May 5, 1888 Vol. III, No. 18Whole No. 70

THE STANDARD

HENRY GEORGE, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.

NO. 70—V[OL. obscured by library stamp] III, NO. 18. | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 5, 1888. | PRICE FIVE CENTS

[Library ownership stamp printed diagonally across the volume number, partly legible: “104 Dr. Walter Mendelson 1[illegible] / 179 W. 7[illegible]”]

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A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.

THE NATIONAL TAX REFORM ASSOCIATION.

The “Australian System” of Political Meetings.

In Australia the old custom of having the various candidates for an office all speak at the same meeting is still observed, and it is customary for the candidates to answer questions from the audience at the conclusion of the regular addresses. At a recent meeting in Port Pirie, South Australia, four candidates for the legislative council appeared. One of the four, Mr. Wornum, was a land tax man and an absolute free trader; and of the others one advocated the purchase of all the wharf properties now owned by individuals and opposed the further sale of any government land, and the other two were in favor of a direct property tax and approximate free trade. When the time for questioning came all of the candidates anwered^sic each questioner and were obliged to commit themselves on such matters as leasing government lands, how to meet any deficiency of revenue caused by free trade, the liquor license question, the Sunday law, colonial federation and extension of the railway system. The report of the meeting given in the Port Pirie Advocate is most intering^sic and such meetings must have a great educational effect.

The Usefulness of the Sugar Duties.

Congressman Browne’s (Protection) Speech.

> We could buy, sir, the whole sugar crop of these states three times over every year with the money we pay out in duties and have some millions to spare. And the fact that these states are engaged in this business to a limited extent only proves that it is either not profitable or some other industry is more so. We have since the tariff act of 1861 paid out in sugar duties well nigh, if not quite, $1,000,000,000, and still the industry languishes.

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THE SINGLE TAX LEAGUE.

BIG PAY FOR LITTLE WORK.

Thus the Seed is Sown.

BROOKLYN, April 30.—Last month a friend of mine made a visit to Brooklyn. I tried to convert him to a belief in the justice of the single tax. The result may be seen from the following, written some weeks after his return to his home in Virginia:

“Send on THE STANDARDS. I’ve half way converted a preacher with the two you sent. By the way, how much does ‘The Land Question’ cost? I want to begin my missionary labors with that. A few days ago I found two farmers discussing taxes, and thinking it a favorable opportunity to begin work, I told them the proper way to do was to put all taxes on land values. You should have heard them howl. After quieting their fears, I proceeded to explain as best I could how it would work and what the result would be. When we parted they said there was a good deal in what I had said, and they would think it over. Thus the seed is sown.”

D. T. D.

Elizabeth Anti-Poverty Society.

The annual meeting of the anti-poverty society of Union county, New Jersey, will be held at the society’s room, No. 20 Arcade, Bond street, Elizabeth, on Friday evening, May 4. An address will be delivered by Rev. William Rollinson, of Rahway, on “The Moral and Religious Aspects of the Anti-Poverty Movement.” The public are invited to attend.

An Old Man Feels the Enthusiasm of Youth.

LAWRENCE, Kan., April 27.—Your plan of taxation seems to me the right one. I shall do all I can in the way of distributing tracts and other single tax literature. Yesterday was the anniversary of my eighty-second birthday. So whatever my hands find to do I must do it quickly.

Yours for the better coming day.

JOHN S. BROWN.

What the Duty on Copper Has Done for Us.

Congressman Bynum’s Speech.

> Take copper ore. We have the finest quality and the largest supply of copper in the world. We produce more than will supply our manufacturers, and yet the copper produced from our mines costs our manufacturers more than it does their foreign competitors.

In May, 1879, 10,000,000 pounds were sold at 14 and 14½ cents per pound; in October, 1878, 2,000,000 pounds were sold at 15½ cents, and in April, 1881, 7,000,000 pounds were sold at 15½ cents, the purchasers giving bond that the same would be exported, while American consumers were compelled to pay from 17½ cents to 19½ cents a pound.

We have, it will be seen, during the last five years exported over $12,000,000 worth of copper over and above our imports, and yet during all this time we have had a duty of from 2½ cents a pound upon copper ores to 4 cents upon plates and bars. What has been the effect of this duty? In the first place, it has almost extinguished our trade with Chili, where we used to sell large quantities of our manufactures. In the second it has, by fostering higher prices in this than in other countries, prohibited great industries from springing up and flourishing.

It has, however, been of incalculable benefit to the owners of the Calumet and Hecla mines, who, upon a capital of $2,500,000, have paid dividends since 1870 to the extent of over $30,000,000. Are workingmen to be longer deceived by this hypocritical cry of protection to American labor?

A Little of This Here would be Wholesome.

The following advertisement appeared in a recent issue of the Birmingham, England, Daily Mail: “Apology—To Mr. John Andrews, Lupin street metal works—Having on Monday, the 23d January last, unlawfully arrested and taken you into custody to the Nechells police station on a groundless charge of assault, I request you to accept the apology which I hereby tender to you for my conduct in the matter, and this expression of my regret for having caused you annoyance. Dated February 15, 1888. Frederick Booker, police constable, 93 Birmingham police.”

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PROGRESS AT THE ANTIPODES.

GIRARD COLLEGE.

The “Gombeen” Tax in Ireland.

The London Times publishes a letter from a member of the Irish land commission describing the manner in which the people of Ireland are made to pay tribute to the “gombeen man.” It is worth noting that this tribute is, to a very considerable extent, a tax on industry in the United States, since it is largely by the aid of remittances from this country that the victims of the “gombeen man” are able to meet his exactions. The letter is as follows:

During the last week and since your action on the subject I have made careful inquiries among the smaller tenants whose rents I was fixing as to the part played by the local money lenders in the locality. I found that a very large proportion of the poor mountain tenants had borrowed what to them were large sums from the gombeen men. The interest charged was five per cent each quarter, or twenty per cent per annum. When a tenant required a little money for some temporary necessity, he used to go to the local money lender, who advanced him a sum of, say £5, getting as security the borrower and some neighboring farmer who “backed a bill” for the amount. The interest for the first quarter was then stopped out of the advance. When the end of the quarter arrived the gombeen man was never anxious to be repaid his money. He only asked for a second quarter’s interest. The tenant in this way soon found it much easier to pay each quarter 5s. interest on the original £5 borrowed than to repay the original. If he ever made default in the interest both he and his surety were sued before the county court and put to costs, which added largely to the debt. Rather than incur this risk the surety as a rule would pay up on demand the interest due. The result is that the gombeen man in a few years is repaid his entire advance, and a good interest in addition, and still the farmer is liable for the full amount, and has to continue his annual payment of twenty per cent to the lender. As a rule I found there is little difficulty in getting a “surety” to “back a bill.” If a man is asked he never knows when he may himself require a loan and a “surety,” and to get accommodation he must give it.

The loan system, which I found very prevalent among the very small farmers, is very oppressive, yet its operation is almost silent. If the tenant requires relief from arrears due to landlords, far more does he require it from the leech-like exactions of the “gombeen man.”

SOCIETY NOTES.

Mrs. Paran Stevens, the American millionaire, who has just come to London, began life as a waiter girl in a restaurant, while her husband started out as a stable boy.—[London Star.

Great excitement is afoot in Parisian upper circles in expectation of the next annual performance of the Cirque Molier, M. Molier’s private amateur circus. A pantomime will be added this year, in which the supes only will come from the upper circles, and the chief characters will be taken by professionals.

Timothy Hurley, a newsdealer of Midleton, Ireland, was recently sentenced to fourteen days’ imprisonment for displaying a copy of the “plan of campaign” in his show window.

Now that the rush to Europe has fairly set set^sic in the Protestant churches will soon close to allow their pastors to get away before the warm weather commences. Sermonizing in the heat of the summer is dull enough work, to be sure, and the pastors display excellent taste in preferring a trip to the old world. As to their parishioners—well, they cannot all get to Europe, but Coney island with its attractions is at hand and the theaters remain mercifully open for those that must have declamation in their amusement. When the pastor returns he will preach them some sermons on the Holy land, which will amply compensate for his absence all summer.—[New York Herald.

The coaching club has made up its mind to visit Mr. W. K. Vanderbilt’s place at Oakdale, L. I. The visit will take place on the last Saturday but one in May, the regular parade occurring a week later. The distance to Oakdale is fifty-five miles, and there will be eight changes of teams on the way. By the time they get there the merry party will be in a condition to appreciate the good things of the new Vanderbilt chef, although for serious criticism they will have to await another opportunity more propitious for a calm judgment. After driving fifty-five miles one could pass a favorable opinion on a railway sandwich.—[New York Herald.

The Rev. Dr. William F. Morgan, for over a quarter of a century rector of St. Thomas’s Episcopal church, at Fifth avenue and Fifty-third street, whose age and failing health have recently rendered it imperative that he should abandon the active management and duties of his fashionable parish, has resigned the active pastorate of the church and been made rector emeritus by the vote of the vestry. He will receive a salary of $7,500 a year, and at the same time be relieved of all the duties and prerogatives of the office of rector emeritus.

August Williams, a young man twenty-two years of age, living with his parents in Cohoes, made a desperate effort to end his life. He went into the cellar of the house ostensibly for the purpose of bringing up stairs some kindling wood. Soon after he reached the cellar two shots were heard and his father, who rushed down the stairs, saw him lying on the floor with blood streaming from two wounds in the region of his heart. The wounded man was removed to a bedroom up stairs. William has not been employed since a few days before the recent election in Cohoes. He was employed as a spinner at the mill of John Scott & Sons, and for some reason was discharged. Idleness caused despondency, and while in a fit of the blues he is supposed to have made the attempt on his life.—[Amsterdam Record.

In parasols we have what would seem a contradiction of terms, a transparent lace which does not keep the sun off at all. In fact it makes the lady look so pretty that it would attract a far colder god than the sun. Lace tops over marcelline silk, or over gauze with highly ornamented silks can be bought for [$70?]. Parasols to match the dress are very stylish. There are, however, many in satin and brocaded stripes, checks, plaids and shot silks, which do keep the sun off. Red parasols are very fashionable for the sea shore. They become the gray of the sea. Parasols in pale yellow muslin trimmed with lace are very pretty and ornamental, but of no use as parasols. They blind the eye even more than no sun shade at all. The handsomest and most useful sun shades are of black Spanish lace over black silk.—[Mrs. John Sherwood.

FOREIGN NOTES.

Your Englishman is a curious creature. At once the most radical and most conservative of men, he will oppose to the death any proposal to abolish some time honored nuisance, like the house of lords or the London coal dues; and just as you have made up your mind that it is useless to talk reform to one so wedded to precedent—behold! he calmly walks up to some moss covered idol that you thought enshrined in his very heart of hearts and smashes it into flinders in a matter of fact way, as though iconoclasm were an every day thing with him. So Peel repealed the corn laws; so lord John Russell carried the reform bill; so Disraeli extended the suffrage. It would be too much to say that the unexpected always happens in British politics; but it is certain that the unexpected happens very often.

One of the most revolutionary measures ever proposed in a British parliament is the county government bill, lately introduced by Mr. Ritchie, and now under consideration. It is a home rule measure of the most radical kind. It gives to every county in England—the act will not apply to Scotland or Ireland—the right, within very wide limits, to manage its own affairs. The unpaid magistracy and quarter sessions are to be swept away, and the County Council is to take their place. Nor is this all. The proposed bill recognizes the principle of female suffrage, and gives every woman an equal voice with every man in the affairs of the county in which she lives.

The bill provides for the establishment of county councils, three-fourths of whose members are to be elected by the rate payers, male and female, triennially. The remaining one-fourth are to be chosen by the councilors themselves from among the rate payers, and are to hold office for six years, one-half of them retiring every three years. The county councils are to be, in effect, local parliaments, with jurisdiction over all local institutions except the poor law and the police, concerning which, however, they will have an advisory voice. All the existing administrative powers of the justices in respect to county rates and financial business will be transferred to them, as will county buildings, county bridges, the provision and management of county lunatic asylums, the establishment and maintenance of reformatory and industrial schools, the granting of licenses for music and dancing, and for the sale of intoxicating liquors, the division of the county into polling districts, the cost of the registration of voters, and the power for executing the acts relating to explosives, the contagious diseases of animals, the adulteration of foods and drugs, weights and measures, market tolls, water supply, tramway acts, and various other matters? For these important functions the English conncils^sic will have a yearly income of £5.600,000^sic—£3,000,000 of which will come from liquor dealers’ and other licenses, and the remainder from the imperial treasury.

Many of the most earnest friends of reform in England hail the county councils bill as a step in the right direction, and hope great things from the breaking of the power of the squirearchy. With the secret ballot, female suffrage, and issues sufficiently local to interest at least a large majority of voters, it should seem as though the real voice of the people must certainly be heard at last. Yet it is an ominous circumstance that the squirearchy show signs of offering but a feeble and merely formal resistance. The old adage of the Grecians and their gifts is as forceful now as in the days of Priam and Æneas. A tory measure of reform is always to be looked on with suspicion.

The county councilors are to serve without pay. This alone will prevent any but men of leisure, and consequently of wealth, from offering themselves as candidates. And outside the squire class it would be difficult to find many men of leisure in an ordinary English county. Nor is it by any means certain that the landlord’s influence has been entirely destroyed by the secret ballot. There is, of course, less chance of absolute bribery; but there are many ways of influencing an elector short of absolutely offering him money for his vote. Besides, suppose, as may be very possible, that the elector’s choice lies between one squire and another squire? What difference will it make to him which squire is elected? What real difference will it make to the squires?

A writer in the Fortnightly Review for April, Mr. Thomas Gibson Bowles, claims, indeed, that the county councils bill is actually a step to the rear, a direct retrogression from the principle of self government. What should be done, he claims, is not to enact more laws, but to undo those mischievous ones already passed. The true legislative unit, he tells us, was the English parish as it existed under the common law of England:

It is perhaps necessary to say that the parish is by no means an ecclesiastical, but essentially a secular and civil division of the land, and that it is the most ancient division of all. The parish is the first and, out of all comparison, the most important unit of self government, on which all the rest of the fabric is based. The area of a parish is large enough to furnish matters of importance to men living together in community, yet not so large as to prevent all the inhabitants from readily coming together to consult upon the management of their own affairs. In such an area every inhabitant may readily attain, and will ordinarily possess, sufficient knowledge of the local wants and local capacities to deal with them in an understanding spirit; and those who fancy that the tendency of modern times is to render our system of government more “popular,” and who preach “extension of the suffrage” as a new doctrine, will perhaps be surprised to learn that by the common law of England every parishioner has the right to, not an indirect or occasional and casual, but a direct, constant, and certain voice in the management of his parish affairs, and that every man is a parishioner who has lived in the parish for a year and a day as an inhabitant householder.

In short, according to Mr. Bowles, the English parish was the prototype of the New England town meeting, than which it would be impossible to find a more successful self-governing unit.

Well, the parishes have been swallowed p. 3, col. 2 up in the unions, and now the unions are to be swallowed up in the county councils, and the trail of the landlord is over them all. He has had his way with the parishes, he has had his way with the unions, and he seems, on the whole, pretty confident of having his way with the county councils. Why shouldn’t he? For what have parishes, and unions, and county councils, and parliaments to do but help him adminster^sic his estate? When, indeed, it ceases to be his estate—when Englishmen claim England as their country, and not their landlords’ country—then, indeed, the landlord may lose his hold. And when that day comes, Englishmen will not be long deciding just what sort of legislative unit suits them best.

Protectionist are apt^sic to describe England as doing everything in her power to ruin the commerce of the United States. In their excited imaginations the United States swarms with secret agents of the Cobden club and other nefarious associations, lugging bags of British gold around, and secretly dispensing glittering bribes. It will be news to these gentry to learn that England is the one European country that has on its statute book a law expressly designed for the protection of American industry.

Tobacco can be grown in England as easily as in Connecticut. Until very lately it has not been grown, because the government made it a penal offense to import tobacco—just as we do to import clothes—and could detect offenders much more easily if nobody could get any tobacco unless he either imported it himself, or bought it from somebody who had imported it. Latterly, however, the revenue authorities have been giving permission to a few favored individuals to raise tobacco under certain restrictions.

But now steps forward a man learned in the law and shows that by the act of parliament the planting of tobacco in England is absolutely forbidden, no matter how much the revenue people may assume to give permission. The act was passed in the reign of Charles II. It was passed expressly for the protection of American tobacco planters, and it is a perfectly live law to-day.

The tariff league had best take a leaf out of the Cobden club, and send a bag of gold to England, or the unscrupulous British legislators may repeal that law.

The little king of Spain has a birthday this month, which will be celebrated by a fete to the Madrid school children, who will be regaled with meat pies, cakes, oranges and candy, and have little medals with the baby king’s portrait on them. The grown up children will be amused with fireworks, bits of ribbon, and parchments entitling them to nicknames of various kinds. Everybody will shout God save the king in Spanish, and a special force of police detectives will be on the look out for any symptoms of discontent, and arrest anybody who may be unpatriotic enough to insinuate that things are not as nearly perfect as they can be this side of heaven.

The London Truth tells of the development of a new industry in London. A syndicate, consisting of a woman of title, a man of fashion, and a wine merchant, have taken a large house in an unexceptionable quarter. Any wealthy gentleman or lady, not in society, but desiring to get there, can hire the entire establishment for a ball, at a fixed price to cover everything. The woman of title provides the fashionable female guests, the man of fashion brings the society men, and the wine merchant furnishes the supper, servants, and so forth. The enterprise is said to be a success.

Why shouldn’t our own Ward McAllister give us something of this kind here in New York. He could probably get a woman of title to go in with him, and he must know at least one wine merchant. It would be a real boon to a great many people who want to get into society and don’t quite know how. With his command over the gallant four hundred, he might assort his stock of guests, as Baltimore dealers do their terrapin, into “counts”—strictly members of the four hundred class; “culls”—guests just a little lower in the scale and only asked to large balls; and “cullantines”—the ordinary hodge-podge of artists, literary men and fellows of that sort, and arrange his scale of charges accordingly. It would be a great scheme.

The English law of distraint is peculiarly cruel. It confers on the landlord peremptory power not only to evict the tenants of a dwelling, but to seize and sell his effects, or those of anybody else that may be found on the premises, down to his kit of tools or the clothing of his wife and children. Even the privileges of a bankrupt—who may retain wearing apparel and property to the value of £20—are denied the man who owes his landlord anything. A bill has been introduced in parliament by Mr. Robertson of Dundee, placing the tenant debtor on the same footing as the bankrupt. It ought to become a law; but the prospect is that the landlord influence will be too strong for it.

The protection craze rages in the old world as in the new, and involves its victims in full as many absurdities and perplexing situations. There is sugar for example. They’re in trouble about sugar.

The continental nations have been worried about sugar. Every one of them wanted to develop the sugar industry. So they went to work in true protectionist fashion, clapped a heavy fine on anybody wicked enough to import sugar, and, on the protectionist principle that it’s right to encourage your neighbor to do what it’s wrong to do yourself, paid stiff bounties to refiners on all the sugar they exported. This led to a funny situation. England refused either to pay a bounty or impose a duty, so naturally every continental refiner shipped as much sugar as possible to England, took the bounty out of the pockets of his own countrymen and sold his sugar to the unprincipled Englishmen at considerably less than the cost of production. The sugar refining industry of England has been ruined in the same way that a housekeeper’s industry of sweeping is ruined when she gets a servant. But other industries, into p. 3, col. 3 which refined sugar enters as a raw material, have been immensely developed. Great Britain has become the maker of jams, jellies and preserves for the world. The New York housewife, when she buys a pot of marmalade or damson jam for seventeen cents, wonders how they manage to make it for the money, and, if she has a protectionist husband, is perhaps told a lot of rubbish about pauper labor. The truth is that the French people and the Germans have been helping us pay for our damson jam, and helping pretty roundly, too.

However, it’s going to come to an end. The governments of continental Europe have concluded that it doesn’t do to tax their people for the benefit of other nations, and the sugar refiners of England have persuaded the tory legislators that the industry of jam making ought to be destroyed and the thousands it employs thrown out of work. So there’re^sic having a congress, and there seems every probability that the sugar bounties will disappear. We shall feel it in the United States; and our wives, when they find themselves compelled to get out the old brass kettles, and break their backs, and burn their faces, and spoil their tempers putting up preserves, will never realize that political economy is at the bottom of their trouble.

Thirty million dollars’ worth of bullion—a part of the French indemnity—is kept locked up by the German government in the fortress of Spandau. Once a year the custodians assemble, each with his key, unlock the doors of the treasure chamber, count the twenty-mark pieces, and solemnly lock things up again.

After all, Bismarck is not as shrewd as folks think him. If, instead of locking this $30,000,000 up in that ridiculous fashion, he had just bought some Alabama with it, he would have done something worth while. In that case he could go to war with France again, using his Germans to do the fighting, and making his Americans work extra hours to pay the expense.

Some day the Bismarcks will learn wisdom. In place of trying to conquer a country, they’ll simply go to work and buy it.

If the Pall Mall Gazette tells the truth, one of the most highly paid classes of skilled laborers is likely to find its scale of wages very materially reduced. Mr. Mayall, an English photographer, has at last succeeded in photographing colors. This is what the Gazette says of a visit to his studio:

In truth, there was something of which to be proud. And the wonderful part of it all was that here was a beautiful photograph, with the softest and most delicate tints, of so permanent a character that it might be cast into water without injuring the colors; of a large size that fetches some five or six guineas in trade, produced in a purely mechanical way; and positively finished, if necessary, in half an hour. “Ah, sir,” said Mr. Mayall in a pleasant, confidential kind of way, patting our representative on the shoulder, “I’ll tell you what I have done: I have caught nature napping, and I now can tickle her up as I like.” If so, that certainly is a tolerably good show for fourteen years’ work. But Mr. Mayall is an ambitious man, and unsatisfied withal, for he says that before he has done he will “give us all the colors of a Turner in a mechanical process of a few minutes’ duration.”

Perhaps the time is coming when a few weeks’ instruction and a moderate priced outfit will enable a man without any special art training to travel through the country, producing at a dollar or so each landscapes and portraits such as now command hundreds of dollars. It seems hardly possible; but how much are we doing to-day that a hundred years since it would have seemed ridiculous to talk about? The painters must dree their weird with the weavers and the seamstresses. There is no special providence for art.

M. Pasteur’s proposal to rid the Australian colonies of the rabbit pest by inoculating the animals with a deadly disease, has started some other scientific men on a curious line of thought. A recent writer in the London Medical Press and Circular, speaking of the Pasteur proposal, says:

If carried out successfully this will certainly be the most striking instance of the application of science to warfare. By diverting a natural force into this channel we have more or less under our command (the extent of which remains to be proved) a devastating agent compared to which Gatling guns and mitrailleuses are mere popguns, and although, so far, it is only proposed to deal with rabbits, the future is pregnant with new and unthought of possibilities in this direction.

In plain English, this “scientific gent” coolly proposes that in the event of a war between England and France, British science should be called on to provide the British war department with some quick spreading and deadly contagious disease, whose introduction into France should depopulate that country!

Another scientist, Mr. Weston, the electrician, is more humanely disposed. He suggests the use of nitrite of amyl in warfare. The drug possesses the power of causing insensibility very quickly in a human being breathing its fumes. The effect is equivalent, temporarily, to a paralytic stroke. Nitrite of amyl being plentiful and cheap, Mr. Weston would fire shells filled with it instead of gunpowder. A few gallons of the nitrite dashed on the deck of a war ship would render her crew helpless, and before they recovered their senses the enemy could come on board and tie them hand and foot.

Some studious Englishman has discovered that the figures of the year 1888 added together make 25; and has written about it to the princess of Wales, who has just been celebrating her diamond wedding by getting a lot of presents from everybody who could be persuaded or bullied into subscribing to pay for them. And the princess has commanded her private secretary to write to this studious Briton, expressing her thanks for his interesting information, upon which the stadious^sic and loyal Englishman overflows in a letter to the Times, feeling it his duty to let the general public share his joy, and pointing out that “this century gives three such years, 1879, the present, and 1897; there will be four such years in the next century p. 3, col. 4 —viz., 1969, 1978, 1987, and 1996; but, mirabile dictu, the like cannot occur again for over 600 years—viz., 2,599.”

It’s very delightful to be a princess, no doubt. But if she of Wales has ordinary horse sense, she must get a little tired sometimes.

General Boulanger has done so well that the comte de Paris thought he might as well try to imitate him. So he has issued his little manifesto, suggesting that this republic business has gone far enough, and the French people had better give the old-fashioned monarchy a trial again. But the count is not a Boulanger, and the French people just go on never minding him.

The city of Mexico is terrible agitated^sic in its fashionable circles. Not another revolution—the fashionable circles don’t get excited over revolutions. But there is a dreadful rumor that Prince George of Wales is in the city incognito; and society is divided between the fear of missing a chance of eating and drinking and talking with a real live prince, and the awful dread of being imposed on by some unprincipled scoundrel who looks like the prince, and says he is the prince, but really isn’t the prince at all, you know.

Professor Hofmann is a noted German chemist, who has just celebrated his seventieth birthday. His sovereign desired to bestow on him some recognition of his service in the cause of science, so he sent the professor a piece of paper authorizing him hereafter to call himself von Hofmann. What would have happened if he had called himself von Hofmann before he got the paper, goodness only knows. Something dreadful, no doubt. It would have been worse than plain Smith presuming to sign himself Smythe.

WILL SOME PROTECTIONIST PLEASE ANSWER?

Have you ever seen a laborer who cared a nickel whether he worked for a protected or an unprotected employer?

Have you ever seen a laborer who expected to receive more wages from a protected than an unprotected employer?

Have you ever seen a protected manufacturer who paid higher wages than he was compelled to?

Have you ever seen a very wealthy firm pay more wages than a moderately wealthy one?

Have you ever given more for anything than you were required to?

No; and, furthermore, if you should, you would call yourself a fool.

If, then, the unprotected manufacturer pays just as high wages, and still is able to make a profit, by what method of reasoning do you arrive at the conclusion that the protected manufacturer pays higher wages because of protection?

And if the protected manufacturer does not pay more than the unprotected one, what becomes of your protection theories?

Is it your answer that protection raises all classes of wages in all occupations?

If that is it, then, as labor is not protected from foreign immigration, you must of course include the raising of all wages in all countries. Now, if that is true, then how about the pauper wages of Europe?

If you say capital will not be invested unless it is protected, how do you explain the fact that it is being invested in unprotected industries?

If protection prevents us from selling in foreign markets, does not protection make less work instead of more?

If there is free trade in labor, and high protective prices for those things which laborers must buy, is not the laborer being robbed instead of benefited?

If protectionists desire to pay high wages, why do they always employ the cheapest labor they can find?

If wages are increased by protection why do these protected manufacturers indorse protection, and spend large sums of money to uphold it?

If unprotected industries pay the same wages as those that are protected, are they not as valuable, and if so, why burden them by making them pay heavy taxes to the protected ones?

We begin to see that the whole scheme of protection is nothing but the giving of a monopoly that protects the manufacturer from competition, and all who use the goods protected by this monopoly must pay more for them just in proportion to the protection. This increased cost to us who buy fills the pockets of the protected manufacturer. But when he needs laborers he goes out into the open markets of the world, in which he receives the bids of the low priced Chinaman, the pauper of Europe, and the starving American laborer. The price established by this competition in this open free-trade-in-labor-market is the price he must pay, and the only price he will pay. The protection is to the man who receives the bids and not to the men who compete for the chance to labor. And when we see that these laborers have been deluded into allowing themselves to be taxed on everything they eat, drink and wear, because the protected receiver of bids has told them that he could not employ them if he was not allowed to rob them, does not protection appears^sic in its true light, a delusion and a snare?

ROBERT H. COWDREY.

Florida Has Its Real Estate Boom, Also.

ST. AUGUSTINE, Fla.—This ancient city is at present suffering from a real estate boom, with the result that mechanics and laborers who cannot afford to pay exorbitant prices for wretched quarters in the city proper, are compelled to tramp through tracts of waste sand to the suburbs beyond.

The other day I met the owner of some of the most valuable vacant land in the city. He was standing, pencil and paper in hand, figuring on what price he should ask for his lots next winter when the tide of fashion sets hitherward.

I am glad to say that there are some STANDARD men here who are spreading the light.

H. P. B.

Cleveland and Mills!

NEW YORK.—Your nominee for vice-president on the Cleveland ticket meets my view exactly. What a canvass we could make with Cleveland of New York and Mills of Texas! Yours,

A. L. EARLE.

p. 3, col. 5

WHAT WILL THE HARVEST BE?

Harlem’s High Rents.

Evening Sun.

> The discontent among tenants of stores, flats and houses in Harlem, caused by the excessive rents demanded by the property owners, is increasing every day. The feeling among the tenants is that the landlords are holding their properties at false valuations, estimating them at prices they will not reach for at least ten years, yet they are compelling their tenants to pay rents fixed on these fictitious values. Another complaint is that houses and flats are rented as a rule on one year leases and that the landlords raise the rent regularly on good tenants. The rent of one store on [135th?] street was recently raised from $1,300 to $2,400 per year. The lessee being unable to stand the jump vacated the premises. The incoming tenant said yesterday, “Store rents on this street are far more than the business of the thoroughfare warrants. That I can make a living at the rental I pay is all I hope to do, but in a few years, when the section has built up more, I believe this store will be worth the rent I pay. Should the owners discount this future by raising the rent still higher I’ll have to drop out. I believe a league should be formed among the storekeepers to prevent, if possible, the landlords charging rent in excess of fair prices.”

That rents are too high for the business value of the locality was the opinion of every retailer visited. One tradesman said that after closing up his books last year, although he had done a brisk trade, he had found that his profits were only $75 per month, not as much as he paid for clerk hire. The rent took all the profits.

The dullness in flat and house renting continues. There is really no prospect now for the real estate men and property owners to find tenants for ten per cent of the vacant buildings. Most of the empty houses and flats are new and have never been occupied, a state of affairs caused by the collapse of the building boom. If another dwelling was not erected for three years Harlem would be able to give house room to the increase of population, yet there would still be plenty of “To let” signs p. 3, col. 6 visible on the outer walls. In face of this fact rents are held at firm figures, prices too high for the accommodations furnished.

One effect of this obstinacy on the part of the owners is that many tenants will remove from Harlem flats to flats between Sixty-first street and Ninety-sixth street on or before May 1. The hegira has already commenced. At Timmon’s storage rooms, van and express office, in West 124th street, it was said yesterday that while as a rule their business was about even in regard to the number of families moved in and out of Harlem this year they noticed a great increase in the number of removals to the vicinity of Ninety-sixth street from points further up town.

A cheerful view of the situation is taken by Walter S. Richmond, the auctioneer of 301 West 125th street. He said: “I do not believe there has been an ‘over production’ of buildings in Harlem. The place is growing so fast that there will soon be tenants enough to go round. I journey to all parts of the city daily, and I notice as many houses to let in other quarters as in Harlem. The stagnation, if any, is equally divided all over the town. I believe, however, that more people are moving out of Harlem this year than ever before, for what reason I cannot say.”

The representative of Stephen H. Prevost, the real estate dealer of 2314 Eighth avenue, said: “One thing that hurts the renting market is that owners will let from year to year. A good tenant will not take a house for a home when he has no assurance that he may not be raised or told to vacate in twelve months. I know a party who paid $900 last year for a house and expended over $150 in making it comfortable. This year he was notified that he must vacate, as the house had been sold.

“What I say applies also to flats. There are too many of them, and the rentals asked are too high.”

The Harlem owners and builders believe that in a few years their section will be booming again, and until the good time comes they propose to stand firm and keep the prices and rentals up. One point that they overlook is that the opening of the new elevated roads in Brooklyn makes accessible a section of desirable homes that are held at far lower prices than Harlem rates. To compete with this new rival, and, indeed, to do business at all, the Harlem owners will have to reduce rents, grant long leases, and offer other special inducements; otherwise it will be a long time before their boom revives.

STRAWS WHICH SHOW THE WIND.

How can a party be pure while land sharks, usurers and monopolists are manipulating the party caucuses?—[Springfield, Mass., New Crusader.

Many landlords of this city have given notice to tenants that on May 1 rents will be advanced in some instances twenty-five per cent. As there is no indication of a proportionate increase in wages, the poor man’s benefits from the introduction of cheap gas are likely to prove a snare and a delusion. ’Twas ever thus.—[Indianapolis Labor Signal.

Mr. Powderly asks: “Who owns the coal fields?” From appearances we should judge that Mr. Corbin, assisted by the Girard estate and a few others were rather in the front line. “Who ought to own them?” is another pertinent query. After the people have suffered a little longer, perhaps there will be an answer to the latter query.—[Craftsman.

Capitalists who are directly interested in the business of making steel don’t appear to agree with Father Kelley that the business of the country is in danger of paralysis because of a possible enactment into law of the Mills tariff bill. Another big steel manufacturing plant is to be located at Chicago, and most of the stockholders in the enterprise are residents of eastern states.—[Philadelphia Record.

The Mills tariff bill is a lame and halting measure, and was framed from a distinct protection standpoint, and yet it could not have met more opposition and denunciation from the trust robbers if it had proposed entire abolition of customs duties. The Mills bill is anything but satisfactory to people who realize the true inwardness of the protection robbery, but it will excite just as much discussion as a better measure, and that is all we ask. Agitation and discussion are sure to lead the people in the direction of “the international law of God.”—[Ceresco, Neb., Times.

The theory that God owns the land and that none should be allowed to hold more than they work, is fast gaining ground. A large majority feel that like slavery the land monopoly must go. That no one has a moral right to rent land to another, but that all should pay rent to the government according to the value if no improvements were on it. This plan would do away with the obnoxious landlord system wholly and remove all mortgages, thus giving every man a chance to get land to work or live on at a reasonable price compared with that paid by tenants under the present system.—[La Crosse, Minn^sic., Cooperator.

The growing anxiety is not so much as to overpopulation, as to how we shall make good citizens of the population we are to have, and to protect the masses from the dangerous tendencies of enormous aggregations of corporate wealth, enjoying monopolies which jeopardize the rights of the people. It is upon the great problems of industrial and political justice that the civilizations of the past have split. These issues, on a scale of magnitude that the world has never yet seen, will come up for adjustment here, but we have faith that the resources of the coming mammoth republic will settle them peaceably and under the forms of law and of popular government—of the people, by the people and for the people.—[Boston Globe.

Washingtonians Buy a Job Lot of Shackles for Themselves.

National Republican.

> The plan of the district commissioners, which involves the running of Rock creek through a tunnel and the consequent increase in area of valuable real estate in the vicinity, has commenced to bear fruit for some of the parties interested. The Metropolitan street railroad company owns nearly 600,000 square feet of ground in that vicinity, and the proposed improvement will greatly enhance the value of their stock. This has resulted in a marked increase in the demand for stock, and as things are at present it is estimated that the real estate now owned by the company will equal in value its capital stock. The plan as approved by the commissioners will result in modernizing a portion of Georgetown, and it may be but a matter of a few years when all the distinctions which mark and divide the nation’s capital from its ancient suburb will be wiped out by a succession of unbroken streets and avenues.

Does Not Industry Pay for All This?

Philadelphia Record.

> On the Pacific coast the real estate speculation during 1887 became ludicrous. Corner lots sixteen miles from St. Jose, Cal^sic., a town of [22,000?] population, sold at [$800?]. Orchard land sold at $2,000 per acre in districts where irrigation had to be resorted to before crops could be raised. In Los Angeles, Cal., where the population increased from 11,000 in 1880 to 68,000 in 1887, the land bubble reached its most serious phase. The sales or transfers of real estate at that place averaged during some periods $6,000,000 per day, yet in Philadelphia, with a population of one million, the average transfers of real estate do not exceed $50,000 per day. It has been estimated that cash payments amounting to $50,000,000 will be due on land sales in southern California before the 1st of July next.

After All the Nest is the Essential Feature of the Programme.

New York Sun.

> Little Girl—Mrs. Brown, ma wants to know if she could borrow a dozen eggs. She wants to put ’em under a hen.

Neighbor—So you’ve got a hen setting, have you? I didn’t know you kept hens.

Little Girl—No ‘m, we don’t, but Mrs. Smith’s goin’ ter lend us a hen that wants ter set, an’ ma thought if [you’ll?] lend us some eggs we’ve got the nest ourselfs.

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

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THOSE TIN PLATES AGAIN.

In a letter printed in another column Mr. C. A. Scott, secretary of the tariff committee of the National iron roofing manufacturers’ association, takes exception to THE STANDARD’S views on the subject of the duty on tin plates, and states at length his reasons for demanding such an increase in the tin plate duty as will prevent the interference of the imported tin plates with the protected domestic industry of manufacturing sheet iron roofing.

We are glad to receive Mr. Scott’s communication. His position as the selected champion before congress of the iron roofing industry gives an importance to his statements and a weight to his arguments that they might not possess if presented by a less prominent man. Mr. Scott has considered the situation maturely; his letter is dated from Washington; and we may assume that the facts and arguments presented to the readers of THE STANDARD are those which he has presented or will present to the congress of the United States. His letter therefore merits more than ordinary consideration.

In one particular we must correct Mr. Scott’s statement of facts. He assumes that we real free traders are willing to reduce the wages of laborers, and that we are anxious to reduce the profits of capitalists. In both assumptions he is mistaken. We want to see the wages of laborers not at all diminished, but very largely increased; we want to see the earnings of capital in no way lessened, but very much augmented. We advocate the entire freedom of trade because we are satisfied that it will produce these results. We advocate the partial free trade which will follow the abolition of all custom houses and import taxes because we believe that it is a first and necessary step toward absolute freedom, and that, being a step in the right direction, it will necessarily benefit both laborers and capitalists. With this preliminary clearing of the ground, we proceed to the consideration of Mr. Scott’s letter.

We are quite willing to admit that if protection is a good thing we cannot have too much of it. If the duty on sheet iron really is the reason why workmen in our sheet iron mills earn wages instead of standing idle, and why the capitalists who own the mills and machinery find profitable employment for their capital instead of letting that stand idle—if these things are so, then we are quite willing to concede, not only that the duty on tin plates should be raised to the level of the duty on sheet iron, but that the duties on tin plates, sheet iron and everything else, from Chinese tea to African peanuts, should be raised to the point of absolute prohibition, in order that all American workmen and all American capitalists may share the good fortune of the workmen and capitalists who make sheet iron.

But we deny that these things are so. We say that Mr. Scott, as a capitalist, and his workmen, as laborers, would all be a great deal better off if there were no duties on tin plates, or sheet iron, or anything else; and we would, instead of increasing the duty on tin plates, sweep it out of existence altogether, not because we claim to have discovered any flaw in Mr. Scott’s argument, but because we hold that the postulate on which he builds his argument is altogether false.

Mr. Scott tells us that many sheet iron mills are idle, and that many others are wrecked, and their machinery is being sold for one-quarter to one-fifth of its value. Evidently the sheet iron industry is not in a prosperous condition. We admit that post hoc, ergo propter hoc is no argument, and we do not ask Mr. Scott to accept this state of things as evidence of the way in which protection blights and ruins industry. But on the other hand, he must not ask us to accept it as evidence that more protection is needed. It simply shows that protection, as far as it has been tried, is not a success. Mr. Scott, of course, may claim that it is only by virtue of protection that there is any sheet iron industry left at all. But that would be pure assumption on his part; and the lamentable condition of the sheet iron trade would be no more evidence in support of it than would be the fact that a man was struck by lightning. To determine whether protection aids or hinders capital and labor, we must dig deeper down.

Begin at the beginning: There being no protective duty on sheet iron but other

p. 4, col. 2 things being as they are, let us suppose that Mr. Scott engages in the business of making sheet iron. Having erected his mills, he engages laborers and goes to work. His expenses of manufacture are for labor, and—we quote the words of his letter—“for pig iron, scrap iron, freights, insurance, fuel, and the usual costs of operation, breakages and delays.” The difference between the total of these expenses and the price he gets for his sheet iron constitutes his own wages and the profits of his capital.

But when Mr. Scott puts his finished sheet iron on the market he finds he comes into competition with imported goods offered at a price that he cannot meet without more than wiping out his own wages and profits. Something must be done. Expenses must be reduced somehow or the mill must stop. He gets his freight, insurance, breakage and other minor expenses down to the lowest possible point, and still there is a chasm to be bridged.

Mr. Scott declines to consider any reduction of wages. There remains the raw material of his business—the pig iron. He must get that at a lower price.

Now, when Mr. Scott goes to the pig iron furnace he finds the iron men would be very glad indeed to sell him at a lower price if they could afford to. But they have to buy their ore and buy their coal, and unless they can secure these raw materials at lower figures they can make no reduction in the price of their product.

Mr. Scott goes on to the producers of iron ore and coal, and here he comes at last face to face with the men who own the earth. He finds them ensconced within a double wall—a little wall of protective duty on pig iron and coal and a giant rampart of private land ownership. All about them rise the everlasting hills, stored full with coal and iron ore; the market place is full of idle miners. Mr. Scott need but raise his hand to have a thousand men digging into the hills and snatching out coal and ore at a cost which would enable the pig iron men to give him his raw material at a quite sufficient reduction in price. It would be like the old rhyme, when the butcher began to kill the ox, the ox began to drink the water, the water began to quench the fire, and so on through the whole chain of recalcitrants, until the pig began to go, and the old woman toddled safely homeward. Mr. Scott would be back at his sheet iron mill again, putting in new machinery, raising wages, employing fresh hands and bundling the intruding British sheet iron man neck and crop out of the country.

But alas! Mr. Scott may raise his hand, and the idle miners may spring forward with their picks and drills; but the landlord bars the way, and bids them hold! “These hills,” he cries, “are mine. God made them, but I own them!” And so the butcher finds that he can’t kill the ox, and the old woman goes onward with her pig, and the moonlight shortens into midnight, and still she can’t get home.

What now shall Mr. Scott do? He must bridge the chasm, or the sheet iron industry must die. He takes a leaf out of the mine owner’s book, and presents himself to congress a suppliant for protection—an American claiming help because he is afraid of an Englishman—a pitiable spectacle, truly! How much protection? Well, seventy-five per cent will do. So thenceforward any man who dares buy sheet iron from an Englishman is punished by a fine of three-quarters of its value, and Mr. Scott goes back to his sheet iron mill contented.

What follows? Just what might be expected. Mr. Scott’s mill begins to pay large profits. Other capitalists hasten to build other mills and manufacture more sheet iron. There is a margin for competition, and the price of sheet iron falls. and falls^sic, until it reaches a point at which it will just pay to manufacture it. Meantime the demand for sheet iron has been inevitably lessened by the enhanced price. People who might have used it put up with some inferior but cheaper substitute, or use nothing at all. There is a stagnant market—Mr. Scott would say there had been an over production—and then there are “so many mills idle. . . . so many wrecked and their machinery sold for one-quarter to one-fifth its value.” This is precisely the condition in which the iron roofing manufacturers find themselves to-day. We have Mr. Scott’s own word for it. And now observe how they propose to get out of their difficulty.

Tin plates are made by coating sheet iron with a film of tin. We use a great many of them in the United States—not as many as we should if we were allowed to buy them without being fined for it—but still an enormous quantity. Last year we imported 572,220,397 pounds of them, which we might have got, according to the treasury statistics, for $16,910,890, but which really cost us $5,722,203.97 more, because a paternal government fined us one cent a pound for all we used.

There are no tin plates made in this country, and right here is where Mr. Scott and the National iron roofing manufacturers’ association see their chance. If they can only force the American people to make their own tin plates, they can start their idle mills again, and repair the the mills^sic that are wrecked, and buy back the machinery that is being sold for one-quarter to one-fifth its value. Because to make tin plates the American people must buy sheet iron. And not only this, but there are some purposes, such as roofing, for which sheet iron is the next best substitute for tin plates; so that if home made tin plates cost more than we can afford to pay for them for these purposes, we shall be compelled, perforce, to fall back on

p. 4, col. 3 sheet iron, and thus put money into the pockets of Mr. Scott and his fellow manufacturers anyhow.

And so the National iron roofing manufacturers’ association coolly propose that we shall submit to an extra tariff tax of another cent a pound on tin plates so as practically to prohibit their importation and thus provide the roofing manufacturers with a market for their wares. This, they say, will set a large number of men to work at good wages, and thus stave off for a while longer the season of idle and wrecked mills, and machinery sold for one-quarter to one-fifth its value.

Well, if American industries are to be stimulated in this way, why should we stop at iron roofing? Why not go back to an older and more purely American industry—the making of shingles—and stimulate that? There are any quantity of cypress trees in the south and southwest, and plenty of people to cut them down and split them up. Why not enact that every man who sleeps under any other than a cypress shingle roof shall be fined $10 a night? That would set ten men to work where the tax on tin plates would provide employment for one. Think of the business it would give our railroad lines, our canal boats and our teamsters! And then remember, too, that shingle roofs catch fire easily. There would be ten houses burnt down for every one that is destroyed by fire now, and all these would have to be rebuilt. Why, the whole country would be transformed into a perfect hive of industry. And then, by way of diversifying employments and helping the poor farmers out a little, we might enact that gourds should be used in place of tin dippers, under penalty of the law. A gourd is a very nice thing to drink out of—clean, wholesome, easily broken—by all means let us give the gourd industry a chance.

Mr. Scott will probably tell us that this sort of talk is all nonsense, and that it would be ridiculous and sinful to legislate one industry out of existence for the sake of establishing another and a less economical. But this is precisely the sort of thing that he himself is trying to do. He wants to destroy the business of the men who import tin plates. He wants to discourage the industries of the men who manufacture tin ware, or use tin ware in their business. He is perfectly careless whom he hurts, so long as he can force us to buy more of his darling sheet iron. If he wants to know specifically how any industry would be affected by the granting of his modest demand, we invite him to study this utterance of Mr. Shaw of Maryland, made in the house of representatives on April 25:

In a single county of the district I have the honor to represent in this house there were packed in the year 1882, and the business is much larger at present, 38,400,000 cans of hermetically sealed goods. This was the output of 300 factories, which gave employment to 16,000 persons. The product packed in that one county required 10,000 acres for tomatoes and 5,000 acres for corn, involving an outlay for agricultural labor of $200,000^sic. One hundred and thirty thousand boxes of tin were used in making the cans, and $135,000 expended for labor, while a further expenditure of $900,000 was required for the other processes of preparation. The 130,000 boxes of tin cost my people in tariff taxes in a single year $171,000.

Will Mr. Scott pretend to say that if these Maryland canners were relieved of that tax of $171,000 a year they couldn’t sell more canned goods? Will he pretend to say that if the tax is doubled they will not sell less? Will he deny that by the time that tax reaches the consumer of the canned goods it is more than doubled in amount? Whichever way he answers these questions will be equally fatal to his plea for more protection.

The simple truth is that the demand of the sheet iron manufacturers that we shall give up buying tin plates abroad, that they may be able to sell us more sheet iron, is a piece of brazen effrontery worthy of the days when French seigneurs protected home industry by forcing every tenant to have his corn ground at the seigneur’s mill. It is an impudent demand, for which there is absolutely no justification. Even if it were granted it would do the sheet iron industry no permanent good. For the same cycle would repeat itself—unnatural activity, fierce competition, diminished consumption, over production, mills idle, machinery sold for one-quarter to one fifth its value, and back to congress again with another cowering plea for protection against the dreadful Englishman. And let Mr. Scott observe this, that no matter how high he may pile the protection on his sheet iron, the point round which prices will range and below which the mills will begin to stand idle is not the price at which English sheet iron can be delivered in this country, plus the duty on sheet iron, BUT THE PRICE AT WHICH IT CAN BE DELIVERED, PLUS THE DUTY ON PIG IRON. If the sheet iron manufacturers could secure the protection they ask for, or ten times that protection, the only way in which they could long continue to enjoy its benefits would be by pooling their earnings and limiting their production—in other words, by forming one of those trusts which Mr. Scott assures us have no existence in the sheet iron trade. It is the landlord’s wall that Mr. Scott is strengthening, not the rampart of his own business. Profits of capital sink to nothing—wages fall to mere subsistence—mills are wrecked and workmen driven forth as tramps. But the landlord in his majesty stands firm—firm as the everlasting hills he impiously believes God made for him, and him alone! It is not before Englishmen that Mr. Scott need crouch and from whom he needs protection. The

p. 4, col. 4 men who own the United States are his oppressors.

We want to pull down the outermost wall that shuts Mr. Scott off from access to the raw material of his production. Will he help us at the task? Or will he explain why he refuses?

MUNICIPAL HOME RULE.

A fresh illustration of the absurdity of the governmental relation between New York city and state has just been given us in the high license bill and the manner of its passage. The measure itself may be a good one, although the reasons have already been stated in THE STANDARD why in this, as in all other things, absolute freedom of trade is better than any restriction. But since it was confessedly designed to regulate the liquor traffic in New York city especially, surely the people of this city, through their representatives, are the best persons to decide the mode of regulation. Yet the city delegation in the legislature has been almost solidly against the bill, its only support from here coming from the men elected by the little strip of “brown stone” that arrogates to itself possession of all the wisdom and virtue of the metropolis. It is easy to say that the rumsellers control the primaries, and it is true, to a great extent; but politics are no purer in the Eleventh and the Twenty-first assembly districts than in the Twelfth or the Twenty-third. The plain fact is that, right or wrong, the great majority of the people in this city do not approve of high license; and in a republican government the majority should rule. Our morals may be bad, but we have a right to manage our own affairs according to our own standard of morality, good or bad; and it is an outrage that, even if apparently necessary, it should be possible to call in the aid of constituencies five hundred miles away. The population which is gathered around New York harbor is as distinct from the population of the Mohawk valley or the lake counties as that of any one state is from that of another. There can be no good reason why Manhattan island should be governed from Albany any more than from Hartford or Trenton; and if we send bad men to Albany it is to a great extent because of the wretched habit of dependence upon outside interference to which we have accustomed ourselves. A community only learns self control from the sense of responsibility; can only gain political as well as economic strength from freedom; and if this great community, which has spread out around the city hall, obliterating state as well as municipal lines in all except the arbitrary political arrangements, were set absolutely free of all superior power except that at Washington, it would not only gain the conveniences of home rule, but might also, perhaps, purify its politics in dignifying them.

AN AMERICAN EVICTION.

James City is a town of about two thousand inhabitants, situated on the Trent river, opposite the city of Newberne, in the state of North Carolina. It is a town of negroes, only two white people among the whole population. The inhabitants are said to be fairly industrious and frugal. They find employment in Newberne as waiters, servants, washerwomen, longshoremen, etc., and earn sufficient wages for their comfortable support. Until a short time ago they were a very happy and contented set of people. But of late a change has come over them. They have flagrantly wronged a fellow man, and are beginning to find out that the way of the transgressor is hard. They have done evil, and now they are likely to be called upon to suffer for it. The story of the wrong doing is interesting and instructive. The New York Herald tells it in a recent issue, and from the Herald’s columns we condense it for the readers of THE STANDARD:

The wickedness commenced away back in 1862, when the Union forces were in possession of Newberne and the circumjacent country. A promiscuous lot of negroes, male and female, old and young, came flocking into Newberne, looking for freedom under the Stars and Stripes. They didn’t come by single spies, but in regular battalions. There were thousands upon thousands of them. General Foster was puzzled what to do with them. Many enlisted in the army—others were employed in constructing fortifications—but still there remained a very considerable number, for whom something had to be done.

That was when the wickedness began. There was a sand ridge on the south side of the Trent river, known as Kimball’s hill. Nobody lived on it, nobody was using it, nobody cared whether anybody else used it or not. General Foster transferred the surplus negroes to this sand ridge, built them a lot of slab houses, and furnished them rations until they were able to provide for themselves.

In this way James City was founded. The negroes stuck there, and when the war was over and southern commerce began to revive they found work, as before recited, along the wharves and in the houses of Newberne, and became a happy and contented lot of citizens.

But during all this time the James City negroes were wronging one of their fellow men—the owner, namely, of the sand ridge on which James City stands. We all know the old proverbs about the mills of the gods and about Nemesis, and now, the Herald tells us, the James Cityites are going to learn something about them experimentally. For the owner of Kimball’s hill comes forward and says he’s very sorry to inconvenience anybody, but he’d like to have his hill, which the unprincipled colored men have been using for pretty

p. 4, col. 5 near a generation. He is a rich man, this owner of Kimball’s Hill, and his name is James A. Bryan. This is what he said to the representative of the Herald who interviewed him:

I don’t wish to disturb the negroes. I would sell them the property if they could purchase it, with the exception of the river front. That is so valuable that it would be utterly beyond the ability of the negroes or any friends of theirs to purchase it.

On several occasions they have been very violent and almost riotous in their demonstrations when I or one of my agents visited the place to serve notices of suit, or even to talk to them quietly about the matter. At such times I have always shown them a determined front, and have given them to understand that I was armed and prepared to defend myself. This had a proper effect, and generally quieted them.

Everything there belongs to me, including the churches, houses, crops and all other improvements. Some of the houses there are worth from three or four hundred dollars upward to a thousand or two. Quite a nice little sum when you consider that there are nearly four hundred buildings over there. Suppose there was even a nominal rent on these of say fifty cents a month each, you can see that it would make a handsome income of some $6,000 or $7,000 a year.

And the most melancholy feature of the business is that the negroes, instead of quietly arranging to pay their rents and give up the river shore, pretend to think themselves ill used. They have issued an address, in which they say that the land was practically given to them by the United States authorities, that they have lived on it undisturbed for twenty years and have improved it from a sandy waste into a thriving little town with well cultivated gardens. And they claim that to take away their homes from them will be nothing short of confiscation.

After all, there is this to be said for these James City negroes—that it is a little ridiculous for us to refuse them the sympathy which, under similar circumstances, we extend to Irishmen so freely. If it is hard on the Irish tenant to be charged rent for his own improvements, it is just as hard on the James City negro to have to pay rent for the house and garden he has made himself. It will scarcely do to have one kind of moral law for white men in Ireland, and another for black men in North Carolina. Either the Irish tenant who declines to be evicted is guilty of a crime, or the James City tenant who refuses to vacate his house is innocent of wrong. Perhaps after all, when God bade the waves wash up from ocean’s depths the sands of Kimball’s hill He may not have been thinking solely of providing a way for Mr. James A. Bryan to live on other people’s work.

Chicago is to have an elevated railroad. She has granted to the Chicago and South Side rapid transit railroad company the right to construct and operate an elevated railroad within the municipal limits, and to secure by purchase or condemnation, and to own, a right of way thirty feet in width along its entire route, except where intervening streets are crossed—greater widths being permitted where needed for stations. The company proposes to commence building at once, and is offering its stock and bonds for sale in Chicago, New York and Boston, the stock at ninety per cent of its par value, and the bonds, bearing six per cent interest, at 110.

It is said, and doubtless with truth, that the grant of the franchise is accompanied with conditions which will secure the most approved form of elevated structure, both for safety and permanence and the latest and best mode of equipment and operation. Three tracks are provided for, the third to be erected when the demands of rapid transit shall require it. This third track will permit the running of express trains at high rates of speed, so as to bring the suburban portion of Chicago within easy reach of the business center of the city.

In commending these securitites^sic to the public, the promoters of the new company hold out the most glittering prospects, and predict that within a short time their shares will be selling at three times their face value. They instance the City cable company, whose shares have appreciated to that extent, and whose route, as they announce with the emphasis of italics, will be paralleled and divided by the new elevated structure.

What does all this mean when translated into plain English? Simply that the people of Chicago have bestowed upon a private corporation a franchise whose value will within a short time far surpass that of the material structure employed in operating it—a taxing power which may be expected to grow with years, and to whose ultimate proportions no limit can be assigned.

And this is the least of the evil things that Chicago has recklessly done in this matter. Even before the new road is completed land values in the suburb to which it runs will begin to move upward with a velocity which will increase as the road draws nearer and nearer completion. Men who have gone there in search of homes within the limit of their means will find themselves compelled to move wearily farther on. The mansion and the tenement house will replace the cottage with its garden. The men who own Chicago will levy heavier taxes on the people who live in Chicago, and the statisticians, computing the value of the vacant lots, will tell in figures how much the elevated roads have added to Chicago’s wealth.

The chance of making money that the Chicago and South Side rapid transit company offer to investors in their securities is very tempting. They will probably have little trouble in disposing of their stock and

p. 4, col. 6 bonds. But shrewd investors, who understand the true inwardness of things, will neglect the offers of the railroad company, and secure a mortgage on the labor of Chicago’s children yet unborn by buying some of the land, for the mere privilege of living and working on which those children, grown into men and women, will be forced to surrender a goodly portion of their earnings.

FORESTRY IN FRANCE.

MEN AND THINGS.

Mr. Brewer of Michigan seems to think New Jersey a sort of American Sahara, and evidently has never heard that farms in New England can often be bought for less than the cost of the improvements on them. Massachusetts potatoes and New Jersey vegetables are what Mr. Brewer talks about in congress—as, being from Michigan, he naturally would:

It is our protective tariff which has largely built up our varied industries, and which has tended to make us the most prosperous nation in the world. A protective tariff tends to aid and build up all our industries, to bring the producer and consumer nearer together, and thereby largely save the cost of transportation. This has made more valuable the farm and given a better market for its products. This is what has made lands near our large cities more valuable than those more distant. This is why the lands in rough and rocky New England and in sterile New Jersey are more valuable than our fertile lands in Michigan and Minnesota. Every farmer knows well that he cannot send to foreign lands his potatoes, vegetables, and many other things which he grows upon the farm, and that he must rely upon the home market for the same. Hence it is all important that he should feel a deep interest in the building up of manufacturing towns and cities near his home, where he can market his surplus productions.

This is all very fine, and would carry conviction to the most skeptical; but unfortunately Browne of Indiana, another protectionist statesman, had to go to work and say that the trouble with the farmers is that they can’t afford to sell their potatoes and things cheap enough to command the trade of the protected consumers, notwithstanding the saving in the cost of transportation. He tells us:

The fruits of the garden and the form come^sic across the ocean and enter our markets and in competition with us. Cabbages come to us from Holland; potatoes from Scotland, Nova Scotia and Canada; rye from Canada; peas, beans, hay and eggs from Denmark and Norway; onions from Spain and Egypt; tobacco from Sumatra; wool from South America, South Africa, Australia and elsewhere, and cattle from Mexico.

We have imported 700,000 bushels of potatoes in a single month, and over 18,000,000 dozens of eggs in one year. Canada sells 3,000,000 bushels of rye in our markets annually, and last year our imports of food products, exclusive of sugar, tea, coffee and tobacco, were valued at over $57,000,000.

And so good Mr. Browne wants a lot more protection on the potatoes and eggs and cabbages and all the rest of them, so that the farmers, by having a protected home market for their produce, may be able to buy their blankets and clothing and plows and other things from the protected manufacturers, and thus keep their home market going.

It’s queer, though, that manufacturers and farmers should both need protection. Is it possible that an American citizen can do nothing but twiddle his thumbs without assistance from the government?

The National Builder has been collecting some statistics on the subject of wages in the building trades, and discovers some curious variations in the earnings of labor. Pressed brick masons, for example, receive $6.50 a day in Kansas City, Mo.; $6 in Portland, Ore.; $5 in Boston, $4.80 (eight hours) in Chicago, $4.50 in Cincinnati, $3.75 in Jacksonville, Fla., and $3.50 in Richmond, Va. Carpenters receive $3.50 a day in New York, $3 in Boston, $2.50 in Richmond, $2.25 in Buffalo and $2 in Detroit. There is a like variance in the rates of wages in different cities in all branches of the building trade. Common laborers receive $2 a day in Chicago and Salt Lake City, $1.75 in Philadelphia and Boston, $1.50 in Richmond, $1.25 in Jacksonville and $1 in Chattanooga, Tenn.

Figures like this will give the protectionists some trouble, or would do so, if facts could ever trouble a protectionist. If it is the blessed tariff that secures the mason $6.50 in Kansas City, why doesn’t it do as much for his brother in Detroit?

The Sands street Methodist church is a religious organization established in 1794, in the then insignificant village of Brooklyn. The purpose of its founders was to provide a building in which they might worship God after their own fashion, and a burying ground in which their dead might peacefully await the summons to the resurrection. So they bought a piece of land for a modest price, and for years thereafter the Sands street church was a flourishing institution.

But now, in 1888, the land has ceased to be of use to the Sands street congregation. Brooklyn has grown from a village to a giant city. The tide of business has risen around the Sands street church and forced its congregation to move to considerable distances. The land that once was useful for church and church yard is now suited only for warehouses and shops. The church must move away. It can’t afford to stay where it is.

One would think that under these circumstances the Sands street congregation would thank the people of Brooklyn for allowing them to use that piece of land so long, apologize for not vacating it sooner, and offer in a Christian spirit to pay any expenses connected with the preparation of the ground for business use. But they haven’t done anything of the sort. On the contrary, they have sold the land for a round sum, boxed up the bones in the church yard and transferred them to the Evergreens cemetery, and moved away to another neighborhood, where the same land speculating process will begin again.

The Sands street congregation would be horrified if anybody accused them of being a state church, supported at the public expense. Yet that is precisely what they are.

The assembly at Albany has passed the bill appropriating $1,000,000 for the improvement of the state canals, and unless the senate persists in its determination to have as little money as possible spent under the direction of a democratic official, the improvements will stand a chance of being carried so far along next winter as to make them available in 1889.

On the face of things it would seem folly to reduce the appropriation. For the improvements are of such a kind that until they are completed they will be of no

p. 5, col. 2 service. The length of the shortest lock determines the available lockage length of the whole canal; and so long as a single lock is left unlengthened the lengthening of all the rest is practically useless. It is as easy to work on fifty locks at once as on two; if all the money necessary is provided at this session of the legislature, the work of improvement can easily be finished by the time navigation opens next year.

The republican legislators who oppose the appropriation do not deny this. But this is a presidential year; and although it will be impossible to do any work on the canal improvements until after election day, still they have an uneasy feeling that the wicked democrats will whip the devil round the stump somehow, and make the spending of that million dollars do good campaign service in one way or another. They would scorn to do anything of the kind themselves—that goes without saying—but of course the democrats are different. And the deuce of it is, that a great many men, who are only voters and not politicians, are obliged to admit that the republicans may be half way right. They have an undefined idea that somehow that million may do campaign service—not because the men who will have the spending of it are democrats, but because they are politicians.

The wrangle over the canal appropriation bill is a melancholy commentary on our polititical^sic system. After all our investigating committees, and citizens’ movements, and purifying panaceas of one kind and another, about the best we can say for the men who make and administer our laws seems to be that they haven’t been found out yet. And the worst of it is that charges of corruption of one kind or another have become so frequent that it no longer hurts a man’s reputation much to be accused of some specific act of malfeasance. “He’s no worse than the rest,” or “they say those sort of things about all public men,” are frequent comments.

We don’t need to look very far to find the reason for this. In every vocation the prize of wealth falls to the man who is smart enough to be dishonest without being found out—to get round the law without breaking it. The greed of riches is stimulated by precept and example and by the dread of poverty; and the various roads to riches are made hard, save that which trespasses on the rights of other men. Our politicians are the fruit, less of our political than of our social system. To secure honest legislators we must make it possible for men to be honest without incurring the penalty of poverty.

The legislature at Albany seems likely to do something to put an end to the Manhattan elevated railroad using its stations as stands for the sale of newspapers, books and fancy goods. As matters are at present the company rents out to another corporation a valuable franchise, to which it has itself no title whatever. The use of the streets was granted to the elevated companies for the operating of their roads, and for no other purpose. The newsdealers whose business is injured by the competition of the Manhattan news company are active in the matter and hopeful of success.

The opposition to the Brundage tax bill is an unconscious homage paid to the principle of the single tax by some of its bitterest opponents. The Brundage bill proposes simply to carry into effect the ordinarily received principles of taxation. Only that and nothing more. The only ground on which pro-poverty theorists can logically oppose it is that it may possibly be executed. It provides for precisely that system of taxation which they are never tired of saying is the only correct system.

If it is right to tax a man’s house, it is certainly right to tax his watch, and his carriage, and his service of silver plate. If it is right to make a man pay tax on the house he buys outright, it is surely right to tax him for the house on which he holds a mortgage. If it be replied that to tax mortgages will prevent men from lending money on mortgage, the reply is ready that to tax houses prevents men from building houses. Any tax on industry will tend to check that industry. We all know that, though a great many of us are chary of admitting it.

The energy of the antagonism to the Brundage bill is prophetic of the triumph of the single tax on land values. One by one the various tax systems that throttle industry are being fiercely attacked, put upon their defense and found wanting. With Mr. Kelley displaying the hollowness of the protection theory in congress, and Mr. Brundage holding up the personal property tax for exhibition at Albany, men are daily more and more induced to turn their gaze toward the only taxing system that fosters industry instead of choking it, and develops wealth instead of poverty.

At a recent sale of ferry franchises in this city the franchise of the Houston street ferry was sold for five years for $5,000 a year; the franchise of the Cortlandt street ferry for ten years at $10,000, and the Desbrosses street ferry, ten years, for $7,000 a year. The Cortlandt street and Desbrosses street ferries, besides paying the rental in cash, are obliged to allow the city the use of their boats for extinguishing fires along the river front and to carry an equipment of hose for that purpose.

That was a pleasant little speech of a real estate operator to a representative of the New York Herald. The two were discussing the so called “depression” in city real estate. “Let those who talk of depression,” said this man who knew whereof he spoke, “try to buy a piece of real estate, either improved or unimproved, and he will find that the value of land has not decreased. I know that some houses have sold very cheaply, but that does not affect the value of the land upon which they stand. A shrewd buyer does not consider what are called improvements; he looks at the value of the land itself.”

Exactly. The improvements are a minor matter; it is the land that has the value. Yet the improvements, which are the result of individual industry, are discouraged by heavy taxation; while the land values. that result^sic from the work and pressure of

p. 5, col. 3 the whole community, are practically untaxed.

The guiding principle of an Irish faction is, when you see a head hit it. The chief canon of the modern taxation system is of much the same order: when you see an industry tax it.

The legislature of the state of Texas, in pursuance of this rule, are meditating the taxation of base ball clubs. Base ball clubs make lots of money and need plenty of police protection—especially to the umpire. Therefore base ball clubs ought to be taxed. There is no argument that can be adduced in favor of taxing houses and barns that will not equally apply to the taxation of base ball clubs. If one is made to pay, the other certainly should not be let go free.

The Austin Statesman, however, doesn’t believe in taxing base ball clubs. It entreats the legislature not to think of such a thing. It says:

If the legislature desires to kill off this only summer sport known in Texas, to cut short what will prove a beneficial rivalry and intercourse between the five leading cities of Texas, then it could not pursue a more direct or certain course. This matter has not been looked at in its true light by those members of the legislature who propose to do this tax act. When it is known that such a procedure means the end of this amusement, we think the legislature will take the liberal view that the state does not want any such thing done.

The Statesman evidently wants to see base ball flourish in Texas and knows just what must be done to encourage it. Quite as evidently the Statesman isn’t particularly anxious for the increase of houses and barns and horses and cattle and sheep and those sort of things, for it doesn’t utter a word of protest against their taxation. but lets^sic the legislature go on discouraging them in the same good old fashioned way.

How much interest the American people are taking in the tariff discussion is evidenced by the demand for public documents relating to the question. Of the president’s message a million and a half of copies have been distributed, and Mr. Mills’s speech has already reached a circulation of 160,000, with a rapidly rising demand.

On the other hand, only forty thousand copies of Mr. Kelley’s speech have been called for, notwithstanding its vaunted effectiveness in exploding the free trade theory. There is a suspicion however, that the wiser heads among the protectionists look on the Kelley oration as rather a dangerous document to circulate.

A convention, at which representatives were present from eleven states, was held at Hot Springs, N. C., last week, for the purpose of devising measures for promoting immigration to the south. There was a good deal of enthusiasm and some very practical work and talk. It was decided to form an immigrant association, with head quarters at New York, and to request subscriptions from the various southern cities, counties and towns to pay the necessary expenses. The association expects to be in working order, with plenty of money at its command, by the first of July.

The object of this movement, of course, is to benefit the people who now live in the southern states. Whatever advantages may be offered to the immigrants will not be offered from pure philanthropy, but simply to induce them to come. But unless the association wants to see its purpose defeated, it will warn the southern people to make haste and buy each man some of his country before the immigration begins, and on no account to be in a hurry to sell it. There is many a southern family living in comfort and happiness to-day that will be broken up and crushed into poverty if there comes an inrush of immigration into the south. Lands will rise in value, fences will be built higher and higher, and the unfortunate landless ones, be they native or foreign, will be driven to compete for the privilege of work, and failing to obtain it, will have no refuge but the poorhouse.

New York is far from being a thickly settled state. There is plenty of uncultivated land within her borders—plenty of natural opportunities lying idle. Yet thousands upon thousands of New Yorkers, by birth and descent, have been forced to leave their native state simply because they can’t afford to pay for the privilege of living there. If the southern people are not careful they will find themselves as badly off as the New Yorkers.

When Canada went into business as a dominion she was burdened with a debt of $75,000,000, against which she might fairly set public works estimated to be worth $17,000,000. Now she has a debt of $273,000,000, and the value of her public works has only risen to $45,000,000. Her exports have fallen from $102,000,000 in 1882 to $89,000,000 in 1887, and her imports from $132,000,000 to $105,000,000. The immigrants that land on her shores are mostly bound for the United States, and the most enterprising of her young men are swarming into this country. Speaking generally, Canada seems to be in a pretty bad way.

The simple truth is that Canada has been trying the protective plan, without being strong enough to bear it. We of the United States have the compensating advantage of free trade with 60,000,000 people to set against the burden of the tariff; but poor Canada has practically all protection and no free trade. To appreciate the dominion’s unfortunate condition we need only suppose the state of New York protected against all the other states and forbidding her citizens to trade with Philadelphia, Boston or Chicago, save under penalty of heavy fines. The only wonder is that Canada should have been able to stand it so long.

The Pine Lumber Pool.

THE CHICAGO CONFERENCE.

THE PROTECTIONIST VIEW OF IT.

Oswego Men Active.

OSWEGO, N. Y.—The Pioneer land and labor club of this city is in a flourishing condition, and bids fair to become a power in the municipal affairs of our city and of our state government. We are gaining strength daily, and our meetings are well attended. Last fall we polled 671 votes for Henry George, and this spring, by indorsing certain candidates who were favorable to our principles, we succeeded in getting several single tax men elected to important offices. In order to spread the light we have decided to distribute copies of “Progress and Poverty” to all who will consent to read it, and we feel assured that good results will follow.

Our club recently sustained a severe loss in the death of Mr. John Sullivan, one of the founders of the Pioneer club, a stanch and zealous advocate of the doctrine of the single tax. He commanded the respect and esteem of all who knew him. Peace to his ashes.

JAS. C. MURRAY, President, 160 West First street.

No More Need to Hunt for Rubies.

Two years ago a process of making artificial rubies by fusing aluminate of lead with silica and adding a little chromium for coloring matter, was discovered. The stones were good although not so brilliant as the natural rubies, and it was not until the Paris syndicate of dealers in precious stones had declared they must be sold as artificial, that the trade in them was stopped. Since then a process has been perfected by Messrs. Fremy and Verneuil in France, whereby fluoride of barium is made to act upon aluminium, containing traces of bichromate of potassium. By this means rubies, rhombohedral in form, of the proper color, transparency and lustre which are as hard as the natural gems and cut like topaz—indeed, absolutely perfect stones—are formed.

In the Face of Inevitable Tariff Reduction.

Among the industries which have just been projected are a steam grist mill at Ashton, Me.; corn factory, Cherryfield, Me.; iron foundry, Southington, Conn.; sugar mill, Topeka, Kan.; iron foundry, Orange, Mass.; rattan factory, Wakefield, Mass.; optical instrument mill, Southbridge, Mass.; pulp and paper mill, Augusta, Me.; coffin trimming works, Essex. Conn^sic.; stocking mill, Manchester, N. H.; foundry, Mechanic Falls, Me.; paper mills, near Erving, Mass.; grist mill, McCook, Neb.; cooper factory, Portland, Me.; woolen mills, Delaware county, Ia.; a lumber developing company at Portland, Me.; a large steel manufacturing plant at Chicago with a capital of $300,000; and a cotton yarn manufactory with a capital of $200,000 at New Bedford, Mass.

Awakening Interest by Discussion.

BALTIMORE, Md., April 25.—Mr. John Salmon of the Baltimore anti-poverty society last night read a paper entitled “The philosophy of the George movement,” before a colored society called the Monumental literary and scientific association, at the Madison street Presbyterian church. Thirty minutes was allowed for the address and twenty minutes final summary, with ten minutes speeches free to all. There were about five hundred present and speeches were made by Messrs. Dixon, Davis, Reed, Dr. Brown and Cummings of the association. Not a few converts were made and many became interested and want to hear more. We will follow this work up with a distribution of tracts.

L. T. JONES, Secretary^sic,

Hold On, Land Owners, and the People Will Make Your Fortune.

An old New Yorker was asked what property was worth on the east side of Central park. “Well,” said he, “it is quoted at a million dollars a block; but very few holders would sell at that figure. The truth is that those who hold on will be able in five years to get anything they ask for it—two, three, or five millions of dollars.”

Personal.

Albert Smith has not taken charge of the Brooklyn Free Press, as was reported.

M. Charles Floquet, the new French premier, is an old-time radical in politics. During the empire he was one of the thirteen prominent republicans prosecuted by the government. He entered the chamber of deputies in 1876, and voted for amnesty to the communists. In 1882 he was appointed prefect of the Seine, but was forced to resign because of his advocacy of local government for Paris.

S. Shimado, editor of the Mainichi Skimbun^sic, or Tokio Daily News, has arrived at San Francisco on a tour of observation and study in this country. His paper is the free trade organ of Tokio, and he is watching the progress of revenue reform in the United States with great interest. Mr. S. says the people of this country have no adequate conception of the immense progress made by Japan during the last twenty years.—[New York World.

p. 5, col. 6

PEN, PASTE AND SCISSORS.

It is the Omaha Herald which believes that while the grumblings of Matthew Arnold will be speedily forgotten, his “Light of Asia” will be read decades hence.

A young man wants to know how he can get into the best New York society. He will have to stand on the line and wait for some of the noble 400 to die off.—[The Epoch.

Norwich has a man who says the bridge across the Thames at New London is to be the biggest kind of a bridge. He has examined the plans and he declares that it will have five spasms.—[Norwich Bulletin.

The annual report of the city marshal says: “It has been our painful duty to lose by death two of our officers during the past year.” The department ought to be relieved from such a duty immediately.—[Worcester Spy.

The Oil City Derrick says that 53,000 petroleum wells have been driven in Pennsylvania and New York. The product sold for $500,000,000, a profit of $[300,000,000?]. The exportation of the oil was 6,231,102,923 gallons^sic,

Watch dials are now made by photography at a mere fraction of their former cost. They all used to be painted by hand. Now a hundred are made in the time formerly required to produce one, and each of the hundred is better than the one would have been.

The trade in birds for women’s hats was so enormous last year that a single London dealer admitted that he sold two millions of every kind and color. At one auction in one week there were sold 6,000 birds of paradise, 5,000 Impeyan pheasants, 400,000 humming birds, and other birds from North and South America, and 360,000 feathered skins from India.

Heavy machinery is now run by artesian well power in many parts of France, and the experience of the French shows that the deeper the well the greater the pressure and the higher the temperature. The famous Grenelle well, sunk to the depth of 1,800 feet, and flowing daily 500,000 gallons, has a pressure of sixty pounds to the square inch, the water being also so hot that it is used for heating the hospitals.

The managers of the Reading iron works have got the protective principle down to a fine point. After keeping more than a thousand men idle for several months, on the ground that trade was dull, they have now permitted them to go to work again at a reduction of seven and a half per cent in their wages. Meantime the local store keepers have had to do without the trade of this thousand idle men.

The all-pervading sense of dependence upon some one else which characterizes the office seeking class is illustrated by a brief conversation at the national capital: “Johnny,” called out an anxious Washington mother, “jes’ you stop flingin’ stuns at them boys.” “Why, ma?” demanded the young Philistine. “Becos their pa is your pa’s inflooence, ‘n ’f you go to throwin’ stuns yer dad’ll be out’n a job.”—[Youth’s Companion.

A large party of officers and privates of the Honorable artillery company of London have applied for leave of absence to visit the United States this month, in order to be present at the 250th anniversary of the Ancient and honorable artillery company of Boston, that company being an offshoot of the London company. A large delegation from Boston attended the 350th anniversary of the London company last year.

The attention of the French academy of sciences has been drawn by M. Faye, the eminent astronomer, to the apparent geological law that the cooling of the terrestrial crust goes on more rapidly under the sea than with a land surface. From this he argues that the crust must thicken under oceans at a more rapid rate, so as to give rise to a swelling up and distortion of the thinner portions of the crust; in other words, to the formation of mountain chains.

Nearly a year ago some Japanese students at the university of California, impressed with modern republican ideas and institutions, and with our social economy, started a paper, the Shin Nippon, for circulation in Japan. By it they expected to enlighten their countrymen and influence public opinion, and they criticised the Japanese government without reserve. But the project was nipped in the bud. New laws against the press brought the Shin Nippon upon the black list, all the copies of it that could be found were seized and destroyed, and the paper was obliged to suspend.

There are between 15,000 and 16,000 school teachers in Michigan, about 4,000 male and 11,000 female. The average cost to the state for school teachers’ wages is $45.37 per month for males and $31.45 for females. The total amount paid for teachers’ wages in 1887 was, in round numbers, $3,000,000. The value of school property of the state is estimated at $12,174,599; number of children of school age in the state, 619,979; number attending school, 421,308. There are 7,018 school districts in the state, and the total sum expended for all school purposes throughout the state for 1887 was $5,067,804.74.

A Jerusalem correspondent writes that the holy city is fast becoming again the city of the Jews. In 1880 there were not more than 5,000 Jews there; now there are more than 30,000. Recent Russian persecutions have led thousands to make their homes there, and although the Turkish government forbids all Jews who are not residents of Jerusalem to remain longer than thirty days, yet a judicious application of bribes enables them to stay there as long as they please without molestation. Wealthy Jews have built hospitals and founded homes, and many of the refugees who are poor live from the charity of their brethren.

A teacher of Mississippi colored folks has been taking notes of queer expressions that she has heard from her pupils and in meeting, and the American Missionary publishes them. Here are a few: “Go the great physicianer.” “I use consecrated lye.” “She is a crippler.” “O Lord, give us good thinking facticals.” “The meeting will be in the basin of the church.” “O Lord, throw overboard all the lead we’se totin and the sins which upset us.” “Jog them in remembrance of their vows.” “I want her to resist me with the ironing.” “I want all you people to adhere to the bell.” “There will be no respectable people in heaven. (God is no respecter of persons.)” “I was much disencouraged.” “It was said at the startment of this meeting.” “I take care of three head of children.” “We have passed through many dark scenes and unseens.”

The big office buildings are creating a peculiar revolution down town. Old fashioned office buildings without elevators are in such poor demand that offices are very cheap, and with so few taken that the houses are being used as store rooms, work shops, and the like. In the mean time the office buildings are taking in banks, insurance companies, tailors, barbers, saloons, restaurants, telegraph offices, men’s stores, and, in short, are becoming little cities in themselves. Though some demand rentals at the rate of $25 a square foot of floor surface, professional men who are ambitious feel that they must go into them. They complain about the prices, but the landlords, in turn, assert that the competition in attractions provided in big buildings, such as free light, heat, elevators, floor cleaning and the rest, has reduced the profit to five or six per cent. But most of the owners of the big buildings are corporations in business, and they get their own quarters free of rental.—[New York Sun.

He Was an Out and Out Protectionist, and Lived on Other People’s Work.

New York Tribune.

Western Man—Stranger, the place where you now stand, surrounded by solid blocks, palatial residences and tall spires, a few short months ago was only a hole in the ground.

Tenderfoot—How was that?

Western Man—You see, an eastern man came along and started a cattle ranch here. But he encountered a streak of bad luck, and the bottom dropped out of the whole business; so he laid off a town and made a fortune selling corner lots.

God.

[Gabriel Romanowitch Derzhavin?]. ([Russian?].)

O Thou eternal One! whose presence bright All space doth occupy, all motion guide— Unchanged through time’s all-devastating flight! Thou only God—there is no God beside! Being above all things! Mighty One, Whom none can comprehend and none explore! Who fill’st existence with Thyself alone— Embracing all, supporting, ruling o’er— Being whom we call God, and know no more!

In its sublime research, philosophy May measure out the ocean deep—may count The sands or the sun’s rays—but, God! for Thee There is no weight nor measure; none can mount Up to Thy mysteries; reason’s brightest spark, Though kindled by Thy light, in vain would try To trace Thy counsels, infinite and dark; And thought is lost ere thought can soar so high, Even like past moments in eternity.

Thou from primeval nothingness didst call First chaos, then existence—Lord! in Thee Eternity had its foundation; all Sprung forth from Thee—of light, joy, harmony, Sole Origin—all life, all beauty Thine; Thy word created all, and doth create; Thy splendor fills all space with rays divine; Thou art, and wert, and shall be! Glorious! Great! Light giving, life sustaining Potentate!

Thy chains the unmeasured universe surround— Upheld by Thee, by Thee inspired with breath! Thou the beginning with the end hast bound, And beautifully mingled life and death! As sparks mount upward from the fiery blaze, So sons are born^sic, so worlds spring forth from Thee; And as the spangles in the sunny rays Shine round the silver snow, the pageantry Of heaven’s bright army glitters in Thy praise.

A million torches lighted by Thy hand Wander unwearied through the blue abyss— They own Thy power, accomplish Thy command, All gay with life, all eloquent with bliss. What shall we call them? Piles of crystal light— A glorious company of golden streams— Lamps of celestial ether burning bright— Suns lighting systems with their joyous beams! But Thou to these art as the noon to night.

Yes! as a drop of water in the sea, All this magnificence in Thee is lost— What are ten thousand worlds compared to Thee? And what am I then?—Heaven’s unnumbered host, Though multiplied by myriads, and arrayed In all the glory of sublimest thought, Is but an atom in the balance, weighed Against Thy greatness—is a cipher brought Against infinity! What am I then? Naught!

Naught! But the effluence of Thy light divine, Pervading worlds, hath reached my bosom too; Yes! in my spirit doth Thy spirit shine As shines the sunbeam in a drop of dew. Naught! But I live, and on hope’s pinions fly Eager towards thy presence—for in Thee I live, and breathe, and dwell; aspiring high, Even to the throne of Thy divinity. I am, O God! and surely Thou must be!

Thou art!—directing, guiding all—Thou art! Direct my understanding then to Thee; Control my spirit, guide my wandering heart; Though but an atom midst immensity, Still I am something, fashioned by Thy hand! I hold a middle rank ’twixt heaven and earth— On the last verge of mortal being stand, Close to the realms where angels have their birth, Just on the boundaries of the spirit land!

The chain of being is complete in me— In me is matter’s last gradation lost, And the next step is spirit—Deity! I can command the lightning, and am dust! A monarch and a slave—a worm, a god! Whence came I here, and how? so marvelously Constructed and conceived? Unknown! This clod Lives surely through some higher energy; For from itself alone it could not be!

Creator, yes! Thy wisdom and Thy word Created me! Thou source of life and good! Thou spirit of my spirit, and my Lord! Thy light, Thy love, in their bright plenitude Filled me with an immortal soul, to spring Over the abyss of death; and bade it wear The garments of eternal day, and wing Its heavenly flight beyond this little sphere, Even to its source—to Thee—its Author there.

O thoughts ineffable! O visions blest! Though worthless our conceptions all of Thee, Yet shall Thy shadowed image fill our breast, And waft its homage to Thy Deity. God! thus alone my lowly thoughts can soar, Thus seek thy presence—Being wise and good! Midst Thy vast works admire, obey, adore; And when the tongue is eloquent no more The soul shall speak in tears of gratitude.

MY BUTCHER WOMAN AND MY GROCERY MAN.

My butcher woman sold out her fixtures and closed her store last month.

The lock out (or close up) was sudden. I had gone over to get a steak for supper, and, though I had noticed while crossing the street that the doors were closed, I did not suspect anything until I got in front of the store, when I saw that no meat was hanging on the hooks inside. I opened one of the doors and poked my head in and said: “What’s the matter—closed up?”

The butcher woman’s eldest boy was standing in the store, with his hands in his pockets, looking toward the street. He answered, “Yeah!”

It was only about the middle of April, and I didn’t think the close up was for good, when there were fifteen days to run before the first of May, so I said: “Run out of meat, probably. Be open to-morrow?”

“Naw!” answered the boy, still standing with his hands in his pockets; “mother says she’s goin’ to quit.”

As no meat was to be got at that store, I went on down the avenue to another butcher store, got a steak and went home.

The next day I passed by the place again, and seeing the butcher woman inside I resolved to gratify my curiosity and find out what this sudden closing up might mean. So I stopped inside to have a talk. The butcher woman was not at all secretive. In fact, she was rather anxious to talk than otherwise. Part of her story I knew already. Now I learned the sequel, and understood her business history from beginning to end. It’s a very commonplace every day sort of a story, but still it has its interest.

My butcher woman wasn’t always a butcher woman. When first the little store was opened she was a butcher’s wife. It is only of late years that things have been reversed, and the man she married has become a butcher woman’s husband. There are people living in the neighborhood who, if you ask them how the change has come

p. 6, col. 2 about, will tell you that it’s all the butcher’s fault. He was a good for nothing fellow, who neglected his business, took to drink, and has had to suffer the usual consequences. If he had been sober, frugal and hard working, he might have got along well enough. That is the verdict of the world on the poor butcher. It may be yours, too. But don’t give it till you have read his story.

Fifteen years ago the butcher opened the store that my butcher woman closed last month. The neighborhood was not so thickly settled then as now; but, on the whole, the butcher thought that was no disadvantage. People were bound to come there to live, new houses would be built and new families move in, and he would have a chance to catch the new trade as it came along, and grow up with the locality. He looked forward to an increasing business, did the butcher. He had visions of his little store growing into a big store. In anticipation he heard himself spoken of as Johnson the butcher, with a delightful emphasizing of the article.

So the butcher rented the little store and the living rooms above it. The rent was pretty steep—thirty-five dollars a month for the store and ten dollars for the living rooms. Somehow the landlord seemed to have figured out pretty accurately just what a butcher could earn in that neighborhood, and wanted to take just so much of it as would leave the butcher enough for his living expenses, and no more. But the butcher was young and hopeful. He’d do more business presently; and of course, when he did, he’d be able to put some money by. He took the store and went to work like the energetic young butcher that he was.

For the next four or five years everything went on very nicely. The neighborhood didn’t fill up quite as fast as he had hoped, but still there was an improvement. On the other hand his living expenses were increased by the advent of two children. But there was a good time coming—he felt sure of that—and in the meantime he lived comfortably and had no anxieties.

Then the lease expired of the ground on which the house the butcher rented stood, and the building passed out of the hands of the man who had built it and became the property of the landlord. This seemed quite natural and proper to the butcher, who looked upon landlords as a necessary and favored class, and saw nothing strange in their making money without working for it. But it affected him in a way he hadn’t anticipated; for the landlord was a man who understood his business and paid attention to it. He was a hard worker, was this landlord. Though he never produced anything himself, he was marvelously industrious at getting hold of what other folks produced. He knew the butcher—had talked with him in a free and condescending manner that made the butcher really happy. He knew what the butcher was making, what it cost him to live, what his hopes of extending his business were, and all the rest of it. So when the ground lease fell in, and the house became his, this hard working landlord felt it his duty to raise the butcher’s rent—ten dollars a month more on the store, and five dollars on the living rooms. The house wasn’t any more valuable, but the privilege of living in that neighborhood was; and as the landlord owned that privilege, of course it was only right that he should charge the butcher what it was worth. It was funny—the butcher didn’t try to figure it out, and had no very definite ideas on the subject, but in a slow going, puzzle headed kind of way he felt that it was funny. His customers’ landlords raised their rents because there were butcher shops, and bakeries, and delicatessen stores in the neighborhood; and he had his rent raised because there were customers in the neighborhood. So the butcher “stood the raise,” and kept on thinking about the good time coming, though with somewhat diminished confidence.

Well, the good time really came at last. People moved in thick and fast. Tenement houses went up in every direction. The butcher’s trade increased a little—not as fast as it might have done, for the butcher had saved no money to speak of, and couldn’t enlarge his premises, and so other butchers came along and took a good deal of the business—but still it really did increase. But somehow the butcher was actually worse off for it. As his trade grew, his rent grew with it. It really seemed—though, of course, that was ridiculous—as though he were working for his landlord, and not for himself. First it jumped to $75 a month. Then it rose to $100. The butcher discharged his hired man, and his wife, in addition to the care of the children and living rooms, had to help him in the store, while the oldest boy was taken from school and employed to carry home the orders. There was something wrong somewhere.

I had many a talk with the butcher in those days. He used to tell me it was hard lines, that his rent had more than doubled while his business had increased only thirty per cent. He had spoken to his landlord; but all the answer he got was, if he didn’t like it he could clear out, there would be plenty of men who would be glad to get the store at even a higher rental. This seemed like an unanswerable argument to the butcher, and indeed it was one.

I noticed about this time that the butcher was becoming a drinking man. I happened into the store one day when he was more than ordinarily under the influence of liquor, and evidently he and his wife—who, by the way, was a remarkably sweet dispositioned woman—had been having some words. I asked what was the matter, and the woman said that Jim was neglecting his business and drinking more than a man with a family should. The butcher retorted by saying that a man had to do something to brace him up. He was up in the morning at three o’clock, and had to be in the store till seven in the evening. He couldn’t afford to neglect any customers or he might lose them; and with the big expense he was under he couldn’t afford to do that.

But a man couldn’t stick to work all the time. If he took a nip now and then it was more to keep him up and enable him to stand the long hours that he had to work.

Two years ago the butcher’s rent was

p. 6, col. 3 raised to $110. Last year it mounted to $120. That settled matters as far as the butcher himself was concerned. He lost heart completely, took to regular hard drinking, and gave up even the pretense cf^sic attending to his business. It was then that the wife became a butcher woman, carrying on the business with the help of the eldest boy, in order to support the other children and herself. Seven months ago the butcher disappeared altogether. His life struggle had exhausted him. He sank out of sight.

On the first of last month—queer it should have happened on April fool’s day—the butcher woman received notice that her rent thereafter would be $135 a month. This broke her down completely and after a week or two of despairing struggle against the inevitable she sold her fixtures and closed her store. I don’t know what she is going to do. Neither does she. There is a lady among her customers—about the one well-to-do customer she had —who belongs to a charitable society which makes work for the deserving poor. She may do something for her. God knows. Such is the story of the butcher and the butcher woman.

My grocery man and I were talking over the butcher woman’s case the other night. He is a down east Yankee, sharp and shrewd. He used to deal at the butcher woman’s, knew her story and had plenty of sympathy for her. But while he admitted that the case was a hard one, he didn’t see that the landlord was at all to blame for carrying on his business on business principles.

“The butcher wasn’t cute,” said my grocery man; “neither was his wife. When I opened this store seven years ago I paid $700 a year rent. My business was light for a long time, and it used to be as much as I could do to kill time.

“I had a customer who used to drop in for a chat and his hobby was the rent question. He hammered away until I got interested, though I couldn’t fully understand what he meant. One day he asked me if I would read a book on the subject if he brought it to me, and I told him, as I had plenty of time on my hands, that I would. He brought me”Progress and Poverty.” I read it through, and then I read it again more carefully. It gave me the idea on which I have worked ever since.

“What a landlord really does when he rents me a store is to lay a tax upon my business. If the business grows and prospers up goes the tax; if it languishes and doesn’t grow the tax remains light. If my landlord should find out that I am doing a money making trade he would clap on more rent; but as long as he thinks I am struggling hard to make a living he will be pretty apt to be easy with me. Do you see the idea?

“Look at this store. There’s no display about it, such as you’ll find at the other stores round here. Not much! When the landlord drops in on me and asks me how business is I shrug my shoulders and say nothing.

“You don’t catch me getting up at four o’clock in the morning and rushing down town for green groceries. I don’t keep them at all. I don’t encourage one, two and three cent customers, for their tramping in and out would give things a lively appearance. No, sir!

“I have kept my eyes open for customers who order two and three days’ and a week’s supply. And I don’t run a wagon or a push cart. I keep one boy, and he delivers the orders with a basket. When I get orders amounting to five or ten dollars or more, I have them made up at the wholesale house down town, and delivered from there.

“Decent people in this neighborhood are mostly poor. I cater to the ‘fast’ trade around here, and I supply them with all their groceries, wines and liquors; but none of those goods go from my store.

“Do I make money? Of course I do. I’ll bet I do more business than any two grocers in the neighborhood; but I do the bulk of my business on the sly; taking good care the landlord doesn’t get on to me.”

“Here’s the store. Looks about the same as when I first got you for a customer, doesn’t it? Well, that’s the way I intend to have it look while I run it.

“Does it pay me to do this? I should murmur. I have only had my rent raised two hundred dollars in seven years, while that chap over there has had his rent more than doubled in the same time. No, not his rent, for the man that was there up to three years ago was frozen out by his landlord raising his rent; and the new man will be frozen out, too. I’ll bet he pays nearly double the rent I do, and I’ll bet also that he don’t do over half the business I do.

“You’ve got to fight the devil with fire. My landlord is my devil, and I propose to get the best of him as long as I can.”

My groceryman’s talk has set me thinking. If the landlord has a right to all the place is worth, isn’t the grocery man cheating his landlord? Or, if he hasn’t such a right, didn’t the butcher woman’s landlord cheat her? My butcher worked hard and told the truth, and now he’s a drunkard and a tramp, and his family are beggars. My grocery man worked hard and lied, and seems to have thriven by the process. These things puzzle me.

WILLIAM McCABE.

The Danger in Denying Man his Heritage of Earth.

Southey.

Whatever strengthens our local attachments is favorable both to individual and national character. Our home, our birthplace, our native land—think for a while what the virtues are which arise out of the feelings connected with these words, and, if you have any intellectual eyes, you will then conceive the connection between topography and patriotism. Show me a man who cares no more for one place than another, and I will show you in that same person one who loves nothing but himself. Beware of those who are homeless by choice; you have no hold on a human being whose affections are without a tap root. The laws recognize this truth in the privileges they confer upon free holders; and public opinion acknowledges it also in the confidence which it reposes upon those who have what is called a stake in the country. Vagabond and rogue are convertible terms, and with how much propriety may any one understand who knows what are the habits of the wandering classes, gypsies, tinkers and potters.

p. 6, col. 4

TAX LAWS IN PENNSYLVANIA.

The Population of Japan.

The London and China Telegraph, referring to recent publications on Japanese statistics, says that on Jan. 1, 1885, the Japanese empire had a population of 37,868,987, or an average of ninety-nine inhabitants to each square kilometer, which is about the same average as Italy and much more than that of Germany. But if the large area of Yezo and the Kuriles, with its small population, be deducted, Japan proper has a population of 131 to the square kilometer, while Great Britain had only 114. For various reasons peculiar to the country and the people the distribution of the population is by clusters. In eight administrative districts the density reaches 220 per square kilometer, for these include the fertile rice plains and the most productive fisheries. Japan is a country of small peasant cultivation, rice being the principal staple, hence the mountainous districts are very thinly inhabited. The average number of persons in a household is 3.91, while in Germany it is 4.7; but in urban households the average is much smaller than in the country or than that of European cities. Notwithstanding the density of the population, the small number of populous towns is very striking. Only five have a population exceeding 100,000—viz., Tokio, 902,837; Osaka, 353,970; Kioto, 256,403; Nagoya, 126,898, and Kanagawa, 104,[330?]. Six only have a population between 50,000 and 100,000. This peculiarity in distribution is due to the circumstances that Japan is not an industrial but an agricultural country. Another peculiarity is the proportion of the sexes; there were 19,157,977 males and 18,711,110 females^sic, so that, reversing the rule in Europe, the males preponderate.

p. 6, col. 5 This is said to be due to the effect that there is a great preponderance of female mortality between fifteen and forty, Japanese statistics on this subject being wholly different from those of European countries. At the date of the census there were 8,898 Japanese abroad, their distribution being as follows: Corea, 4,356; China, 2,068; America, 817; Russia (mainly eastern Siberia), 671; Great Britain, 264; France, 164; Germany, 129, and the remainder in other countries or on the sea.

THE BOOT AND SHOE INDUSTRY.

A Machine That Will Do the Work of a Stenographer.

Atlanta Constitution.

The stenographers who report the proceedings in congress for publication in the Congressional Record have in the past few days secured a machine to facilitate the work which has already proven of inestimable value. It is one of Edison’s inventions, and is called the graphaphone^sic. The machine very much resembles a lady’s sewing machine and is worked in the same manner—by a pedal. The instrument is used in this wise: When one of the stenographers concludes his floor report, he goes to this machine, reads his report into a funnel connecting with the main cylinder, which is gutta-percha coated, and revolves while the point of a needle connecting with the tube from the funnel mouthpiece rests against it. When the stenographer finishes reading his report another operator attaches tubes to the cylinder, connecting with his ears, works the machine, and the words of the stenographer are repeated to him in the same tone of voice of the previous talker. The rapidity of the talk can be regulated, and the operator can thus with ease take down the exact words by the use of a typewriter or an ordinary pen. The machine is certainly wonderful, and enables a person with the assistance of a typewriter to do the work of two ordinary stenographers, who first have to take the report in shorthand and then translate it.

These gutta-percha cylinders can be stored away, and years after, if placed upon the machine, the same words used to-day will be repeated in the exact tone of the speaker. Thus should any record become destroyed these cylinders may be resorted to.

Another thing about this machine is that a person here can talk for an hour into one, mail the cylinder to Atlanta, where by the use of a machine the exact words used here will be repeated, thus saving the labor of writing long communications.

The German Freeman in the Early Times.

Green’s “Making of England.”

Land with the German race seems at a very early time to have become everywhere the accompaniment of full freedom. The freeman was strictly the freeholder, and the exercise of his full rights as a free member of the community to which he belonged became inseparable from the possession of his “holding” in it. But property had not as yet reached the stage of absolutely personal possession. The wood land and pasture land of an English village were still undivided, and every free villager had the right of turning into it his cattle or swine. The meadow land lay, in like manner, open and undivided from hay harvest to spring. It was only when grass began to grow afresh that the common meadow was fenced off into grass fields, one for each household in the village, and when hay harvest was over fence and division were at an end again. The plow land alone was permanently alloted^sic in equal shares both of corn land and fallow land to the families of the freemen, though even the plow land was subject to fresh division as the number of claimants grew greater or less. It was this sharing of the common land which marked off the freeman or ceorl from the unfree or laet, the tiller of land which another owned. . . . In the modern sense of freedom, the last was free enough^sic. He had a house and home of his own, his life and limb were as secure as the ceorls save as against his lord; it is probable, from what we see in later laws, that as the time went on he was recognized as a member of the nation, summoned to the folk-moot, allowed equal right at law, and called like the full freeman to the hosting. But he was unfree as regards lord and land. He had neither part nor lot in the common land of the village. The ground which he tilled he held of some freeman of the tribe, to whom he paid rent in labor or in kind. And this man was his lord.

Why They Leave the Farm Early.

Bangor, Me., Commercial.

Alton, Penobscot county, boasts of having two of the smartest youngsters in the state. J. D. Sargent has a boy and girl, aged respectively six and eight years, that have taken the most of the care of nineteen head of horned cattle, one colt and a flock of sheep. They turned them out every day, fair or foul, and pumped water for them. If any one can beat this, please let us have the names and places.

Why Not Give a Little Encouragement to the Men Who Are Going to Work in the Foundry.

Jackson, Ohio, Standard.

The people of Jackson should encourage the foundry people in perfecting the arrangements for the great works. These men propose to bring some fifty thousand dollars in money to invest in the manufacturing business here. Such men deserve a hearty reception by our people. There are no mere experiments projected. The company means business—a good, steady, paying business.

p. 6, col. 6

THE BEATING OF THE DRUMS.

By shutting off foreign competition the tariff deprives the people of their natural protection against monopolies, and such monopolies or trusts, protected by the tariff, can make the home price equal to the foreign price plus the duty. A prohibitory tariff is a direct encouragement to the formation of trusts.—[Philadelphia Call.

Among the most hopeful signs of the times is the interest, and even the eagerness, with which the economic and commercial questions involved in tariff reform are taken into consideration by the public. The issues of sentiment and prejudice on which an entire generation of men in politics were brought up have been driven out by this more wholesome and practical question, and the healthy enthusiasm with which its discussion is received demonstrates that the people can reason as earnestly as they can feel.—[Boston Post.

When it has been proposed to put copper on the free list the copper lords have pathetically described the ruin that would come upon their industry. In no other case have the monopolists been more impudent. Last year almost ten times as much copper was exported as imported. Nothing could more clearly prove that copper needs no protection, since all that was exported was sold in a free trade market. But the tariff of 2[¼?] cents a pound on copper last year proved equal to a duty of 49.6 per cent.—[Philadelphia Call.

A heavy tax on “Rough on Rats” would add to the surplus in the treasury, and, like all tariffs, would help to spread general prosperity. With more taxes on manufactured and compounded articles of all kinds there would be greater prosperity, and therefore very few of the very poor in need of a cheap method of destroying their own lives. We leave the elaboration of this theory to the able logician of the Tribune who is able to prove that a farmer can add to his wealth by building an insurmountable stone wall around his farm.—[New York World.

There was little in Mills’s speech that could be regarded as bellicose or calculated to provoke a party fight. He seemed rather to invite all republicans who would consent to a moderate, needed and carefully guarded revision of the tariff to join him in amending and perfecting the bill of the committee with these ends in view. How was this reasonable proposition met by the republican leaders? Simply by putting “Pig iron” Kelley forward to roar for free whisky, to oppose reduction of the sugar tax and insanely to denounce any and all reform of the tariff as meaning absolute “free trade, blight and ruin.” No wonder many western republican members hung their heads in shame, and others hurried off in disgust to the cloak rooms before Kelley concluded his imbecile tirade.—[Chicago Tribune (Rep.)

One could concede that all the absurdities in the generalizations of the protectionists were eternal truths; that American labor needed a tariff on its productions to protect it against the cheap labor of other countries, which is all the time free to come here and compete directly for employment; that the tariff is added to the wages of the laborer and not to the profits of the employer; that the tariff makes goods dearer and at the same time makes them cheaper; that the tariff is the sole cause of the great prosperity of this country, while it fails to give prosperity to Germany, Spain, Italy and Mexico; that it is our only protection against the insidious efforts of Great Britain to ruin us—one might admit all these ridiculous and contradictory propositions, and yet the main points of Mr. Mills’s speech remains an unassailable defense of the wisdom of tariff reduction at the present time as provided for in the Mills bill.—[Detroit Evening News.

Why Germany’s Metal Industries Are Supplanting Those of England.

F. Leary in London Democrat.

Common justice recoils from lowering the wages of the workmen while by means of royalties the landlord gets an equal or greater share for doing nothing at all. The capital of the employer may go to the dogs, the workmen may starve, but the royalty owner must have his pound of flesh. It is estimated that about £36,000,000 is paid annually in royalties. How, in the name of common sense, can it be expected that this country can compete with the foreigner in the manufacture of iron when raw material can be got at 6d. a ton in Germany, and 8d. in France—which is paid to the state in both case^sic—while we have to pay 3s. 6d. a ton in Cumberland to the landlord? To make 600 tons of pig iron it has been found that £202 is paid in royalties against £95 in wages. An iron master who has four furnaces standing idle, recently told me that if the royalties were reduced these would all be working. Many of our iron masters find it cheaper to import ironstone from Spain and Friesland than pay these royalties and work mines at home. On steel the royalties in this country amount to no less than 9s. 6d. per ton, and some of our fast American liners pay more for royalties on coal than for wages. In the county of Lanark the royalty on coal is 1s. 4d. a ton, while the wage of the miner is 10d. a ton. On the continent 2d per ton is paid to the state. A firm burning 500 tons of coal weekly pays about £[1?],250 a year in royalties for driving power alone; but the tribute does not end here; the bricks, stone, mortar, glass, slates, etc., of which the building is composed all bear royalty, as well as the machinery which [fills?] it. Mr. Mason, M. P., instanced the case of a pit where £50,000 was spent in sinking and plant, when it was found that the mine could not be profitably worked, and as the landlord refused to reduce the royalty the money was lost. One gentlemen receives^sic £[114?],000 per annum for mining royalties alone. When a lease expires, a “fine” is exacted for renewing the same. The royalty on the china clay industry ranges from 1s. 6d. to 4s. 6d., and in some cases it is as high as 18s. a ton. Can it be wondered at that trade is stagnant, profit disappearing, capital languishing, employment scarce, and people starving, when the whole industry of the country is taxed for the benefit of the privileged few? The question for solution is—are the landlords to abate their royalties, or is there to be a general reduction of wages throughout the land?

Honest John Sherman Believes in Free Ships.

Springfield Republican.

Do we want ships? Then why forbid American citizens from buying them where they can be bought cheapest, instead of classing them with obscene literature and counterfeit money, and prohibiting their entrance into the country? The Dunn bill would allow this, and would further allow the free importation of materials to be used here in ship-building. This is business-like—that is, if we really want ships. And fortunately we have so eminent a man as Senator John Sherman in favor of this plan. He declared in 1872, during a speech in the senate, that the admission of foreign built ships free to American registry “would be of more service to the commercial interests of the United States than all the subsidies that could possibly be voted.” He went on to say that we could not possibly build ships in competition with England, and thus continued:

“Then why not admit them duty free, raise the American flag upon them, put American officers on their decks and have American lines instead of British lines? Why, sir, if that bill should pass, one-half of the lines between New York and England would be American lines in sixty days.”

Why not, indeed, if we want ships? They will come to us fast enough when we cease to treat them like obscene literature or tax them out of existence like a pernicious drug.

They Couldn’t Afford to Buy It in America

London Echo.

The Tees-side iron and engine works company have received an order for the construction of a complete blast furnace plant with all machinery, etc., for China. This will be the first blast furnace set up in the celestial empire.

The Church and the World.

Matilda C. Edwards.

The Church and the World walked far apart, On the changing shores of time; The World was singing a giddy song, And the Church a hymn sublime. Come give me your hand, cried the merry World, And walk with me this way; But the good Church hid her snow white hand, And solemnly answered, Nay, I will not give you my hand at all, And I will not walk with you; Your way is the way of endless death; Your words are all untrue.

Nay, walk with me but a little space, Said the World with a kindly air; The road I walk is a pleasant road, And the sun shines always there; Your path is thorny and rough and rude, And mine is broad and plain; My road is paved with flowers and gems, And yours with tears and pain. The sky above me is always blue; No want, no toil I know; The sky above you is always dark; Your lot is a lot of woe. My path, you see, is a broad, fair path, And my gate is high and wide— There is room enough for you and me To travel side by side.

Half shyly the Church approached the World, And gave him her hand of snow; The old World grasped it and walked along, Saying, in accents low, Your dress is too simple to please my taste; I will give you pearls to wear, Rich velvet and silks for your graceful form, And diamonds to deck your hair. The Church looked down at her plain white robes, And then at the dazzling World, And blushed as she saw his handsome lip With a smile contemptuous curled. I will change my dress for a costlier one, Said the Church with a smile of grace, Then her pure white garments drifted away, And the World gave in their place, Beautiful satins and shining silks, And roses and gems and pearls; And over her forehead her bright hair fell Crisped in a thousand curls.

Your house is too plain, said the proud old World, I’ll build you one like mine; Carpets of Brussels, and curtains of lace, And furniture ever so fine. So he built her a costly and beautiful house— Splendid it was to behold; Her son and her beautiful daughters^sic dwelt there, Gleaming in purple and gold; And fairs and shows in the halls were held, And the World and his children were there; And laughter and music and feasts were heard In the place that was meant for prayer. She had cushioned pews for the rich and the great To sit in their pomp and pride, While the poor folks, clad in their shabby suits, Sat meekly down outside.

The angel of mercy flew over the Church, And whispered, I know thy sin; The Church looked back with a sigh, and longed To gather her children in. But some were off to the midnight ball, And some were off at the play, And some were drinking in gay saloons; So she quietly went her way. The sly World gallantly said to her, Your children mean no harm— Merely indulging in innocent sports. So she leaned on his proffered arm, And smiled, and chatted, and gathered flowers, As she walked along with the World; While millions and millions of deathless souls To the horrible pit were hurled. You give too much to the poor, said the World, Far more than you ought to do; If the poor need shelter and food and clothes, Why need it trouble you? Go take your money and buy rich robes; And horses and carriages fine, And pearls, and jewels, and dainty food, And the rarest and costliest wine. My children they dote on all such things, And if you their love would win, You must do as they do, and walk in the ways That they are walking in. The Church held tightly the strings of her purse, And gracefully lowered her head, And simpered, I’ve given too much away, I’ll do, sir, as you have said. So the poor were turned from her door in scorn, And she heard not the orphan’s cry; And she drew her beautiful robes aside, As the widows went weeping by. The sons of the World and the sons of the Church Walked closely hand and heart, And only the Master who knoweth all, Could tell the two apart. Then the Church sat down at her ease and said, I am rich, and in goods increased; I have need of nothing, and naught to do But to laugh and dance and feast. The sly World heard her, and laughed in his sleeve, And mockingly said aside, The Church is fallen—the beautiful Church— And her shame is her boast and pride!

The angel drew near to the mercy seat, And whispered, in sighs, her name; And the saints their anthems of rapture hushed, And covered their heads with shame. And a voice came down, through the hush of heaven, From Him who sat on the throne: I know thy work, and how thou hast said, I am rich; and hast not known That thou art naked and poor and blind And wretched before my face; Therefore, from my presence I cast thee out, And blot thy name from its place!

CAPTAIN KIDD.

The name of Captain Kidd is as familiar as the hero of a nursery rhyme, but how few there are who know his story. He was a pirate who roamed the seas, scuttling ships, murdering seamen, plundering cargoes and burying treasures; who was captured as a pirate, tried as a pirate, hanged as a pirate, and who righteously stands as the type of all that was at once most dreadful, most mysterious and most romantic in piracy. This, in brief, is his commonly accepted biography. And yet Captain Kidd was neither tried nor hanged for piracy, and there is grave reason to doubt that he was a pirate.

In the latter part of the seventeenth century William Kidd, a Scotchman by birth, was captain of a packet ship plying regularly between New York and London. He was a man of comfortable means, and one of the most respected inhabitants of New York. In 1692, after marrying the widow of a sea captain who had left a considerable estate, he took up his residence in Hanover square, where he remained until the land in the vicinity of Nassau and Liberty streets was laid off into building lots, when he purchased a lot there and built a mansion upon it, in which he lived at the time of the voyage that was destined to make him so unhappily famous.

At this period New York was a market for piratical plunder. Her merchants, under cover of legitimate commerce, trafficked along the African coast with the pirates of the Indian ocean; and so profitable was this traffic that efforts to suppress it aroused intense feeling here and ultimately became an absorbing topic of political debate. In 1695 Robert Livingston of Albany

p. 7, col. 2 was a passenger with Kidd, and during the voyage to London the captain and his wealthy passenger frequently discussed the subject. Later in the voyage their discussions took a practical turn, and it was agreed that they should organize a cruise under the king’s commission against the Indian sea pirates, their compensation, in lieu of government pay, to be a share of the plunder captured from the pirates. The plan was proposed by Livingston.

On their arrival in London the earl of Bellamont was interested in the scheme, and Lord Chancellor Somers, the earl of Romney, the duke of Shrewsbury, the earl of Oxford and even the king, became partners in the enterprise. A written agreement was made, in which it was provided that Captain Kidd should be commissioned to act as a private man of war; that he should take one hundred seamen and go in search of pirates, bringing his prizes to Boston; that the crew should ship for “no prize, no pay;” that the earl of Bellamont should pay four-fifths of the expense of fitting out the vessel, Kidd and Livingston to pay the other fifth; and that of the prizes taken one-fourth were to go to the crew, and the other three-fourths to be divided into five parts, one of which was to belong to Livingston and Kidd and the remainder to Bellamont and his associates. In case no prizes were taken Bellamont was to receive £5,000, in consideration of which the ship was to vest in Livingston and Kidd; but if Kidd delivered £100^sic,000 worth of prizes to Bellamont the ship was to belong to Livingston and Kidd without other compensation.

It was not until the winter of 1696 that the expedition was fitted out. When all was in readiness Kidd resigned his packet ship to the owners and went aboard the Adventure galley with about seventy men. He sailed for New York, expecting to capture some prizes on his way, but in that both he and his crew were greatly disappointed. In the following summer, having recruited his men from New York, he sailed for Madagascar. The remainder of his story is told by the late David T. Valentine, one of the historians of New York in an old manual of the city now out of print:

“Whether from want of direct communication, which might enable him to find the pirate ships or the depositaries of their spoils; or whether the pirates had received notice of his approach and had avoided him, it seems he was unable to effect the object of his expedition. There is also the alternative reason, which is that commonly ascribed to his conduct, that he found piracy more profitable than war with the pirates; and therefore adopted, from mercenary motives, the profession of those he was sent to subdue. But, judging from probabilities, we infer that his own story may have been the correct one, and that his lawless crew, disappointed in prize money from captured pirates, forced him to a course of conduct as foreign to his own designs as it was to the objects of the distinguished characters by whose authority he acted. They took three or four vessels, the most valuable of which was a ship of four hundred tons, called the Quidah Merchant, laden with treasure and East India goods. With the Quidah Merchant, Kidd (having abandoned the Adventure galley to a portion of his crew) commenced his return to America. He was aware, however, that under the best explanation he could give of his conduct he would be greatly censured. He, therefore, in the first instance, made the Danish island of St. Thomas, and solicited protection, which was denied him; thence pursuing his course toward an island called Moona, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola, he met on the way a large sloop commanded by one Henry Bolton. He hired Bolton to proceed to Curacoa to purchase provisions; and having in the meantime deliberated upon the course of conduct most judicious to pursue, he resolved to purchase Bolton’s vessel, in which to proceed to New York, and there ascertain the sentiments of government with respect to his proceedings, before closing his voyage. He purchased the sloop of Bolton and left that individual in charge of the Quidah Merchant to await his return. He, however, carried with him many valuable goods and considerable treasure.

“About the first of June, 1699, Kidd entered with his sloop and about forty men in Delaware bay. He sent his boat ashore at the Horekills, where he was supplied with what he wanted, and the people frequently went aboard his vessel, giving him information of the actual state of things then existing in the colonies. Some of his men left him at this place, but several were afterward taken—some of them at Burlington, New Jersey, and others in Pennsylvania and Maryland. Kidd then, with a fatuity which seems unaccountable, unless we suppose he thought himself able to vindicate his conduct, took his sloop and treasure to the east end of Long island, from which locality he designed to open negotiations with Lord Bellamont.

“Having given notice of his arrival to his friends in New York, one of them, named Emott was sent to him, through whom he opened a correspondence with Lord Bellamont, then in Boston. Through Emott, Kidd made known to Bellamont his existing circumstances at Long island; that he had left the Moorish ship Quidah Merchant in a creek on the coast of Hispaniola, with goods of the value of £30,000; that he had bought a sloop, in which he was come to make his terms, having on board of her several bales of East India goods, sixty pounds weight of gold dust and ingots, about one hundred weight of silver, besides other things which he believed would sell for about £10,000. He protested his own innocence, and asserted that he would make it appear that his men forced him, locking him up in the cabin of the Adventure galley whilst they robbed two or three ships, and that he could prove this by many witnesses.

“The earl of Bellamont answered Kidd’s agent (Emott) that Kidd might safely make his appearance in Boston, if he could make his innocency appear; and gave further appearance of his pacific intentions by writing a letter to Kidd to the same effect, which letter he dispatched by a Scotchman named Campbell, resident in New York, and a personal friend of Kidd, who, at the latter’s request; had visited^sic Boston with a view to intercede for him and procure him a fair hearing.

“Three or four days subsequently Campbell returned, bringing Kidd’s answer, in which, after reiterated protestations of his innocence, he promised to bring his sloop to Boston without delay. Kidd arrived in Boston on the first of July, 1699, and appeared, upon request, before the earl and the provincial council, where he underwent a series of examining interviews. The nature of these does not transpire; but on the 6th of July Kidd was sent to prison, and a commission was appointed to take charge of his effects.

“Information of his arrest was sent to England (where the matter was then the subject of great political excitement), and it was suggested that piracy, not being a capital crime in America, Kidd and other captured pirates should be sent for and tried in England; to which end orders were soon after dispatched, and a ship of war, under Rear Admiral Benbow, was dispatched to bring the pirates across the ocean.

“It is supposed that by this time Kidd was forced to appreciate his position and to foresee his danger, for he was on all sides surrounded by enemies. On the one hand, Lord Bellamont, who had involved the stability of the great whig party in England by bringing

p. 7, col. 3 its leading members, and even the king himself, into direct pecuniary connection with an expedition which had beyond doubt resulted in a piratical voyage, could not encourage Kidd in any manner without laying himself open to the taunts and animadversions which were already thrown at him from his opponents; and on the other hand were the opposite faction even to admit the possibility of Kidd’s innocence, they would lose the political capital thus afforded, the strength of which depended solely upon Kidd’s personal guilt, as it was with him alone the great functionaries had held correspondence.

“Admiral Benbow left America about the 1st of June, 1700, with his prisoners, nine in number, among whom were Captain Kidd, Robert Bradenham, his surgeon, one Brown (a piratical adventurer, who had married a daughter of Governor Markham of Pennsylvania), David Evans and Tariagh Sullivan.

“Kidd was not put upon his trial for piracy, but was indicted and convicted of the murder of William Moore, one of his seamen, whom he struck with a bucket for insubordination, and death resulted from the blow. Whether policy dictated this form of prosecution from the fear of the character of the disclosures which might result from an indictment for piracy, in which the nature and origin of the whole expedition would be open to examination, and thus additional fuel might be added to the popular excitement which had already so greatly harrassed^sic the government party, or whether there were reasonable doubts of the ability of the prosecution to convict Kidd of piracy, is a question of surmise. It is certain, however, that if the sacrifice of Kidd was determined on, the probability of his conviction for the murder of Moore, where the question was simply with what intent the blow had been struck, was almost a certainty, before a jury of a country where the prejudice was strong against him, and who could readily infer an intent, which should construe the crime into a fatal one to its perpetrator.

“Captain Kidd was hanged at Execution dock, in the city of London, on the twelfth day of May, 1701.”

Taxation Makes Speculators Drop Unused Land.

San Francisco Echoes.

The big ranches of California are disappearing with great rapidity. They will soon be among the things of the past. Until very recent years the large ranches of California were in the nature of a public calamity. The owners could not or would not cultivate them; nor would they subdivide and sell them to persons who would cultivate. The payment of reasonable taxation was skilfully and successfully parried. The big ranches constituted for many years a barrier to the development of California. Most of them, which in many cases embraced leagues of land capable of furnishing profitable employment to a large population, constituted the field of industry of a few vaqueros. But the day came when the holding of large uncultivated tracts of land became too expensive, owing to the natural and unavoidable increase of taxes. Then began the era of their dissolution, and one after another the princely domains granted under Mexican rule to the dons of that period have been disappearing.

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NEW APPLICATIONS OF ELECTRICITY.

One of the latest applications of electricity is in the making of wine. It is said that if an electric current is sent through a barrel of wine the liquid loses its rawness, gains in bouquet, and in every way takes on the qualities that used to come only with years of age. It is not yet decided whether or not electricity will keep wine from changing its condition afterward.

In electric motors, new inventions and improvements are being made every day. George M. Hopkins gives, in the Scientific American, a full description of how to make a simple electric motor without the aid of fine tools or expensive patterns, castings or materials, at a cost of less than four dollars. It is of sufficient power to run three sewing machines or an ordinary foot lathe. The energy is supplied by an eight cell plunging bichromate battery, each cell containing one zinc and two carbon plates, 5 by 7 inches, at a merely nominal expense.

The motors used on the eight electric tramways which were in operation in England last year, were three of them run by steam, two by gas and two by water. One road, the Bessbrook and Newry, is three and one quarter miles long; the power is supplied by a turbine or peculiar kind of water wheel, and the current is conveyed through a central rail insulated on blocks of paraffined wood. A most remarkable fact is that the total cost of this line and equipment, including two locomotive cars was only [$12,200?].

Science says in a recent issue: “It is probable that the ultimate sources from which electrical energy will be derived are natural sources of power—waterfalls, etc., and coal; the conversion in the latter case being direct. For the former a perfected storage battery is necessary; for the latter some means of oxidizing the coal without the production of heat, the energy being converted directly into electric currents.” This subject has been treated by Willard E. Case, in a pamphlet just issued. He experimented with carbon in various forms, producing currents of a low electromotive force, but the results satisfied him that the whole potential energy of coal or carbon in other forms could be converted into electrical energy without the use of heat. He concludes by saying: “Undoubtedly the direction of experiments in the future will be to find some cheap substance which will absorb oxygen from the air and give it up to the carbon; in fact, acting as a carrier of oxygen, so oxidizing it without heat.” Of course if a large amount of energy can be cheaply generated in this way, the ordinary dynamo which involves a steam engine or some motive power will no longer be used.

In Kansas City an electric time company has been formed for the purpose of giving subscribers in the business portion of the city a uniform standard time at moderate cost. Clocks are put up in the offices and connected by wires with two “master clocks,” which are regulated daily by observatory signals. This current passes through the wires for one-third of a second only in each minute, causing the hands of each dial to advance just one minute.

The current is sent out at exactly the sixtieth second of each minute, so that, although seconds are not indicated, a watch can be regulated by it to the exact second by simply watching until the hand moves.

In an Unguarded Moment the Transcript Makes a Sweeping Confession.

In reviewing a work entitled an “An Inquiry Into Socialism^sic,” by Thomas Kirkup, the Boston Transcript makes the statement that Mr. Kirkup “makes the mistake of supposing capital can oppress labor, and that capital should, like land, be under joint control. Like all advocates of a definite socialistic scheme, capitalism is made to bear the iniquity which springs from landlordism alone. Capital cannot oppress labor if labor has free access to land (natural resource.) It is the monopolization of land that produces the results which the socialist lays at the door of capital and land ownership jointly. All that Mr. Kirkup says of capitalism is true when taken together with the unrestrained private ownership of the earth, but make resource free and capital must make terms with labor.

“It is true that ‘the British proletariat is a landless class, and that America is rapidly producing a like landless class.’ It is true that the present system is divorcing the laborer from the land, making him more and more dependent; but manifestly the thing to do is not to rely on state control of land and capital, and a vast and intricate organization of associated laborers, but to make all men share in the profits arising from the use of land, not by confiscating land, but by confiscating rent.”

If the Land Values Keep Rising at That Rate There’ll Be a Tide of Emigration Instead of Immigration.

New Orleans Times-Democrat.

There is no need to write articles or make speeches to show the advantage of immigration with the case of Calcasieu before us. That parish, which fifteen years ago was regarded of little value, has bloomed into one of the richest and most prosperous sections of the state. A steady tide of immigration has poured in there. At first, the parish was supposed to be rich only in its timber, and its agricultural and horticultural possibilities were not rated high. With the western immigration that has been moving there in the last five years there has been a marked change of opinion in this regard, and it is now recognized that Calcasieu is adapted to almost any kind of crop produced in either the south or west.

There have been planted in the state millions of fruit trees, thousands of tons of hay are produced, cattle are raised in great abundance, and few parishes show a greater variety of productive crops.

The net effects of immigration are shown in the increase in the assessment of the parish from $1,000,000 to $3,000,000 in five years; in the increase in the price of land 500 per cent; in the springing up of innumerable and flourishing towns, and in general prosperity. The other parishes of Louisiana have only to glance at Calcasieu to see what immigration accomplishes.

p. 8, col. 3

AMERICAN SAILORS.

Wages in a Lancaster, Pa., Cotton Mill.

Correspondence Philadelphia Record.

Let us now glance a moment at the wages paid for particular kinds of work in these factories. For example, the number of hands and their wages per day in the card room:

Leaving out the overseer, who receives $3 per day, the average daily wages of these hands is a fraction less than [70⅛?] cents per day, or $4.22 per week, if they worked every one of the fifty-two weeks in a year. But as there are in all these factories but 309 working days in a year, the average weekly salary would be but $4.18, or something less than $18.12 per month. Nor are those who receive much less than this mere children. The opener tender, who receives 60 cents per day, is nineteen years of age; the card tender, who receives 65 cents, is seventeen; the two drawing frame tenders, who receive 50 cents each, are between eighteen and twenty, while some of the slubber tenders, who receive 55 cents per day, are old enough to vote. Let us hope, for their sake, that their first ballots in a national election will be cast against protection.

The following table exhibits the wages paid and the number of employes in some of the other rooms of one of these factories. The wages per day paid to ring spinners:

There are six female doffers who are paid 70 cents each per day, and three boys, one of whom receives 60 cents, one 40 cents and one 30 cents per day.

The twisters, spoolers and reelers are paid as follows:

1 second hand…………………………[illegible]5c. per day 2 twisters, 4 sides (each)………………..[80?]c. per day 5 spoolers (each)…………………………75c. per day 3 spoolers (each)…………………………[60?]c. per day 3 reefers (each^sic)………………………….[60?]c. per day

Fighting Four Years to Retain the Southern States in the Union, and Giving Away More Territory Than They Contained.

Z. M. Heaberlin in Chicago Express.

The first land grant made by congress to a railroad was made to the Illinois central, Sept. 20, 1850. The total number of acres conveyed was 2,595,000, and from that time up to 1861 nearly 12,000,000 acres had been donated by congress to different railroads. But from 1861 to 1867 occurred the grandest land steal since the devil attempted to bribe the Savior with the whole world. During that period more than 100,000,000 acres were stolen from the people. While the government was fighting to retain eleven of the southern states in the Union, it allowed itself to be swindled out of more land than was comprised in the whole of the seceding states. The following figures, taken from Spofford’s American almanac for 1885, by A. G. Desmond, will show something of the people’s loss:

Acres. Land given by congress to different states in aid of railroads……………….. 36,000,000 Land given by congress direct to railroads….136,000,000 Total……………………………………172,000,000

This amount of land, if in one body, would be but little less than the whole of the thirteen original states, and would be larger than the whole of England and France combined!

Just as Though Free Trade and Not the System of Landlordism Was Responsible For the Crofters’ Troubles.

New York Telegram.

> In the land of Adam Smith prosperity touches the poor crofters so lightly that emigration to Canada is hailed as a blessed relief from penury and starvation, and yet the mugwumps and the malcontents and the easy chair theorists would foist free trade upon us here, where emigration is not even spoken of yet as a possible contingency.—The Press.

Now don’t go so fast. There has been a good deal of emigration, on the part of American laborers, from Passaic, New Jersey, where they find it impossible to live in competition with the hordes of imported Hungarians employed in the woolen mill of E. H. Ammidown, Esq. By the way, Mr. Ammidown is president of the “American protective tariff league”—a republican concern, sworn to see that American labor is not injured by “paupers.”

If the poor crofters from Scotland can’t get a job in Canada, no doubt Mr. Ammidown will crowd out a few more Americans to make room for them in his mill.

The Proper Thing Would Be to Lay an Embargo on the Barbed Wire.

Philadelphia Record.

We are sending large quantities of barbed wire to fence in sheep and cattle ranges on the plains of Mexico and the pampas of South America. A double profit might be made out of this transaction if the vessels that carry away the wire could bring back wool and land it on our wharves without paying a thirty-six per cent fine for the privilege.

p. 8, col. 5

“CONFISCATION.”

And, Pray, Didn’t the Fellows Who Bought the Imported Clothing Have to Do Any Work to Pay for It?

Philadelphia Daily News, April 16.

The Mills bill proposes to lower the tariff upon ready made clothing fifteen per cent. The duty is already too low. It is so low that the importations of ready made clothing last year were worth $1,461,243, a sum large enough to have furnished good wages for twelve months to two thousand American tailors.

[Advertisement] LOAN WANTED.

WANTED $3,000.—THE ADVERTISER owns, free and clear, three (3) lots in Rutherford, N. J., convenient to Erie railroad. He wishes to build thereon a house to cost about the sum named. Any person willing to lend same at 6 per cent per annum for seven (7) years on the security of house and land, will please address J. J. BARNARD, Passaic, N. J.

[Notice] Call for a national conference of single tax advocates

CHICAGO, ILL., APRIL 6, 1888.—To Single Tax Advocates, Greeting—By virtue of the authority invested in me by letters on file in my office from the several states and territories, a call is hereby issued for a national conference of the single tax advocates of the several states and territories and the district of Columbia of the United States, to convene in the city of CHICAGO, Ill., at ten o’clock a. m., on WEDNESDAY, JULY 4, 1888.

All persons who believe that the public revenues should be raised by a single and direct tax upon relative land values are invited to attend and take part in the deliberations.

The following is the general committee on arrangements:

Chairman, Warren Worth Bailey, No. 281 South Hoyne avenue, Chicago.

Secretary, M. K. LaShelle, Times building, Chicago.

Treasurer, Robert H. Cowdrey, 160 Quincy street, Chicago.

Judge James G. Maguire, San Francisco, Cal.

H. F. Ring, Houston, Tex.

H. Martin Williams, St. Louis, Mo.

L. P. Custer, Indianapolis, Ind.

Benjamin Adams, Charleston, S. C.

Freeman Knowles, Ceresco, Neb.

C. A. S. Higley, Minneapolis, Minn.

Thomas A. McCann, Detroit, Mich.

Richard L. Atkinson, Philadelphia, Pa.

E. Q. Norton, Mobile, Ala.

WARREN WORTH BAILEY, Chairman Provisional Committee.

Chicago, April 8—All those who contemplate attending the national conference of single tax advocates, to be held in this city July 4 will confer a great favor on the committee by notifying the secretary of their intentions as soon as possible. The work of the committee will be made much easier if it may know about how many visitors to expect. Where a number of persons will come from any club or organization let the names be given. Where there is no concerted action it is requested that each person will write, saying that he will come. This will enable the committee to proceed in its arrangements intelligently, and also be a great aid in bringing the conference prominently before the local public.

Address all letters to M. K. LA SHELLE, Secretary Provisional Committee, Times Building, Chicago, Ill.

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p. 8, col. 6

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[Illustration: display advertisement in an ornamental engraved border carrying branch-office names and addresses (top: “NEW YORK” … “PHILADELPHIA”; the side panels are [illegible]; bottom: “WILMINGTON, DEL.” … “HARRISBURG, PA.” with a second line [illegible]); cut of an open-face pocket watch whose dial bears a keystone and the words “KEYSTONE WATCH CLUB Co.” and “NEW YORK PHILADA.”]

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[Illustration: circular trade-mark stamp lettered “HAND MADE” around the rim and “C M M P A” below]

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[Illustration: display advertisement with the word CATARRH in white letters on a dark panel]

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[Illustration: T-shaped trade cut lettered “THE GREAT AMERICAN TEA COMPANY” (largely illegible in the scan)]

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