to the fact that money at the present time can be borrowed at a very low rate if required by any industry, and also to the fact of the existence of the vast army of unemployed, both ready at any time to supply any deficiency. He showed conclusively that the saving of that part of the wages of an individual which was formerly spent for liquor would simply accrue to the benefit of the employer, as labor, being able to maintain itself for less, the presence of those seeking an opportunity for the employment of their labor must naturally tend to force wages down to a point relatively as low as before.

The judge of the debate, who, by the way, was a land owner, decided in favor of Mr. Molina, as Mr. Clark did not succeed in proving that the prohibition of the liquor traffic would in any way deplete the ranks of the unemployed, nor how it would be to the first interest of the laboring class.

On the whole Mr. Molina’s address was a very lucid exposition of the single tax theory and commanded the strict attention of those present, and will no doubt be productive of good results. I trust his example will have the effect of stimulating others to do likewise.

HENRY A. KRAMER.

For Free Trade and the Single Tax.

IRWIN, Ia., April [3?].—I have just read your book, “Progress and Poverty,” and I must express my admiration and the conviction that your positions are impregnable, fortified as they seem by facts and experience.

I own a small farm of eighty acres, which I cultivate with my own labor, and from which I am able to support a large family, pay about $30 taxes per year and $64 interest on $800, for which the farm is mortgaged.

It would be to the immediate advantage of every farmer situated as I am, if in lieu of all other taxes the single tax on land values were levied, for we would gain more on labor and in the commutation of taxes than we would lose in rent. At the same time other gigantic monopolies based on protective duties would be abolished, and with clean hands we could consistently and easily stop all others. I notice that some one here by the name of Maxwell is holding an argument in the columns of the Industrial American (a union labor paper) with its editor.

In the coming presidential fight I propose to cast my vote with the party that seems to be facing in the right direction. The issue must necessarily lie between the democratic and republican parties, and as there is no kind of reform that can draw any encouragement from the republican party, I will vote with the other. I hope the democrats will give us Cleveland and General John C. Black, now pension commissioner, and a plank as strongly free trade as Cleveland’s message. I was honored last fall with a place on the union labor ticket, but notwithstanding this I am more in accord with the democratic party at present. To me the tariff question is paramount to any other issue they present; and a party that is silent on this question, or ambiguous, is not the party for me.

JAMES K. P. BAKER.

p. 5, col. 6

SOCIETY NOTES.

Edith Sessions Tupper in Life.

Meg, dear, I’m quite sorry Lent’s over, For I’ve been having no end of fun; I haven’t missed balls and receptions One bit since the season was done.

What with luncheons and teas and my riding, The sewing class, study and dress, And poker—I’ve made lots of money!— That devotion was crowned with success.

I’ve put in a most charming season, And really I’m sorry it’s o’er; If it were not for the bonnets at Easter, I shouldn’t mind forty days more.

Don’t talk about [sin?], death and folly— Such topics are best ones to shun. Do you know, I think Lent is so jolly And sackcloth and ashes such fun!

Denny Kelleher and Mike Boden, two Philadelphia heavyweights, fought for a purse of $150, on Long island, April 4. The fight was conducted on the marquis of Queensberry rules, the attendant crowd being chiefly crazy drunk, and the referee refusing to award the stakes to either gentleman.

W. K. Vanderbilt and family have returned from their European yachting cruise, and entered upon the enjoyment of their $10,000 cook. They left this port, in the Alva, in July last for Queenstown, cruised through the Mediterranean, visited Constantinople, ran over into the holy land, ascended the Nile as far as the first cataract in a local steamer, stopped at the old cities of Egypt, Greece and Italy, and, in fact, did southern Europe and portions of Asia and Africa very thoroughly.

Two Hebrews, supposed to be Hans and Fanny Stackrica^sic, man and wife, being driven to desperation by abject poverty and utter hopelessness of their surroundings, resolved to die together, took poison in their wretched room and expired before daylight in St. Vincent’s hospital. They left a four months’ old baby, which was taken to police headquarters.—[Mail and Express.

An encounter took place at Minneapolis, April [4?], between Montreal Sport, a well known fighting dog, and Madge, who killed the famous Winnipeg Spring about two months ago. The light^sic lasted one hour and twenty-seven minutes. At the end of the twelfth scratch Sport gave up and died in a few minutes. The contest was for $250 and gate money, and about $1,000 changed hands. Previous to this Sport had never lost a fight.

Now that Lent is over Mrs. Cleveland is contemplating the renewal of the pleasant morning receptions which the discourtesy of many of her visitors compelled her to cease some time ago. The conduct of some of the people, and especially the ladies, who came to these receptions reminded one of the small boy when the circus comes to town—looking at the elephant, and then running ahead a block and stopping till the show comes by again. Time after time ladies were caught repeating, and they didn’t all come from Baltimore either. Mrs. Cleveland grants to every one in line time enough for a good, searching comprehensive look at her face and her toilet, and it is the height of cruel meanness to double on her, and, falling in line again, wear out her patience and strength for the sake of a second ill bred stare of idle curiosity. Hereafter policemen will be so stationed as to make “repeating” impossible, and the first fair maiden that attempts it will be gently but firmly shown the door.—[Baltimore American.

The Philadelphia Press tells a queer story of a new infant industry in the city of protection and brotherly love. It is a thieves’ academy, conducted on self-supporting and co-operative principles, by Mrs. Mary Flanigan of 235 Path street. The academy contains twelve pupils, and seems likely to have more if not hampered by police interference. Pupils are received at the age of twelve, and commence their studies by watching the older and more experienced students at their work, without attempting any active operations on their own account. They are then advanced to sneak thieving round the markets, or snatching things from in front of stores. In the higher grades they are allowed to practice burglary and shop lifting. All plunder is handed over to the principal and each pupil receives a stated sum of $2 per week. At last accounts the police had arrested the entire establishment.

The employes of the Reading iron works have agreed to accept a reduction of seven and a half per cent. in their wages, and orders have been given to resume work in the company’s mills. Work will thus be given to 1,000 men who have been idle for several months.

The office of naval commander-in-chief at Portsmouth, to which the duke of Edinburgh is to be appointed in June, is worth £3,967 a year, and there is an excellent residence, besides numerous allowances.—[London Truth.

Bernard M’Aleese, a grocery clerk, was arraigned in Jefferson market police court for an assault upon his wife. When brought into court he made a dash at his wife, who had her baby in her arms, and it took five men to hold him. He was found to be suffering with delirium tremens. The wife testified that he was “always like that when in liquor.”

It is not probable, if the list of European departures grows any larger, that Newport will be at all gay until even later than usual this year. Mr. and Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt, following the new custom among the very rich members of New York society, have taken a house in London for four months. They sailed yesterday and will not return to Newport before the 1st of August, if then. Other prominent people will undoubtedly follow their example. Mr. and Mrs. W. K. Vanderbilt will probably go to Islip upon their return and to Newport later on. The new and magnificent house which Mr. Fred Vanderbilt is building will not be completed this season.

Two families were turned out of the old Spencer house last night and left on the street with their luggage. They were in absolute destitution. One family found lodgings for the night on one of the shanty boats, but the other family, consisting of a man, woman and a very sick child, could find no place to sleep. Captain Mehen consulted with Mayor Camden and it was decided to let the family sleep in the jail last night. They were allowed to go next morning.—[Parkersburg, Wa. Va^sic., State Journal.

Jay Gould’s yacht, the Atlanta, has gone out of commission. The crew numbered forty-nine, including the officers, and were all dismissed except the captain, J. W. Shackford, who will remain for the present, and the boatswain, Joseph [Rosman?], who will stay permanently as shipkeeper. The yacht lies in the Erie basin, where she will probably be kept till she is put in commission again. The plate, linen and glass have been brought to New York.

The princess of Wales recently received a magnificent diamond tiara valued at $24,000 as a silver wedding gift from some of the chief ladies of the British aristocracy.

In London there are 60,000 families who live in single rooms and [30,000?] yet more wretched, if that be conceivable, who have no regular homes at all. It is said that 80,000 fallen women are offered in sacrifice to the moloch of men’s disordered selfishness in London streets.—[Archdeacon Farrar.

One of the most unique of the many private dinners given this season at Delmonico’s, New York, took place the other day. On the plate of each guest and attached to the menu was a beautiful ring with an emerald stone, set in diamonds. The ring cost $1,000, and as there were eight guests, the menus, with their novel attachments, must have cost over $8,000. The host was George Law, a street railway magnate and several times a millionaire. The guests at this dinner were not so greatly surprised, for Mr. Law is known to spend considerably over $100,000 a year on jewelry. Very nearly all of this he distributes around among his acquaintances.—[Chicago Journal.

Not long since I made an estimate of the fallen women in this city. In [1867?] they numbered [6,000?]. To-day there are between 27,000 and 30,000 of these poor unfortunate creatures in the city of New York.—[Elbridge T. Gerry.

There Might Be Two.

This one is sick; his wayward fate cries out Against the leech, the calomel, the bed. Oh! inconsiderate person, cease to pout— You might be dead!

And this one hath the mitten; he has wooed; Vainly, alack his wooing it has sped. Well—even in this there’s comfort, rightly viewed— He might be wed!

And here is one who whines; his all is swept Away in panic; he has had to “fail.” He should, I think, be cheerful, that he’s kept Safe out of jail.

But late I lost a twenty-dollar bill— And did I wring my hands that I had blundered? Not I, indeed! I’m very thankful still ’Twas not a hundred.

Sooth, should I e’er capsize when walks are bad^sic, And my good clavicle involve in wreck, Serenely, I should say—How very glad It’s not my neck.

Oh! trust me—better not to make ado At the few miseries of our common lot. There’s millions of ’em—if we only knew!— We haven’t got.

MINNIE KELSEY.

St. Michael the Weigher.

James Russell Lowell in America.

Stood the tall Archangel weighing All man’s dreaming, doing, saying, All the failure and the pain, All the triumph and the gain, In the unimagined years, Full of hopes, more full of tears, Since old Adam’s conscious eyes Backward searched for Paradise, And, instead, the flame blade saw Of inexorable law.

In a dream I marked him there, With his fire gold, flickering hair, In his blinding armor stand, And the scales were in his hand; Mighty were they and full well They could poise both heaven and hell. “Angel,” asked I humbly then, “Weighest thou the souls of men? That thine office is, I know.” “Nay,” he answered me, “not so; But I weigh the hope of man Since the power of choice began In the world of good or ill.” Then I waited and was still.

In one scale I saw him place All the glories of our race, Cups that lit Belshazzar’s feast, Gems, the wonder of the East, Kublai’s scepter, Cæsar’s sword, Many a poet’s golden word, Many a skill of science, vain To make men as gods again.

In the other scale he threw Things regardless, outcast, few, Martyr-ash, arena sand, Of St. Francis’ cord a strand, Beechen cups of men whose need Fasted that the poor might feed, Disillusions and despairs Of young saints with grief-grayed hairs, Broken heart that brake for man.

Marvel through my pulses ran Seeing then the beam divine Swiftly on his hand decline, While earth’s splendor and renown Mounted light as thistle down.

The Way It Works.

Boston Budget.

Two coal heavers were discussing the lowering of the price the other day. They were employed on neighboring wharves, and of course any change in the staple, the handling of which afforded them a livelihood, had a special interest to them. “Well, Mike,” remarked one, “arn’t yer glad that the price of the coal has dropped?” “Bad luck to the bit am I,” regretfully responded the other, “for I was dropped with it.” “What do you mean?” “Oh, the boss said it was so low now that fewer men could handle it.”

The Forsaken Merman.

Matthew Arnold.

Come, dear children, let us away! Down and away below. Now my brothers call from the bay; Now the great winds shorewards blow; Now the salt tides seawards flow; Now the wild white horses play, Champ and chaff and toss in the spray. Children dear, let us away: This way, this way.

Call her once before you go. Call once yet, In a voice that she will know: “Margaret! Margaret!” Children’s voices should be dear (Call once more) to a mother’s ear; Children’s voices wild with pain. Surely she will come again. Call her once, and come away; This way, this way. “Mother dear, we cannot stay,” The wild white horses foam and fret, Margaret! Margaret!

Come, dear children, come away down. Call no more. One last look at the white walled town, And the little gray church on the windy shore, Then come down. She will not come, though you call all day. Come away, come away.

Children dear, was it yesterday We heard the sweet bells over the bay; In the caverns where we lay, Through the surf and through the swell, The far-off sound of a silver bell? Sand-strewn caverns cool and deep, Where the winds are all asleep; Where the spent lights quiver and gleam; Where the salt weed sways in the stream; Where the sea beasts, ranged all round, Feed in the ooze of their pasture ground; Where the sea snakes coil and twine, Dry their mail, and bask in the brine; Where great whales come sailing by, Sail and sail, with unshut eye, Round the world for ever and aye! When did music come this way? Children dear, was it yesterday? Children dear, was it yesterday (Call yet once) that she went away? Once she sat with you and me, On a red gold throne in the heart of the sea, And the youngest sat on her knee. She combed its bright hair and she tended it well, When down swung the sound of the far-off bell; She sighed, she looked up through the clear green sea; She said, “I must go, for my kinsfolk pray In the little gray church on the shore to-day. ’Twill be Easter time in the world—ah me! And I lose my poor soul, merman, here with thee.” I said, “Go up, dear heart, through the waves; Say thy prayer, and come back to the kind sea-caves.” She smiled, she went up through the surf in the bay; Children dear, was it yesterday?

Children dear; were we long alone?

“The sea grows stormy, the little ones moan; Long prayers,” I said, “in the world they say. Come,” I said, and we rose through the surf in the bay. We went up the beach in the sandy down Where the sea stocks bloom, to the white-walled town, Through the narrow paved streets where all was still, To the little gray church on the windy hill. From the church came a murmur of folk at their prayers, But we stood without in the cold blowing airs, We climbed on the graves, on the stones worn with rains, And we gazed up the aisle through the small leaded panes. She sat by the pillar; we saw her clear; “Margaret, hist! come quick, we are here. Dear heart,” I said, “we are here alone; The sea grows stormy, the little ones moan.” But ah! she gave me never a look, For her eyes were sealed to the holy book. “Loud prays the priest; shut stands the door,” Come away, children, call no more, Come away, come down, call no more.

Down, down, down,
Down to the depths of the sea;

She sits at her wheel in the humming town, Singing most joyfully. Hark what she sings: “O joy, O joy, For the humming street, and the child with its toy, For the priest and the bell, and the holy well, For the wheel where I spun, And the blessed light of the sun.” And so she sings her fill, Singing most joyfully, Till the shuttle falls from her hand, And the whizzing wheel stands still. She steals to the window and looks at the sand; And over the sand at the sea; And her eyes are set in a stare; And anon there breaks a sigh, And anon there drops a tear, From a sorrow-clouded eye, And a heart sorrow-laden, A long, long sigh, For the cold strange eyes of a little mermaiden, And the gleam of her golden hair.

Come away, away, children,
Come, children, come down.
The hoarse wind blows colder;
Lights shine in the town.
She will start from her slumber
When gusts shake the door;
She will hear the winds howling,
Will hear the waves roar;
We shall see, while above us
The waves roar and whirl,
A ceiling of amber,
A pavement of pearl.
Singing, "Here came a mortal,
But faithless was she,
And alone dwell forever
The kings of the sea."

But children, at midnight,
When soft the winds blow,
When clear falls the moonlight,
When spring tides are low,
When sweet airs come seaward
From heaths starred with broom,
And high rocks throw mildly
On the blanched sands a gloom;
Up the still, glistening beaches,
Up the creeks we will hie;
Over banks of bright seaweed
The ebb tide leaves dry.
We will gaze from the sand hills,
At the white sleeping town;
At the church on the hill side,—
    And then come back, down.
Singing, "There dwells a loved one,
    But cruel is she;
    She left lonely forever
    The kings of the sea."

Leaving the Union Labor Club to Join the Single Tax Association.

CANTON, O., March 31.—I am about to sever my connection with the union labor club and

p. 7, col. 2 join the single tax club. If we reformers are to accomplish anything we must recognize some fundamental principle and join in pushing it. Of the three reform parties here, the prohibitionists advocate an artificial and unnatural restriction; the union labor party give chief prominence to their plan for issuing money and loaning it at a low rate of interest to the industrial classes, and expect thus to destroy the power of the money kings; the single tax people advocate nothing artificial, but simply a returning to natural laws, the removal of all burdens on industry and the recognition of the rights of all to their share in the earth. I see in this last a reform which will destroy the tyranny of aggregated capital without special legislation, and therefore choose it rather than the plan proposed by the union labor party which could accomplish nothing of lasting benefit. A. J. KINTZ.

ELECTRIC MOTORS.

It Is Free Trade.

From Henry Cabot Lodge’s Speech at Cambridge.

It is free trade that is proposed not tariff reform. When the president in his message and the secretary of the treasury in his report advised the retention of the internal revenue and maintained silence as to the great sugar taxes, urging the removal of the surplus wholly by the removal or reduction of protective duties, they committed themselves to free trade in a manner which no form of vague and soothing words could disguise. When the majority in the house unite on such a measure as the Mills tariff, with its comparatively slight reduction of sugar duties and internal revenue, and its wholesale attack on all the protective duties, they commit themselves to free trade. Had they aimed merely at reducing the surplus they would have got rid of it more surely and speedily by reducing the tobacco taxes, repealing the burdensome tax on alcohol used in the arts, and by abolishing the sugar duties. It is all very well to say, as I have heard free traders declare, that no one thinks of destroying the tariff or of immediate free trade; but the adoption of the principles of the president’s message. or the enactment^sic of the Mills tariff, would break down the entire protective system within two years, and, whatever may be said, that is what they are intending to do.

p. 7, col. 3

WOMEN.

Oskaloosa, Kan., has elected a woman as mayor and five women as members of the city council.

Of the ninety-two graduates from the New York college of pharmacy two were women, Miss de Socarras and Mrs. R. S. Brunner. The latter proposes to compound prescriptions and otherwise assist her husband in his drug store in Brooklyn.

The following patents were applied for by women in England recently: Rhoga-sa, a new nutritious food essence and beverage of various delicious flavors; improvements in letter and bill files; an invention for polishing and cleaning laundry and flat irons, and feeding spoons for infants and invalids.

Mme. Christine Nilsson-Miranda has a passion for tapestries and fans. Her collection of tapestries is very choice. Her fans are chiefly gifts from eminent persons. One, given to her by a Russian prince, is a copy of the famous fan of the queen of Oude, made of white silk with sticks of ivory and gold, set with diamonds, emeralds, pearls and rubies. Another, given by the Empress Eugenie, once belonged to Mme. Dubarry, and was painted by Boucher. A third, presented by the city of Venice, is of silver filigree and point lace. The finest of all came from the Thakore Sahib of Morvi. It is made of gold, gems and feathers.

It is not to be wondered at that German children are better scholars than those of almost any other nation, seeing what means are employed in making schools attractive to them. In Thuringia, for instance, it is the custom for the schoolmaster to present to every child on its first entrance into the school an enormous bag of sweets. Lately the custom had degenerated to such a degree, by the parents and friends of the well to do children all supplying additional bags to the favored pupil, that the government has been obliged to interfere, and one bag only is now the rule in one district, while in another it has ceased altogether.

Mme. Victorina, now performing at the Empire theatre in London, and called the female hercules, because of her muscular powers, is described as a quiet, modest girl, of medium height and slender, graceful figure, who dresses simply. She says in relating some of her experiences: “My husband and I have often had a great deal of amusement in private in connection with my strength. Once we were at Berlin, and as our luggage is naturally tremendously heavy, and expensive in proportion, we take as much of it as possible into the railway carriage when we are traveling. The porter, who had put our boxes into the van, saw that I was carrying what looked like two small handbags. He offered to put them into the carriage for me, and I never saw so astonished and overawed a face than when I handed him the two parcels, each containing one of my heavy weights. Another time we were going up the stairs of our hotel when we found six men engaged in taking an iron safe upstairs. The owner, who knew us, said laughingly, ‘Oh, here comes madame; she will show you how to do this kind of work.’ I had never tried anything like it, but I took a firm hold of the safe and put it on the next step, although I wore my ordinary clothes. The safe was presented to me by the owner, and I have since then often carried it across the stage.”

Donn Piatt to the Ohio Farmers.

Home Knowledge.

At Liverpool our wheat comes in competition with the wheat of the Baltic, where the laborer works at $18 a year and a goat skin coat; with the wheat of Egypt, that is to-day the house of bondage, having slavery in its worst form; with the wheat of India, where labor is in as bad a condition; and worse yet, of Australia, where the shipper takes manufactured articles back home in payment—an exchange denied us by law.

You see we sell under free trade, and are left to the mercy of the worst form of pauper labor.

What is our condition when we come to purchase? Why, we are met with protection. All that we buy, from a horse shoe to a mower, all that we wear. all that we build^sic for shelter, all that we use over and above our products, from the cradle we are rocked in to the coffin we rot in—the clothes we wear, the shingle that shuts off the storm, the glass we look through, the blanket we sleep under to the tombstone that records our supposed virtues, are augmented in price to double their values, so that we sell under free trade and buy under protection. Now, do you wonder that we work at a disadvantage? If protection is such a good thing, we want it; if free trade is such an evil, we don’t want it; and yet we have the one and not the other; we get what we don’t want and are denied what we do want, and it is the most bare-faced, impudent swindle ever perpetrated on an intelligent people. There is precisely where insult is heaped on injury. We are considered so ignorant and stupid that we may be plundered with impunity. They pretend to protect us on wool. Well, we have lost more on our protected shears than we ever made on our protected wool. If the government will give us free lumber, free salt, cease its protection to the barbed wire monopoly, and see that I am charged a reasonable rate for transportation on these public highways, called railroads, I will undertake to undersell at a profit any wool grown in any other part of the earth than that of these United States.

What Iron and Steel Cost the Farmer.

Savoyard in Courier-Journal.

Just look at the taxation the farmers undergo on account of iron. The ore is taxed from 15 to 25.04 per cent, pig iron is taxed from 30.34 to 56.60 per cent, bar iron is taxed from 51 to 69.86 per cent, steel is taxed all the way from 30 per cent to over 100 per cent, cutlery is taxed from 35 to 50 per cent. Take the tariff schedules, enumerating the classes of this prime necessity, and we find it is taxed in just 189 ways. The average of iron and steel tariff taxation is 40.92 per cent, and the people who use them paid in 1887 $20,713,233.89 tariff upon such importations, and that is not a priming to the collossal^sic amount they paid in bounties upon the domestic manufactures. No wonder Carnegie has made $25,000,000 in iron and steel, and no wonder that he sings the praises of protection.

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The Democrat advocates Land Resumption and those reforms which are necessary to make the English people a free people. It asks “compensation” not for those who have benefited by unjust legislation, but for those who have suffered thereby.

For one dollar the Democrat is supplied for 18 months to any address in the United States or Canada.

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p. 7, col. 4

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THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.—We are now publishing under the title of “The Land and Labor Library” a series of short tracts on various phases of the social problem. These pamphlets contain facts, figures and arguments expressed in concise, vigorous language easily understood. As a means of propaganda we recommend them to all who desire to help on the movement for social reform. Those who wish to have these tracts placed where they will do good but who are unable personally to attend to their distribution, can remit the price to us, as we have every facility for sending them where they are needed and will be read.

The following have already appeared:

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GERMAN TRACTS.

No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish.) H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.

SWEDISH.

No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” H. F. Ring. [8?] pages.

Prices, free by mail: 2-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $4.25.

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PUBLISHER’S NOTES.

CHICAGO, Ill.—I too, had missed the “Publisher’s Notes” in a vague kind of a way without noticing exactly what it was that was lacking, for there is so much that is good in the paper that the loss was not painful. Honestly, THE STANDARD is the greatest real comfort in life to me. All through the week I see crime, wretchedness, the poor defrauded of his wage, the rich idler squandering wealth in ostentation, the city humbly begging a monopolist to tear up the public streets that he may run a cable line for his own enrichment; I see coal barons posing as philanthropists, giving $5 to the poor, and then voting up the price of coal; I see prisoners, locked up in the jail as a punishment for theft, stealing from one another; I see deluded workingmen carrying on a destructive warfare of strikes, in which they are sure to get worsted; I see on all sides evidences of great social wrongs; and it seems to me I see much more since I read “Progress and Poverty.” And then when Saturday comes I devour my STANDARD with all the greed of a famished man. It says: “Be of good cheer.” It helps me to go through the next week with the feeling that it isn’t going to be so long till things will be righted; and please G[o?]d, I shall do what I can to bring it about. “There’s a good time coming. It’s almost here, but it’s been a long time on the road.” When the blizzard delayed the paper for a day or two, Sunday didn’t seem Sunday to me. I can’t tell you the good it does me.

What first touched my heart and made me a regular buyer of THE STANDARD was the letter of that splendid fellow who went without his overcoat in order to contribute to the campaign fund. A friend said to me: “This thing is a sure winner, if that’s the way people feel about it.”

Now what is this John Smith doing?—this particular one who is writing. He is a newspaper reporter and never loses a chance to put a good word in his paper when it can possibly be done. He has converted another reporter, who has simply become a crank on the subject—I wish the country was full of such cranks—and he in turn has gone and converted others. He carries tracts with him and goes loaded for bear. There are seven single tax men in the “brainery” and any number in the composing room. It would just do your heart good to come in some day “after the jig is up,” and hear us all jump on some incautious person who attempts to “back cap” the single tax doctrine. It would so. Keep your eyes on the —— and you’ll see lots of good things in it. The real estate reporter is a Henry George man, who is a star in my crown, and once in awhile he gets in a crack at the land sharks.

But mingled with the fierce joy of making a convert to the faith, for it is as keen and strong a delight as a man can know, is the dull pain one feels in meeting a man who says: “I take no interest in such subjects.” I cannot understand how people with eyes and ears and hearts can “take no interest in such subjects.” “I have been to Golgotha; I have seen humanity hanging upon the cross.” And who can be deaf to the cry, “Is it nothing to you, oh, ye that pass by? Behold and see if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow.”

When I see the poor little cash girls and boys in the big stores wan and peaked and weary, and think how they are not only being robbed of the innocent joys of childhood, but are being of necessity forced into becoming a race of stupid, dull, ignorant wage slaves, whose highest ambition is to be somebody’s intellectual footman, a private secretary—when I see girls in the stores and offices working for $3 a week with the understanding that there is a way for them to rise, of which I dare not write, it seems to me as if I just could not stand it any longer. Surely the blood of these murdered souls must cry out to God day and night for vengeance. And then the word comes to me, “What hast thou done with thy brother Abel?” God help me to do my best for the cause. Why not, when we say the Lord’s prayer, “Thy kingdom come,” say it with a special intention for the land reform?

I only meant to write a stickful or so, but when I get started on this subject it seems as though I never could stop. You’ll hear from me again when I get this suit of clothes paid for. The part I owe on it I think amounts to about extra cost from the duty on wool and woolen cloth. I’ll send a recruit subscription then.

Yours for God’s truth.

EUGENE WOOD.

Thank you, Eugene Wood. Your letter is one which every reader of THE STANDARD will read with interest, and will be the better for the reading. Not because it speaks well of THE STANDARD—we have published plenty of letters praising THE STANDARD fully as much, which were not half so interesting—but because it puts into words, and describes in good straightforward English, that half-despairing feeling, that saddened wonder at the persistence of misery, and crime, and poverty, which every one of us has felt.

How easy it is to see, if one will only look. How hard it is to get people to open their eyes and see the world around them as it really is. There are thousands upon thousands of people in Chicago who, if they read Eugene Wood’s letter, would simply say: “It isn’t true. There’s little or no distress in this city; and what little there is, is the result of ignorance and drunkenness.” And then they’d take up some magazine article, or the report of some society, and prove by figures—figures, you know, never lied since first man put two and two together—they’d prove by figures that the rich are really growing poorer, and the poor are really growing richer, and no man wants for anything who is really willing to work for it, and all we’ve got to do is to let things alone and give the glorious institutions of our country a chance to do their perfect work. Which of us is there who has not encountered just that kind of talk from people who deluded themselves with the idea that their eyes were open, while they were really blind as bats in sunlight.

Friends, this very thing that troubles us so often is the thing that gives sure promise of our victory. Men can see, if only they will open their eyes and look. All we have to do is to hold up the truth in front of them—to keep it steadily before them—and sooner or later they are bound to see it. Round every one of us there stands a throug^sic of men and women with eyes cast down or tightly closed. What each one of us must do is to hold steadily aloft the light that shows the way to freedom; so that the first eye raised or opened may be attracted by its beams.

Are you doing this?

———

This comes from a bookkeeper in a Texas city with a year’s subscription:

——, Texas.—The fourth copy of THE STANDARD was received to-day. Prejudice kept me from reading the first copy, but afterward, in justice to the unknown friend who sent the paper to me, I felt as though I ought

p. 8, col. 2 to read it. I have read every paragraph, and I think THE STANDARD is the most interesting paper in the United States, and a grand medium for educating the people to a knowledge of their own interests. I shall read “Progress and Poverty” and “Protection or Free Trade?” next.

And this from another recruit subscriber—a clergyman in Iowa.

——, Iowa, April 5.—I don’t know whether I am thankful or not to the friend who you say ordered you to send me THE STANDARD for four weeks. I don’t know whether to be glad or sorry that I did not follow my first impulse and throw the paper unread into my waste basket. It has made me very unhappy. For mine eyes are opened and I see; and I begin to realize how empty and how useless my life has been. I am not ready yet to confess my faith in the remedy you advocate, though I am satisfied that those I have hitherto carelessly accepted are worse than useless. I feel as if I ought to give the matter further study. I send my subscription to THE STANDARD and remittance for “Progress and Poverty” and “Protection or Free Trade?” I shall read your books carefully, and with an earnest desire to know the truth.

Use these recruit subscriptions, friends. Scatter them broadcast among your acquaintances until every one in the whole land has had one. That is one of the ways, and a very good way, too, in which you can hold up the light for your fellow men to see it. Don’t send in recruit subscriptions because you like THE STANDARD; but send them because you love the cause! And scatter them with a free unsparing hand.

———

Have you sent us any subscribers lately? Are you trying to get any? There are plenty of you who must answer “no” to these questions, if they answer them at all. Yet there probably is not one among you all who could not, if he would but take a little trouble, add at least one to the number of our subscribers. Friends, THE STANDARD is your paper, as much as it is ours. It is your work as much as ours that it has to do. For the efficiency with which it does its work no small share of responsibility rests upon your shoulders.

———

Here are our terms for subscriptions to THE STANDARD:

One subscription, one year, . . . . $2 50 One subscription, six months, . . . . 1 25 One subscription, three months, . . . 63

Three or more subscriptions:

One year, each, . . . . . . . . . . $2 00 Six months, each, . . . . . . . . . 1 00 Three months, each, . . . . . . . . 50

After the first club of three has been sent, subsequent subscriptions may be forwarded at the same reduced rates.

Recruit subscriptions, for four weeks, will be received, singly or in clubs, to different addresses at fifteen cents each.

———

The contributions to the recruiting fund during the past week have been:

A. L. [Rohan?], Port Louis, Mauritus^sic………. $8 19 Edward T. Jennings………. 3 50 Two Nicodemuses………. 1 75 E. L. A………. 5 00

Total for the week………. $18 44 Previously acknowledged………. 2,254 14

Total to date………. $2,[illegible] 58

———

A STATE CONVENTION IN ALABAMA.

The Burial of Moses.

Cecil Frances Alexander.

“And He buried him in a valley in the land of Moab, over against Beth-peor; but no man knoweth of his sepulcher to this day.”

By Nebo’s lonely mountain, On this side Jordan’s wave, In a vale in the land of Moab, There lies a lonely grave; And no man knows that sepulcher, And no man saw it e’er, For the angels of God upturned the sod, And laid the dead man there.

That was the grandest funeral That ever passed on earth; But no man heard the trampling, Or saw the train go forth— Noiselessly as the daylight Comes back when night is done, And the crimson streaks on ocean’s cheek Grow into the great sun.

Noiselessly as the spring time Her crown of verdure weaves, And all the trees on all the hills Open their thousand leaves; So without sound of music, Or voice of them that wept, Silently down from the mountain crown, The great procession swept.

Perchance the bald old eagle, On gray Beth-Peor’s height, Out of his lonely eyry, Looked on the wondrous sight. Perchance the lion stalking, Still shuns that hallowed spot, For beast and bird have seen and heard That which man knoweth not.

But when the warrior dieth, His comrades in the war, With arms reversed and muffled drum, Follow his funeral car; They show the banners taken, They tell his battles won, And after him lead his masterless steed, While peals the minute gun.

Amid the noblest of the land We lay the sage to rest, And give the bard an honored place, With costly marble drest, In the great minster transept Where lights like glories fall, And the organ rings, and the sweet choir sings, Along the emblazoned wall.

This was the truest warrior That ever buckled sword; This the most gifted poet That ever breathed a word; And never earth’s philosopher Traced with his golden pen, On the deathless page, truth half so sage As he wrote down for men.

And had he not high honor— The hillside for a pall, To lie in state while angels wait With stars for tapers tall, And the dock rock pines^sic, like tossing plumes, Over his bier to wave, And God’s own hand in that lonely land, To lay him in the grave?

In that strange grave, without a name, Whence his uncoffined clay Shall break again, oh, wondrous thought! Before the Judgment day, And stand with glory wrapt around On the hills he never trod, And speak of the strife that won our life, With the Incarnate Son of God.

O lorely grave in Moab’s land! O dark Beth-Peor’s hill! Speak to these curious hearts of ours, And teach them to be still. God hath his mysteries of grace, Ways that we cannot tell; He hides them deep, like the hidden sleep Of him he loved so well.

———

HOW INVENTION MARCHES ON.

THE NEW YORK UNITED LABOR PARTY GENERAL COMMITTEE.

PERSONAL.

Albert Smith will assume the editorship of the Brooklyn Weekly Press on the 1st of May.

Hugh B. Brown is doing excellent work in Suffolk county, Long island, by writing for the Suffolk Democrat a series of articles showing the fallacies and absurdities of protection.

Charles Reade was over six feet in height, and of splendid physique. He had fine, expressive, dark brown eyes, which contrasted with his silken white hair and flowing patriarchal beard.

C. P. Huntington, of Central Pacific notoriety, remarked to a San Francisco reporter lately: “I own more lines of railroad in America now than any one else, but this is because I have never parted with any of my acquisitions.” Mr. Huntington’s explanation is both simple and ingenuous.

Mr. Rider Haggard says of himself: “I write my books in the same way that people do any other work—namely, by sticking at them. Of course, I first of all evolve a central idea, then I build on that. I am afraid this does not sound very interesting; but I believe that, given certain natural tendencies of mind, the making of books, like everything else, becomes a question of taking pains and assiduous unsparing labor.

Mr. Cuninghame Graham, the radical member of parliament who was imprisoned for using justifiable violence at the Trafalgar square meeting last year, says in relating his prison experience: “It was very monotonous in the cell when the hours for work were done. But I read the bible. The part which prisoners seem to read most is the Lamentations of Jeremiah, and on the margin of my bible some former prisoners had written in blood, ‘Cheer up, Old Jeremiah, the time will soon pass.’ That’s what all the poor fellows say. We are not allowed to speak, but as we pass, one says to another, ‘Cheer up, the time will soon pass.’”

Walter Besant, explaining why his name alone stands on the title page of the English edition of the novel “All Sorts and Conditions of Men,” says that Rice had nothing whatever to do with its authorship; that between the time Rice fell ill in January, 1881, and his death in April, 1882, he (Besant) by himself wrote three stories, “The Captain’s Room,” “All Sorts and Conditions of Men” and “They were Married,” which were published in accordance with previous agreement in periodicals under the “firm” name. But when they were to come out in book form he felt relieved of all obligation and attached his own name.

In a letter of resignation from the presidency of the First assembly district association and secretaryship of the executive board of the united labor party of Rensselaer county, New York, Joseph C. Roshirt says that he does not see how any one who has read President Cleveland’s message can be blind enough not to see what course to take. In order to introduce the single tax all other taxes must be abolished, and of these the tariff tax is the chief one. It is therefore clear that single tax men, to be consistent, must go into the tariff fight, and in his opinion should join forces with that party which is going our way—the democratic party.

Papers in Schoharie county, New York, announce the death of Benjamin P. Curtis at Blenheim, aged ninety-four years. “Uncle Ben,” as he was called, was an active participant in the anti-rent war of 1845, when a large part of the residents of Ulster, Green^sic, Delaware and Schoharie counties, living under hard leases on the great Livingston tract, arose in flat rebellion against landlord authority. The agitation, beginning with a widespread and concerted refusal to pay rent, and ending in collisions with officers of the law and bloodshed, finally resulted in legislation beneficial to the “anti-renters” and the sale of portions of the large tracts of land to whomsoever wished to buy.

Rev. W. E. Lincoln of Painesville, Ohio, writes to say that after mature consideration, he is firmly opposed to the making of independent nominations. He thinks that the best policy for the single tax men is to endeavor to strengthen the hands of the free traders in the democratic party and to support President Cleveland on the tariff issue. Independent action under present circumstances would, he thinks, make us practically allies of monopoly and help keep alive a “robber tariff.” The whole protective idea, Mr. Lincoln truly says, is opposed to the idea of the brotherhood and common interests of men, which is the essence of Christianity and which can alone constitute the secure foundation of any movement which shall really emancipate labor.

The London house which Mr. Gladstone has taken for the session is in the old Queen Anne style, and the drawing room windows overlook the parade ground on the Wellington barracks. The entrance hall is square and roomy, paneled as is the staircase with fine Chippendale carving, and lighted by a stained glass window. In it are a few reproductions of the Autotype gallery, and a large picture of the entrance to Alexandria, which must recall to the ex premier, each time he enters the house, one of the most unpleasing reminiscences of his official life. The dining room is on the ground floor, and is of somewhat restricted dimensions. Above it is the drawing room, which is a long charming room. In one corner is a portrait of Mr. Gladstone, painted by Watts, and in the middle window is placed Mrs. Gladstone’s writing table. It is shut in by a screen on which hang portraits of her husband and youngest son. The room in which Mr. Gladstone works is at the back of the house, and is in consequence free from all noise. Not even the sound of a passing cab wheel can break in on his quiet.

———

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