June 30, 1888 Vol. III, No. 26Whole No. 78

THE STANDARD

NO. 78—VOL. III, NO. [obscured by mailing label] | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1888. | PRICE FIVE CENTS

[Mailing label, handwritten/stamped, pasted diagonally across the dateline and the top of column 2: “104 Dr Walter Mendelson 167 [?] / 179 W 74th st”]

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Organizing for Free Trade in Harlem.

A meeting of single tax free traders of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth districts of this city was held on Tuesday night at the residence of John A. Picken, 158 East 114th street, to discuss the best means of advancing the movement during the campaign. Those present were John A. Picken, A. J. Steers, Dr. James Ferrier, A. W. Eastlake, W. O. Eastlake, Fred Bestelmeyer, A. M. Molina, Geo. H. Metzger, Martin Battle, Thos F. Byron, A. Fehrenbach, J. H. Dillon, James Bingham, and W. B. Scott. W. T. Croasdale, Louis F. Post, E. J. Shriver, Henry George, jr., and J. B. Chapman were

p. 3, col. 3 also present from other districts. It was decided to organize for the purpose of carrying on an active free trade fight by means of debates, dissemination of literature and individual work. The meeting elected John A. Picken temporary chairman and adjourned to meet at the same place next Tuesday evening. All single tax free traders of these districts, many of whom were possibly overlooked when the call was issued, are invited to attend this next meeting.

THE DUTY ON TIN PLATE.

A Small City on a Block.

Real Estate Record and Guide.

Work has been commenced on what may very well be called a small city, to be built on the block bounded by Tenth and Eleventh avenues, and Sixty-sixth and Sixty-seventh streets. John Ruck intends erecting there sixty-four tenements, forty-eight being without and sixteen with stores. The former will accommodate ten families in each building, and counting six persons to the family the total would be [2,880?]. The latter will accommodate eight families in each building, or a total of 768, making a grand total for the block of 3,648; or putting the matter in another way, the density of population at that spot of the city will be 912 to the acre. It is possible that these figures may be increased by building four of the houses on the streets extra deep, so as to accommodate 144 additional persons. For the sake of obtaining light and plenty of fresh air an unusual arrangement of the buildings has been decided upon. Those on the avenues will be 25x65, with the exception of the corner ones, which are seventy-one feet deep. Between these houses and the side walls of the buildings on the streets an open space twenty-nine feet at the narrowest part and thirty-five at the broadest will be left, so that a passer-by turning off from either of the avenues on to the streets would find, where the corner building terminates, an open space (usually occupied by a structure) between it and the first of the houses on the street.

On the Eve of Great Changes.

Rev. George Brooks of London, in a letter to the Cincinnati Christian Standard, says:

What may be called social politics are attracting a good deal of attention in this country just now, and there are indications that even the liberal party, unless it radically changes its policy, will be unable to retain the more advanced of its adherents. The socialists pure and simple do not count for much, but the vastly larger number of people, mostly Christians and supporters of temperance, who are going in for sweeping land reform on Henry George’s lines, are growing in numbers and influence every month. A meeting, with the promotion of which I had a good deal to do, was held at the City temple a week ago on the poverty question, and things were said at this meeting on land and landlords, taxation and rent, such as were probably never heard in a leading church before. What is more remarkable, the people present, mostly of the middle classes and including many ministers, were in sympathy with the speakers. We are on the eve of great changes in the old country.

American Labor.

New York World.

The sort of “American labor” that the millionaire manufacturers are so anxious to protect is shown by statistics of the nationality of the operatives in the Amory cotton mills at Manchester, N. H. Of the 800 “one-third are French Canadians and the rest of various nationalities, only eighty, or one-tenth of the whole, being native Americans.” And the protectionist paper that prints these facts adds that “what is true of this company is also substantially true of all the great manufacturing companies in New England.” This is the result of high tariffs on goods that all the people use and free trade in the “pauper labor” that produces them.

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STRAWS WHICH SHOW THE WIND.

Man made laws by which the violation of God’s laws are legalized, and society to-day applauds men for becoming rich off the proceeds of labor which in the sight of God justly belong to labor.—[Dubuque, Iowa, Industrial Leader.

The George idea is the true one, and so long as there is a soul in man he will not rest until it is adopted and crystallized into law, for the truth once found can never be covered up successfully nor legislated out of the thoughts of men.—[Grand Rapids, Mich., Workman.

The taxing of railroad lands as they should be taxed would have the effect of rendering it unprofitable—and in many cases impossible—for railroad corporations to hold those lands at all. Just taxation would break their grip on the millions of valuable farming lands now held by them for speculation. That would make land cheap.—[Alpena, Mich., Labor Journal.

A vast majority of the large fortunes in the United States, as well as in Europe, had their origin in land monopoly. The rental value tax is the only plan yet devised to check this great and rapidly growing evil. Ireland presents an example of what the land question will be here in a few years if nothing is done to change the present system.—Council Grove, Kan., Anti-Monopolist^sic.

The adoption of free trade is the initial step for escape from the wage earners’ bondage. Privilege and equal law cannot co-exist in any society. “Protection” is the recognition by law of a privileged class. The labor of the poor man is his sole commodity; the “iron law fixes^sic its exchangeable value. Here, where land is still cheaper than in Europe, the standard of living is yet higher.—[Chicago Laborer Enquirer.

There is no denying the fact that the land theories of Henry George are gaining ground very rapidly among the masses. There are evidences that the civilized portion of mankind are preparing to enter upon a revolution of opinion that is going to effect marked changes in the world’s social fabric. When this revolution comes, as it seems certain to come, no other question will be affected as that of land values.—[Santa Barbara, Cal., Herald.

The present tax is mainly in proportion to what one consumes. An equitable tax will be in proportion to what a man receives from the community. The consumption of the poor is much greater in proportion to their means than the consumption of the rich. Therefore the present system drains heaviest the purse of poverty and attacks lightest the bank accounts of wealth. The rich are the ones that now monopolize values created by society. A tax on these values, therefore, will come heaviest on the rich and lightest on the poor.—[Detroit Evening News.

If a mechanic earns low wages, it follows that he can only pay low prices for all that he eats and wears and uses. If all our skilled workmen were suddenly to be reduced to fifty cents a day wages, it would give such a shock to the business interests of the city as has never before been felt by them. If such a thing could happen it would have one salutary effect at least. It would convince our business men once for all that their interests are identical with those of the working classes and that “an injury to one is the concern of all.”—[Cleveland Workman.

What we are aiming at is, some way by or through which the great burdens which are now oppressing the agriculturist, the mechanic, the merchant and the day laborer may be relieved. That our taxes, direct and indirect, in the way of a tax upon our homes, upon the products of our labor, an internal tax and a tariff tax, burden us to such an extent now that it is oppressive, we begin to see, so that what we want, and what the people want, if they will consider the subject in the light of reason, and not in the dark of prejudice, is a reduction of taxes.—[Dayton, Ohio, Workman.

The tax reform memorial has only been in circulation in Texas about two months, and over one-fourth of the voters of Harris county have affixed their signatures to the document, and before the ides of November three-fourths of them will have signed the memorial. In other counties the work is progressing with almost equal results. By the time the next legislature assembles a roll of names will be laid before the solons that will cause them to rub their eyes and look again. The movement seems likely to assume the proportions of a ground swell.—[Houston Labor Echo.

A twenty-four acre piece of land lying near Kansas City, Kansas, which sold in 1875 for $2,200, now commands $100,000, and is not for sale at that. Another tract known as Spitlog tract, was recently purchased for $18,000 and is selling at $75 per foot. The ninety acres at that rate will bring $1,687,500. Nearly all the fortunes of Europe and America had their foundation laid in land monopoly. It now takes the total wages of 160,000 men to pay the ground rents alone of the Astor family in New York, which has all grown from $18,000 invested by John Jacob Astor less than a century ago. It is this increase of land values which we would take for public revenue.—[Topeka, Kan., Post.

Labor pays all the taxes now, and it will continue to pay all the taxes when the only source of revenue is a tax on land values. But the trouble is that labor not only pays all the taxes now for the support of the government, but it also pays tribute to a favored class to whom our laws give special privileges—the power to tax other people for the use of those natural opportunities which are not the result of human exertions. A tax on land values in lieu of our present system will relieve labor of all the indirect taxes it now pays, and it will take from the land holding class each year a sum sufficient to cover the expenses of a government economically administered.—[Detroit Evening News.

Of the twenty-two prominent anti-monopoly papers in Kansas, twenty sustain the Henry George land value tax, one opposes it slightly, and the other admits it has never studied the question and is not ready to take sides until it has done so. We have yet to see in the old party press the first attack or comment on the weak and meaningless land plank of the Cincinnati (union labor party) platform. The plutocracts^sic know it is impracticable and harmless to the landlords, hence they let it alone, but all the vials of their wrath and mendacity are poured out on the land value tax advocated by Mr. George and his friends because they know it is dangerous to class privilege, is practical, and would prove effective. “See which side the devil takes, and then take the other,” is an old and wise adage.—[Enterprise, Kansas, Anti-Monopolist.

Progress in Canada.

NEW FORT BARRACKS, TORONTO.—Our cause is growing here and making friends for itself. Rev. Mr. Van Wyck of the Euclid street Methodist church addressed the anti-poverty society, and is to all intents a true single tax man. He told us of a Dr. Watson who has gone so far as to detrmine^sic not to touch land speculation in the future on account of the manifest robbery committed. This is the sort of thing that will make it an honor indeed to belong to an anti-poverty society. It is the sort of thing that will conquer in the end. The anti-poverty society is steadily pegging away, “ears back and a good solid grip on the subject,” our treasurer, Mr. Douglass, being always in funds. Several of our speakers are taking turns in speaking in the park on Sundays.

We have just started a Commonwealth club, the only condition of membership being an agreement to investigate and spread the doctrine that the land belongs to all men, and that this right can be secured by a single tax on land values. Mr. Robert Emmett was

p. 3, col. 5 elected treasurer and myself secretary; the chairman is elected at each meeting. Expenses are met by collections taken up at the meetings.

The Parkdale Times is devoting a large share of space to the work, its editor, Mr. A. G. Gowanlock, having become an ardent worker.

The Labor Reformer is also doing good work for the cause.

The Globe has several single tax men on its staff.

The Mail is doing really good work and is trying to open people’s eyes to the fallacies of protection in a series of editorials. In short, we are gaining surely and steadily.

ROBERT CARTWRIGHT.

An Appeal to the World’s Marseillaise.Loud in terror cried the people, “France is doomed! Our cause is lost”—

Darkness, chaos, frenzied madness of a people passion tossed— “Austria comes! The king has sold us slaves to Austria—death or chains— Austria comes—Arms! arms! O nation!”—But confusion only reigns. Hark! a hero-voice has answered, “Who will save the nation? I. Give me arms and men, six hundred, men who know the way to die.” And they march, grim, stern, and silent, to the help of France enslaved; They can die; but will not waver—France from tyrants must be saved.

Once again the wail’s resounding—hear a needy people cry For uplifting, for salvation, for men who know how to die. See the workers, desperate, starving, huddled in a filthy den; See the weak-eyed, sickly children; haggard women; hardened men; See the idiot-heir of millions fawned on by the good and great; And the robbers of the people voted rulers of the state; Reason silenced; baseness flattered; evil called the only good; God’s eternal justice scouted with its claims of brotherhood.

Destitution, desolation, dumb despair on every hand; Wealth abounding, gaunt eyed famine hov’ring o’er the fruitful land, Weary toilers in the darkness groping blindly toward the light; Goaded masses, revolution! might then is the only right. Swift a crisis is approaching; it must be for death or life! Time’s past annals ne’er recorded half so desperate a strife. Thinkers, wherefore are ye silent? Haste! the days are passing by! O, have we no men among you; heroes, who know how to die?

Men who’ll dare their master’s hatred, e’en though children must be fed; Men who’ll firmly face starvation, knowing life is more than bread. Who, like Socrates and Gracchus, live for truth—die in vain? Martyrs answer, “No, for freedom, truth and justice we were slain.” With each martyr dies a million cowards; from their ashes spring Mighty heroes, strong for action, fronting calm what life may bring. Voices from the Russian prisons, voices from the scaffold cry, Such are we, life’s chosen freemen, heroes who know how to die.

Picton, Ontario.

E. JOHNSON.

A Store Keeper’s Views.

NEW YORK, June 25.—A most promising class for the advocates of the single tax to expend missionary work upon are the store keepers, of whom I am one. The great majority of them feel bitterly the pressure of the struggle for existence. Ever booming rents and war taxes leave the modern store keeper nothing but the crumbs of his business to live upon; even they are counted and measured and viewed with envy by the landlord, whose life is embittered by the thought that any part should slip through his fingers.

Time, observation and experience, all teach me that you have discovered the worm that is gnawing at the root of our civilization; that our rivers of wealth empty into the landlord’s bag; that wealth invests its holder with the power to rule, the natural sequence of which is that the men who own the land own the people, and in this species of slavery we find that the owner of the slave is under no obligations to support the slave.

I heartily approve of the stand you have taken and the course you are pursuing in the existing political struggle. If we cannot capture the whole loaf, let us be content with a slice. I honestly believe that if we can elect Mr. Cleveland upon the vital issue now before the people, we shall have advanced one step in the right direction. First of all let us strive to liberate from encumbrances what, in a broad sense, may be termed the “bread of life;” then let us turn our batteries against that greatest of wrongs which has imperceptibly grown upon the world until it is regarded as a right—the private ownership of the source of all life.

The extinction of an evil so vast cannot be accomplished in a day or a year. Like a fortress, it must be surrounded, besieged and approached, trench after trench, until it is forced to capitulate.

O. H. WILMARTH.

Growth of the Free Trade Idea in Poughkeepsie.

POUGHKEEPSIE, N. Y., June 21.—A few months ago I observed in talking with single tax men here that a large number of them favored a third party, and perhaps I could trace predictions^sic to a belief in the superstition of protection. But such has been the logic of events that a marked change has since come over them, and they support THE STANDARD’S position, and are out for the Mills bill and the radical declarations in the president’s message, and are sure before long to advocate unrestricted trade.

This is of course a republican town, but the protectionists are looking blue, for working men are coming to ask why, during twenty men are coming to ask why^sic, during twenty years of war tariff, they have been tending steadily to the condition of European “pauper labor,” and whether instead of demanding the restriction of immigration and clamoring for special labor laws, they had not better seek to destroy the special privileges which have built up and fostered the great monopolies.

F. S. ARNOLD.

Wages of Farm Labor.

Philadelphia Record.

According to the report of the department of agriculture the present average rate of monthly wages for farm labor in the United States is $18.24 without board and $12.36 with board. In Pennsylvania the average is $22.24 without board and $14.50 with board. To dig a subsistence out of the land, either for himself or for hire, is the resource that stands between unskilled labor and beggary. The wages paid for farm labor is therefore an accurate measure of the general earning of unskilled labor. This is the form of labor which exceeds all other, and upon which a “protective” tariff lays a constant burden without any compensating advantage.

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THE BEATING OF THE DRUMS.

The democratic platform is one upon which all tariff reformers will with pleasure as they can with consistency stand. It was the best act of a wise deliberative body.—[Portland, Ore., Argus.

The tariff plank of the platform is all that could be desired. “We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection,” are words which the Press rejoices to hear.—[New York Press.

The tariff is almost the sole issue in the coming presidential campaign, and Cleveland’s message on that subject was appropriately made the democratic platform by the convention at St. Louis.—[San Marcos, Texas, Free Press.

A battle of principle at last. Thank God for it. The protective system is all wrong, and it ought not to be maintained another day; but the only way to bring the country to the knowledge of the truth is to make the fight in the open. Then let the cannon roar.—[Washington Post.

As a free trader, an advocate of a strictly revenue tariff, of course we are not enamored of the democratic tariff plank or Mr. Cleveland’s explanation of it, but we do regard it as a step in the right direction for which there is urgent necessity.—[Muskegon, Mich., Business Gazette.

While the republican platform is unmistakably in favor of extreme protection it has no ringing sound. It lacks the directness and confidence of the utterances of the democratic platform in vindication of the policy of tax reduction and tariff revision as upheld in President Cleveland’s message and embodied in the Mills bill.—[New York World.

Mr. Cleveland has made an issue on the tariff which no straddle in a platform or explanations on the stump can change. It is no longer possible for the democracy to be protectionists, revenue reformers or free traders, according to the demands of each locality. The Mills bill, it is true, reaches only a few specific articles, but the general principles of Mr. Cleveland’s message mean that duties shall be levied only for the purpose of government.—[Chauncey Depew.

Its platform commits the republican party flatly against all reform of the tariff. Well, we congratulate the country that the republicans have committed themselves squarely upon the one question of which everybody is thinking, and on which the canvass ought to be and will now be made. They are for high taxes, and for wasteful and jobbing expenditures in order to perpetuate high taxes. The democrats offer against this, low taxes, economical administration and no surplus.—[New York Herald.

The contest is not between Mr. Cleveland and General Harrison, but between extreme protection and honest tariff revision; between a Chinese wall of prohibitory duties and a freer trade with all the world. The fight is one of principle, not of persons, and the World’s opposition to Mr. Harrison is because he represents a principle which we believe to be antagonistic to the prosperity of the country and the welfare and happiness of the people.—[New York World.

With these nominations the country is launched upon a presidential canvass in which, for the first time in many years, every voter may rightfully take the liveliest interest. It is no longer a mere question of persons or of party spoils; the issue on which both parties appeal to the people is one which affects the pockets of every citizen, his comfort and welfare. A high tariff and low wages is the republican offer; free raw materials and high wages is the democratic offer.—[New York Herald.

Immigration is swarming. Nearly 3,000 Germans, Polish Jews and Italians landed at Castle garden yesterday. There is free trade in labor in this country. It is only the millionaire monopolists whom the tariff protects.—[Indianapolis News (Rep).

In view of Mr. Dana’s frantic efforts to stem the free trade tide now overwhelming the democracy, an appropriate design for the top of the cupola on the coming Sun building would be a statue of Mrs. Partington tickling the edge of the Atlantic with a broom.—[New York Press.

We have on our exchange list more than 150 labor papers. Of this number less than a dozen advocate a continuance of the present tariff, while about one hundred and thirty-five favor tariff reform. This is a fair index of the sentiment of organized labor on the tariff issue.—[Indianapolis Labor Signal.

The Mills bill is a conservative measure of reform, and largely protective, though not protectionist, in its character. The man who affects to be afraid of it wants no reform at all and is no democrat, but a robber baron republican, who would plunder the people in the interest of monopoly.—[Louisville Courier-Journal.

In New Jersey, as well as elsewhere, agitation of the tariff issue will only the more clearly expose the mischiefs which the present system of monopoly and special privilege have inflicted upon the country’s industrial development; and if any party have cause to dread this agitation it is not the democratic party.—[Philadelphia Record.

Borax is left on the free list of the Mills bill. Now expect a howl from the “defenders of American industry” because every blacksmith and washerwoman in the land is not to be taxed to heap up fortunes for a few California speculators in nature’s gift to this country—a mine of borax. Tariff reform that makes no monopoly squeal is a sham.—[New York World.We regret to notice an inclination in various quarters to evade, disguise, shirk, straddle and befog the question. It will not do, gentlemen. You are too late. President Cleveland’s message has placed him and his party where hedging and trimming will not pay. The only safe policy is to stand up like men and fight for your faith, instead of forswearing it.—[Washington Post.

We firmly believe that Carbon county will roll up fully 1,000 majority for Cleveland and Thurman. We have good authority for saying that scores of laboring men, skilled and unskilled, who never before voted democratic, will do so this time because they are fully convinced that the existing tariff protects monopoly only, whilst the severest taxation burdens are put upon labor.—[Mauch Chunk, Pa., Democrat.

The Minneapolis Labor Union, a stanch advocate of the single tax, declares for Cleveland and Thurman. It says: “Under the present circumstances we consider that it will be really suicidal to the interests of labor for the workingmen to cast a divided ballot, and that they should therefore discard both the Cincinnati nominees. They should make their work tell this year, and they have a chance to do it without throwing away their votes^sic.

John Jarrett and his employers went with their money into the district of Colonel Morrison to defeat him because he had opposed an increase of duty on tin plate. And now the house, in the absence of Colonel Morrison, votes to put tin plate on the free list. From this it would appear that the men who expended their money to defeat him did not gain anything by their little move. The Morrisons in congress have not only increased in number, but they have become more determined in purpose.—[Philadelphia Record.

As labor matters stand at present in Chicago, it is safe to predict that a vast majority of the laboring men will go over to the democratic party next fall. In the nominees of the union labor party or the McGlynn labor party hardly any interest is manifested by the laboring men in Chicago. The only question discussed at labor meetings is the tariff question, and an overwhelming majority of those attending these meetings are in favor of the progressive tariff policy of the democrats.—[Chicago Correspondence Rock Islander.

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HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

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A BLOW AT ORGANIZED LABOR.

The court of appeals of this state has affirmed the decision of Judge Barrett dismissing the writ of habeas corpus in the cases of John E. Gill, John Foster, George T. Worley, James McDonald and John Campbell, held for trial on a charge of conspiracy. The decision is a deadly blow at trades unionism and the most important of its kind ever rendered in this state, yet our court of last resort is content to settle the great question at issue by its arbitrary dictum, without assigning a single reason for a decision that deprives thousands of our citizens of what they regard as a right absolutely essential to their protection against the grasping disposition of the employers of labor. This failure of the court to prepare a written opinion indicates that the judges either do not comprehend the far reaching results of their decision, or else that they do not feel that mere workingmen are entitled to know the grounds on which they are made liable to criminal prosecution and imprisonment for combining to maintain the existence of their trades unions and other labor organizations.

The facts that have given rise to this decision are simple and easily understood. In September, 1885, Gardiner & Estes, shoe manufacturers in this city, employed one Hart as foreman of their establishment. The men employed in their shop (collectively called a “crew”) were Knights of Labor, and the shop was known as a union shop. As soon as the crew heard of Hart’s engagement they remonstrated against it on the ground that he was a “scab,” or non-union workman, who had the reputation of always trying to disorganize labor and cut down wages; his plan being to discharge one union man at a time and fill the vacancy thus created by a “scab” until the shop was made a “scab” shop. The crew after a conference with the firm agreed to give Hart a trial for a month, and subsequently extended the term of trial two months. Before the expiration of this time Hart discharged a workman named Potter, whom he accused of swindling the firm.

The crew believed that this was a mere pretext for beginning the usual process of making the shop a non-union one. But they did not, as the Times, Evening Post and other papers of that class at the time declared, insist on Potter’s restoration whether he was a thief or not. They took the perfectly reasonable position that if Potter was a thief he ought to be prosecuted, and that if he was not there was no reason for his discharge; and they therefore demanded that he should either be prosecuted or reinstated. Hart was evidently not ready to prosecute Potter, who was thereupon reinstated during the temporary absence of Mr. Gardiner; but upon the latter’s return Potter was again discharged. The crew again complained to the firm and made a request that the whole question be submitted to a committee of district assembly 91, Knights of Labor. To this Mr. Gardiner consented, but before the committee could even begin its investigation, Hart discharged every man in the shop.

This committee consisted of the men whose case has just been decided by the court of appeals. The quarrel, followed by a lockout, had already taken place before this committee became in any way identified with the dispute. In the course of the performance of their duty the Knights of Labor committee met a committee representing the employers’ union. In reply to questions put by the latter, the K. of L. committee stated that the crew could not return to work for Gardiner & Estes so long as Hart was employed there, and they further stated that Hart would not be allowed to work within the jurisdiction of district assembly 91. Hart was not present at this interview, and the employers’ committee was not charged with any message to him; yet this information, given by one committee to another as to the conditions on which a dispute could be brought to a close, was construed into a threat, and made the basis of a prosecution for a criminal conspiracy to commit an act injurious to trade or commerce and to prevent Hart, by means of threats^sic and intimidation, from exercising a lawful trade and calling.

On this charge all the parties were arrested and were held by Police Justice Solon Smith for the action of the grand jury. Mr. Louis F. Post, counsel for Gill, sued out a writ of habeas corpus, insisting that the undisputed facts in the case p. 4, col. 2 showed that no offense had been committed, and that Gill was, therefore, wrongly held. Judge Barrett heard the case and denied the motion for the discharge of the prisoner. The court of appeals has now sustained Judge Barrett’s decision that the facts as given do present a case proper to go to the grand jury. Pending this appeal, no further steps have been taken in the case, but it is to be presumed that the charge against the men named will now be pressed and that they will be brought to trial. Whatever may be their fate on a trial of the facts before a petit jury, this decision settles it as the law of this state that a combination of union workmen to refuse to work in company with a non-union workman is a criminal conspiracy which may be punished with fine or imprisonment, or both.

It is not our purpose to here discuss the legal soundness of the decision rendered by the court of appeals. It is sufficient to say that it differs widely from decisions rendered by other tribunals held in high respect by the legal fraternity of the whole country. Readers of THE STANDARD will not be surprised to learn that Judge Maguire of San Francisco has just rendered a decision diametrically opposite to that under consideration, and dismissed a suit brought by a non-union workman to recover damages from a union that had forbidden its members to work in the same shop with him. We have, however, read the argument in the Gill case, and it appears to us that the counsel made good his contention that there was no evidence of force, threats. or intimidation, and that the statement which it is sought to pervert into a threat was a mere matter of information. It is unquestionably a fact that a non-union man cannot work in company with union workmen in numerous trades, and that fact could have been communicated to the committee of the employers’ union by any one, When^sic did the communication of information become a criminal threat? Furthermore, Mr. Post effectively disposed of the other count in the indictment. He showed that the decision on which Judge Barrett relied was to the effect that a combination of workmen was to injure trade or commerce because it tended to raise wages, and that since that decision was rendered combinations to raise wages have been specifically authorized by statute. Considering the force of the argument thus presented, it becomes all the more remarkable that the court of appeals should have rendered so momentous a decision without even attempting to assign reasons for it.

The decision has been made, however, and it stands as the law of this state until the legislature shall interpose. Unless it is thus set aside the labor organizations of New York are shorn of their power. The statute authorizing combinations to increase wages is a dead letter from the moment that it becomes criminal for the members of trades unions to combine for the enforcement of their own rules. It is demonstrated by abundant experience that no sudden and temporary association of men to demand higher wages can reasonably hope for success, and that the only hope of securing or maintaining wages by combination lies in the preservation of permanent labor organizations, such as the trades unions and Knights of Labor. This cannot be done if the law as laid down in this decision by the court of appeals is enforced.

If a labor organization is to maintain its existence it must be able to secure certain things at the hands of its members. Among these are:

The regular payment of dues for the support of the organization.

Obedience to the rules and regulations mutually agreed upon.

Loyalty to the organization in the case of disputes or strikes.

How are these objects to be secured under the decision of the court of appeals? If a man does not pay dues, obey rules or stand by the organization in case of a strike, what can it do? Suspend or expel him, it may be answered. But what does even expulsion amount to if the matter ends there? It would only add another to the ranks of the non-union men, and thus tend to defeat the very object for which unions are organized. In order to make their discipline effective the unions must continue to prevent their members from working in shops with non-union men. Indeed, this power is necessary to prevent union men from being driven out of employment. In this very case the fear of the men working for Gardiner & Estes was that Hart would follow the course he had already pursued elsewhere, and, by discharging one union man at a time and putting a non-union man in his place, gradually make the place a “scab” shop. If the union men were to prevent this they had to resist in the beginning; for with the introduction of each “scab” their power to resist would have been weakened. Men

Undeniably the power of combining to refuse to work, and to prevent others from working, may be used tyrannously and cruelly, and to the impairment and denial of natural right. But the denials of natural right, which meet the laborer at every turn, compel him to this course in self-defense. With land monopolized, with legal restrictions upon productions^sic and exchange, with great monopolies exercising almost unchecked power, and employers of all sorts banding together in trusts and combines, is he alone to be stripped of the power of doing what capitalists do with impunity? The evils of trades unions are begotten of restrictions. p. 4, col. 3 The remedy is not in more restrictions, but in the abolition of restrictions.

Organized labor cannot remain organized unless it has power to impose some penalty for the violation of its rules, and cannot continue to exist if it cannot even peacefully resist attempts to gradually weed out union men and put non-union men in the places thus made vacant. Yet under the decision in the Gill case, if a union attempts to enforce discipline or resist destruction by refusal to work with non-union men, its members become subject to imprisonment for criminal conspiracy. This is the situation that organized labor faces to-day, and the question for those concerned is, “What are you going to do about it?” There is no question as to what they can do. It ought to be easy for them to pledge every existing party to repeal by statute the law as laid down by the court of appeals, and if they will go about it properly they can accomplish this. The workingmen of England accomplished as much years ago when, as a class, they did not possess the power of the ballot.

New York is really far behind the times in the consideration of this phase of the labor problem. The solemn words of wisdom in which priggish and pretentious journals discuss the wickedness of strikes and boycotts are mere echoes of English utterances of years ago. The struggle in England was fiercer than it has been thus far here, probably owing to the fact that English workingmen had not the American confidence that some how and some time they could use the ballot effectively to put an end to the legal discrimination against them. The monstrous and damnable “Statute of Laborers” remained in force without material modification down to the year 1813, and with but slight modifications down to 1824. Justin McCarthy in his “History of Our Own Times,” speaking of that period, says:

The laws were particularly stringent in their declarations against all manner of combinations among workmen. Any combined effort to raise wages would have been treated as conspiracy of a specially odious and dangerous order. Down to 1825 the law continued to deal very harshly with what was called conspiracy among workingmen for trade purposes.

As late as 1867 the English courts were dominated by those mediaeval notions about workingmen which still prevail at Albany and Saratoga. They held that a trades union had no right to the protection of the law in enforcing a claim for debt. because^sic the rules of the society appeared to be such as would operate in restraint of trade. The general objects of the trades unions were regarded by them as absolutely outside the pale of legal protection, so that it was held that a man could not be prosecuted for robbing a trades union. The societies thus outlawed had, in numerous instances, established their own methods of enforcing rules and regulations. The parliamentary investigation of 1867 brought facts to light that caused one universal outcry of horror throughout the United Kingdom. It is needless at this day to repeat the story of the trades union outrages in Sheffield, but it is not remarkable that the discovery that murder and arson were freely resorted to to enforce the discipline of the unions or to revenge insults to the union leaders should have created a bitter outcry against all unions for a time.

But the same investigation showed that the great majority of the unions had been free from any complicity in any crimes. And after society had shrieked itself hoarse over the Sheffield outrages, men of sense began to properly place the ultimate responsibility for these lawless acts by outlawed men. The unions continued to exist despite the clamor against them, and just men began to protest against including all workingmen in the denunciations called forth by the violence of a few. There gradually came a reaction. It was slow, however, to make itself felt, and not only the newspapers but the popular novelists, “fanatical on hearsay,” continued to echo and inflame the indignant outcry of the “better classes” against the dreadful labor agitators. Justin McCarthy says:

All the leading newspapers were constantly writing against the trades unions at one time, not writing merely as a liberal paper writes against some tory measure, but as men condemn a monstrous heresy. A comfortable social theory began to spring up that all the respectable, well conducted workmen were opposed to the unions, and all the ne’er-do-wells were on their side and in their ranks. The paid officers of the unions were described as mere cunning parasites, living on the strength of the organization. The spokesmen of the unions were set down invariably as selfish and audacious demagogues, who incited their ignorant victims on to ruin in order that they themselves might live in comfort and revel in popular applause.

How completely this description fits the conduct of certain newspapers in New York in our own time—newspapers that, while making special claim to wisdom of a high order, can only dully echo the stupidities uttered by the London press twenty years ago!

But in spite of tyrannical laws and adverse public opinion, trades unionism in England grew and prospered, and presently the unions startled the governing class into a recognition of their strength by their enormous processions during the reform agitation. Statesmen and politicians of both parties saw that here was a force to be taken into serious account, and then began a course of legislation which had by 1875 secured to the workmen of monarchical England a vastly greater measure of freedom than they enjoy under the laws of democratic New York, as those laws are interpreted by the court p. 4, col. 4 of appeals. Writing of this legislation Justin McCarthy says:

The masters and the workmen were placed on absolute equality as regarded the matter of contract. They had been thus equal for many years in other countries; in France, Germany and Italy, for example. A breach of contract resulting in damages was to be treated on either side as giving rise to a civil and not to a criminal remedy. There was to be no imprisonment, except as ordered in other cases by a county judge; that is, a man may be committed to prison who has been ordered to pay a certain sum, and out of contumacy will not pay it although payment is shown to be within his power. No combination of persons is to be deemed criminal if the act proposed to be done would not be criminal when done by one person. . . . In principle this legislation accomplished all that any reasonable advocates of the claims of the trades-unions could have demanded. It put the masters and the workmen on an equality. It recognized the right of combination for every purpose which is not itself actually contrary to law. It settled the fact that the right of combination is just the same as the right of an individual. The law had long conceded to any one man the right to say for himself that he would not work for less than a certain rate of wages. It now acknowledged that a hundred or ten thousand workingmen have a right to combine in the same resolution. It admitted their legal right to put this resolve into execution by way of a strike if they so think fit. . . . Then, to carry the exposition a little further, an association of workingmen have a perfect legal right to endeavor to persuade other workingmen to adopt their views, accept their resolution, and become members of their union. They have a right to say that any one who does not agree to their rules shall not become or shall not remain a member of their society. Further and finally, they have a right to say that they will not work in the same establishment with men who have acted in such a way as in their opinion to do injury to the common cause of the trade.

The organized workingmen of New York, with the ballot in their hands, can certainly accomplish what English workingmen have accomplished by mere parades of non-voters. Let them protest against the law that punishes their combinations as criminal conspiracies, while it permits trusts to flourish and aldermanic “combines” to go unpunished. Let them insist on affirmative legislation declaring that it shall not be unlawful for any number of men to combine to do that which, if done by one man, would be lawful, and let them see to it that any party that does not promise this in its platform shall not control legislation in this state. Such a course applied to one great measure at a time will assure success. If trades unions are to continue to exist in this state their members must set about rescuing them at once from their impending doom, as pronounced by the court of appeals.

A CAMPAIGN “STANDARD” FUND.

Some weeks ago Mr. W. J. Atkinson of Philadelphia, stating that in his opinion the coming up of the tariff question opened a field of the widest usefulness for the general circulation of THE STANDARD, sent us $500 to be used as the nucleus of a fund for distributing copies of this paper during the campaign. Mr. Tom L. Johnson of Cleveland about the same time sent a similar message with another $500. It was deemed best to wait until the campaign had fairly begun before announcing these contributions in the columns of THE STANDARD. In the meantime a number of other gentlemen to whom the suggestion of Mr. Atkinson and Mr. Johnson had been communicated have also sent subscriptions. The list at present is as follows:

W. J. Atkinson, Philadelphia . . . $500 00 Tom L. Johnson, Cleveland . . . . 500 00 A. J. Moxham, Johnstown, Pa. . . 100 00 W. Symington Brown, M. D., Stoneham, Mass. . . . . . . . . . 5 00 L. O. M., New York . . . . . . . 10 00 R. G. Brown, Memphis, Tenn. . . . 10 00 Read Gordon, Roselle, N. J . . . 100 00 “Friends of THE STANDARD,” Johnstown, Pa., per A. J. Eldridge . 7 00 “Workman,” Ilion, N. Y. . . . . . 5 00 “No Name,” Poughkeepsie, N. Y. . 5 00 $1,242 00

We have also received the following promises of monthly or weekly subscriptions until the close of the campaign:

An Oregon Friend, $2.50 and $2.50 per month; Dr. Walter Mendelson, New York, $6 and $6 per month; Simon Mendelson, New York, $5 and $5 per month.

Making $13.50 received as first installments of monthly subscriptions to the same amount, which gives a total already received of $1,255.50.

We have already used a part of the money thus received in sending out a large number of STANDARDS and a considerable quantity of tracts; but to vigorously prosecute the work larger resources are needed. In making the distribution we have thus far used lists furnished by our friends in various places of men likely to receive our ideas, and it is on this line we propose to work. The tariff discussion is opening the minds of hundreds of thousands to a consideration of the very subjects that we are endeavoring to call attention to, and large numbers who have hitherto regarded us with prejudice are now so far awakened as to be ready to consider, and even to welcome, our views. An occasional copy of THE STANDARD or a timely tract may at least give to such men some comprehension of our purposes, or plant in their minds a thought or a suggestion that will leave a permanent impression and make them centers for the diffusion of our principles.

We can in this way make a lodgment for single tax principles in localities where as yet they have not been understood, and imbue with them men who from their connection with existing parties are in a position to gradually but powerfully aid in their dissemination. There are now tens of thousands of men eager to enter this campaign as speakers, and anxious to distinguish themselves in local discussions, or who are being warmed to the subject by the controversies which are now going on p. 4, col. 5 in shops, in stores, in offices, and wherever men meet. These men are searching for light on the new issues which have been precipitated on the country. They will eagerly accept our reasoning and use our arguments if presented to them.

They are in the frame of mind to see, and in the mood to proclaim, in response to protectionist appeals, that it is not our tariff duties, but the easier access which labor has had to land that has made wages higher in this country than in Europe. And as the contest waxes warm they will be impelled by the ardor of conflict to come, even before they fully realize it, to the firm ground which we occupy—the injustice and impolicy of taxing anything which will increase the sum of wealth.

We invite all of our friends who can afford to do so to contribute to this fund. Contributions will be announced in the name of the contributor unless otherwise ordered. We should also be glad to have them give us at the same time the names of persons to whom papers might advantageously be sent. And those who cannot afford to make pecuniary contributions may also help the work by sending us the names of persons of this kind. We especially desire the names of such persons in localities where as yet little or nothing is known of the single tax movement. Wherever we can get one man imbued with our principles we are certain ere long to find a number of others.

With the same general idea as that which animated Messrs. Atkinson and Johnson in proposing a campaign recruiting fund, Mr. Thomas G. Shearman recently sent us an order for nearly 1,600 recruit subscriptions to THE STANDARD. He also ordered us to distribute at his expense 50,000 of the tracts containing his free trade speeches. We can furnish these tracts free of charge, as far as Mr. Shearman’s order goes, to those who will distribute them judiciously. We have already sent a number of them and of copies of THE STANDARD into Pennsylvania, where the miners especially receive our literature with avidity.

Here are some letters from those who have sent us subscriptions:

> STONEHAM, Mass.—Free trade is the question of the day, and THE STANDARD is just the paper to inculcate it on its own merits That was my opinion more than a year ago, when I asked you to issue a cheap edition of “Protection or Free Trade?” THE STANDARD is the best newspaper I have ever seen. It is truthful, civil and spicy. A dear old friend of mine in Worcester, who works every day at the anvil, after receiving a few copies, wrote to me: “Send me THE STANDARD for a year. It is the only paper I can read after supper without falling asleep over it.”

By all means, send it to workingmen who are deluded by the idea that a protective tariff raises wages. I inclose my mite to help to do so.

I have prepared a lecture on “Protection,” and delivered it in five towns in Massachusetts. Expect to resume lecturing in September.

W. SYMINGTON BROWN, M. D

> MEMPHIS, Tenn.—I heartily believe in the idea of raising a campaign fund to distribute our paper as a campaign document as widely as possible, and am glad of the opportunity of rendering in this way effective service to free trade and to the single tax; for, in my opinion, the one is but a precursor to the other; and by inducing a widespread discussion of the principles underlying the first, we shall certainly bring many to consider the claims of the second and the arguments we advance in support of our fundamental article of faith. I send you $10, to be put to the subscription for a campaign fund, or to be used for recruit subscriptions, where you deem it of greatest advantage. I am “in for the war,” regardless of the location of the battle field, satisfied, as I am, that anything which induces men to think of the relations of land, labor and capital, is certain to induce “the superior minority” to give us at least a hearing for the message we have to deliver.

R. G. BROWN.

> NEW YORK.—I beg to offer a subscription to be used in extending the influence of THE STANDARD in the coming campaign (as well as permanently) and to express my hope that the “open door” may never be closed, but gradually enlarged until the American people see no necessity for a jamb on which to hang a door, or a wall to fit a casing into, and all interference with an absolute freedom of exchange becomes a matter of ancient history. Please find check for $100.

READ GORDON.

> PORTLAND, Oregon.—I think it very important that THE STANDARD should be widely circulated during this campaign. I send you $2.50 for that purpose, and will continue to send you $2.50 per month until the election is over, and doubt not that many others of THE STANDARD’S readers would gladly do the same. We expect soon to organize a Henry George club here, after which we hope to largely augment your subscription list in this section.

“AN OREGON FRIEND.”

> 179 WEST SEVENTY-FOURTH STREET, NEW YORK.—No more effective work could be done to spread a knowledge of the truths of free trade than to scatter THE STANDARD as widely as possible wherever men are congregated and where discussion must needs arise during the coming campaign. We should be glad to contribute $6 a month to a fund for that purpose. My father is absent in Europe, but until he can be heard from I can undertake also to subscribe $5 a month for him.

No paper that I know of has the art of putting the question so forcibly and interestingly before the public as THE STANDARD, and none —as I was recently told by one who has good reason to know—gets at the heads and hearts of the people so well.

If I might make a suggestion, it would be this: To spread THE STANDARD and tracts where economic ignorance is densest and industrial distress most frequent and intense—as the coal and iron regions of Pennsylvania—for I think it is a common observation that at such times as are now upon us, when public thought is most highly stimulated, men are comparatively easily led to swing round into a mode of thought the opposite of the one they have long entertained. And this does not result from mere fickleness or caprice, but from the same reason as that which leads one who has been surrounded by darkness to be most impressionable to light. So a mind long imprisoned in the darkness of ignorance often grasps a truth in its simplicity and entirety more readily than one which long has been groping about amid the confusion of dimly perceived half-truths.

So I would say, concentrate efforts on those who have most been deluded and robbed by the tariff. Their empty stomachs p. 4, col. 6 cry out against it now. Soon their filled intellects shall do so too. Cordially years^sic,

WALTER MENDELSON.

INTERESTING TO FARMERS.

In Michigan, as elsewhere in the west, the cry is raised that to concentrate taxes on land values would be to make the “poor farmer” pay all the taxes. Now according to the Chicago Herald, the dividends paid by the copper mining companies of Michigan amounted in 1886 to $1,900,000, the greater part of which was paid by the Calumet-Hecla mine. The eighty-acre tract held by this corporation was bought originally for $100, and was subsequently purchased by the present corporation for $60,000. Ten years after it was valued at $13,000,000, and to-day its value is enormously greater. The entire revenues of the state of Michigan in 1860 were only $1,683,560, and to-day are not greater than the copper dividends alone, of which the largest part consists of land values. Add to these the value of the immensely valuable iron lands, the salt springs and the timber lands, and it can readily be seen that a tax on land values that did not take one penny from the farmer would much more than suffice to pay all the present expenses of the state of Michigan. Add to these values again the land values of the cities and towns, and it can be seen how much the taxes of Michigan farmers would be reduced were all taxation removed from personal property and improvements and public revenues raised from land values alone. The truth is that the value of Michigan farms consists mainly in improvements; and that were speculative values destroyed, as they would be by the single tax, the farm would have litile^sic or no taxes to pay. When the farmers begin to see this, as they are beginning to see it in Texas, the strongest demand for the single tax will come from the agricultural sections.

Senator Ingalls of Kansas is a howling protectionist, who insists that we shall keep the American market for American productions. —Yet George W. Knight of San Marcos, Texas, sends us an advertisement from a Texas paper in which a large cut of Senator Ingalls, all shaven and shorn, except as to moustache and goatee, surmounts an extract from a special Washington dispatch, dated September 11, 1887, to the New York Tribune. In this, as preface to something complimentary to a certain soap, Senator Ingalls is made to say:

I think a man looks better when he is shaved. Every man should shave. I always shave myself. As part of one’s regular toilet every morning it does not take much time, and it does not cost more than a cent. Take my advice—shave.

Buy a Swedish razor; the Swedish is the best; it will cost you $2, while an ordinary razor would cost you only $1; but it is worth the difference.

Will not the Press look into this matter?

The latest issues of the “Land and Labor Library” are “A Short Tariff History” and “Plain Talk to Protectionists,” both by Thomas G. Shearman. These tracts are efficient campaign documents, and will be useful to readers of THE STANDARD who want to set their friends and neighbors to thinking in the right direction. They should be given the widest circulation possible.

MEN AND THINGS.

New York has been having experience of a “hot spell.” To some this has meant nothing more than an excellent excuse for fleeing to the mountains or seaside; to a larger number it has been the cause of a good deal of inconvenience, alternated with refreshing visits to near by ocean resorts. But to the majority of the city’s inhabitants the torrid weather of the past week has been an indescribable suffering; and to not a few, especially among the babies, it has brought death.

It is curious, the equanimity with which, year after year, we note, and speak about, and mildly regret, the frightful suffering of the dwellers in our great cities during the heated term. We get excited over the possibilities of war, and make lurid prophecies of New York bombarded or held to ransom. We tax ourselves without stint or hesitation to provide ships and guns, which are useless during peace and would perhaps be worse than useless in the event of war. And yet year after year we allow thousands of human lives to be wasted, and scores upon scores of thousands of human beings to endure agonies equal to those that have immortalized the prison ships of the revolution, and make no effort toward any radical reform that shall put an end to them by rendering them impossible. We try, indeed, to lay a plaster on the sore. We pass laws for the better regulation of tenement houses, and give power to the board of health to visit, and inspect, and order alterations; but we watch, with equal mind, the long rows of hives extend, and never try to strike at the root of the evil and sweep the tenement houses out of existence once and forever.

Yet nothing less than this can bring relief. No amount of sanitary legislation, no supervision of charitable societies, and district visitors, and boards of health, can ever do away with the physical suffering and moral degradation which result from the herding of human beings like cattle in corrals. All the laws on the statute book cannot make a home of two rooms in a tenement house, with the street as a play ground for the children. The evil to be fought is not the wrong doing of the individuals who build tenement houses in response to a popular demand, but the social crime which so compels men to idleness, and so robs them of the product of their labor, as to render it impossible for them to live as men should live—to surround themselves and their families with those gracious home influences on which the true prosperity and happiness of the republic must be founded. It is inexpressibly pitiful that children should be smothered out of life by the forced overcrowding of our cities; but the slaughter of the innocents is not the worst evil of our tenements. The children who survive will bitterly avenge their slaughtered brothers and sisters.

The people of Norfolk, Va., are anxious to make the most of the natural advantages of their city. They have one of the finest harbors on the Atlantic coast, easy of access from the interior and from the ocean, free of ice throughout the winter, and with water sufficient to float all but the very largest of modern seagoing vessels. They see very clearly that it is to their interest to induce as many people as possible to make use of these facilities. Every bale of cotton, every hogshead of tobacco, every bushel of grain, every barrel of naval stores, that is brought by rail or boat to Norfolk and carried thence by steamer, gives employment to Norfolk laborers. The greater the earnings of laborers, the greater will be the business and profits of store keepers, house builders, bankers and others engaged in purely local industries. Trade begets trade. The vessels leaving Norfolk for domestic and foreign ports bring back cargoes of goods to be dispatched to interior points, or held in Norfolk warehouses for merchants from less important places to come and buy. It is by processes such as these that great cities are developed. If Norfolk can induce enough people of the United States to use her harbor as the gateway through which to send their surplus products she can easily become the rival of New York.

The Norfolk people have just given practical evidence of the faith that is in them. The Richmond and Danville railroad company, desiring a more convenient outlet to the sea than they have hitherto been able to secure at Richmond or West Point, have been considering the advisability of establishing a terminus of their system at Portsmouth and Norfolk. The Norfolk people got wind of the matter, and promptly showed their disposition to meet the railroad company half way. The result is that the city council has, at the request of the Cotton exchange, leased to a corporation forming part of the Danville system, an entire square of land, with one of the best water fronts in the city, at $500 a year—probably less than five per cent of its real value. The lease is a conditional one, to become operative only if the Richmond and Danville system brings its business to the port. The railroad company is said to be satisfied with this concession, and the building of the necessary line of road is to be begun at once.

The queer thing about this transaction is that the people of Norfolk, seeing so much of the truth as they do, should not be able to see more of it. Apparently they appreciate the fact that men will come to Norfolk and engage in wealth production there, or stay away, according as they find access to Norfolk’s natural opportunities easy or difficult. If, instead of allowing the railroad company the use of the natural opportunity of that wharf site at $500 a year, the common council had demanded $5,000 for it, the company would have been less inclined to come. If $50,000 a year had been demanded it is almost certain that the negotiation would have fallen through. The council wisely fixed the rental so low as to make access to the natural opportunity practically free; and the result will be a direct benefit to the city.

But if it is a good thing to have one railroad company bring its business to Norfolk, why wouldn’t it be wise to induce other railroad companies to do the same thing? And why stop at railways? Why not make the same effort to induce merchants, store keepers, manufacturers, laborers, school teachers—men in every sort of industry to come too? Every man who comes to Norfolk and goes to work must benefit the city. It is only the drones in the hive who are utterly useless. And the same methods precisely that are inducing the Richmond and Danville road to p. 5, col. 2 come would induce wealth producers of almost every other kind to come too. Wherever natural opportunities exist, there the workers want to go; wherever access to the opportunities is free, there the workers will go.

A tobacco manufacturer, for example, wants to start a factory in Norfolk. The same difficulty confronts him that stood in the way of the Richmond and Danville railroad. He must have land on which to build his works—a site for his factory—the access to natural opportunities. A store keeper would gladly establish himself on Main street—a teacher would like to open a school—a laborer wishes to go there for employment. Every one of them must get the use of land to work on, and live on, or he cannot come. But the tobacco manufacturer, and the store keeper, and the teacher, and the laborer, are less fortunate than the Richmond and Danville railroad. When they go looking for natural opportunities—for the privilege of using land—they have to deal with private individuals who “own” the land and demand a share of what the manufacturer, and store keeper, and teacher, and laborer, can make before allowing them to use it. And the consequence is that all of them, and tens of thousands of others like them, do just what the Richmond and Danville railroad would have done under the same circumstances—they stay away from Norfolk. And Norfolk is by just so much the worse off.

In making their grant to the Richmond and Danville road, the people of Norfolk have made an abortive attempt to take advantage of a great economic principle. Who will reap the benefit of this utilization of Norfolk’s opportunities? Not the people of Norfolk—the men who work with their hands, and on whose labor the prosperity of Norfolk rests. Their wages will be no whit the better because of the advent of the new enterprise. But the men who own Norfolk—the men who have had the foresight, or the luck, to get control of the land on which wharves, and warehouses, and stores, and dwellings must be erected—will be the chief beneficiaries. And in future the manufacturer, or store keeper, or professional man, or laborer, must pay a heavier tax than ever before for the privilege of exercising his powers of work.

But suppose that instead of giving to one corporation the privilege of using natural opportunities almost free of charge, while allowing all other industries to be taxed for the benefit of individuals—suppose, instead of this, that Norfolk could annually levy on every one controlling natural opportunities a tax equal to the annual value of the opportunity controlled. What would be the effect? First, that every person controlling a natural opportunity—a wharf front, or a building site—of which he himself was making no use, would be compelled, since he could make nothing by holding it, to abandon it to somebody who could and would utilize it. Second, that any manufacturer, or merchant, or professional man, or laborer, would be able to establish himself in Norfolk without first purchasing permission, at a competition price, from some Norfolk owner. Third, that the more the land values of Norfolk increased, the greater would be the revenue to be disposed of in public improvements and facilities for the equal benefit of every citizen of Norfolk; rich or poor^sic. And, fourth, that the great mass of the people of Norfolk—the workers for wages—could never be forced to accept as wages less than the whole product of their labor; since they could at any time apply that labor to natural opportunities yet unused, and thus become their own employers.

An English law for the regulation of the sale of food products provides a penalty for exposing oleomargarine for sale except in a package labeled “margarine.” A village grocer, recently arrested for violating this law, made the ingenious defense that he kept his oleomargarine beneath the counter, out of sight, and therefore did not “expose” it. The magistrate decided that no offense had been committed.

The late teller of the Union bank of Providence seems to have studied the story of the Manhattan bank defalcation to some purpose. “Take enough to cripple the bank, and compromise by returning a portion of it,” was the advice given by Lawyer Dunn to Teller Scott of the Manhattan company. Mr. Pitcher has improved upon this plan. He appropriated property of two kinds—cash, which he could use himself, and notes and other evidences of indebtedness, of which he personally could make no use, but which would be of the very greatest use to the bank he was robbing. Thus, having withdrawn himself to Canada, he is in a position to make a compromise on terms altogether advantageous to himself; offering to return the securities, which he can’t use, on condition of being allowed to retain the money. Whether the bank will accept this proposition or not—if the defaulter has really made it—remains to be seen. But if the securities held by Pitcher are of sufficient value, there is little doubt that the directors will prefer to let the crime go unpunished rather than involve the bank and themselves personally in a common ruin. Mr. Pitcher, vulgarly speaking, has got them in a cleft stick. And it is safe to say that if they do compound the felony no business man will blame them. It is all very well to talk about the encouragment^sic of vice by such compromises; but the men who are quickest to see and point to the evil when the bargain is made by somebody else are often the readiest to make composition when it affords the only method of averting pecuniary disaster to themselves.

It is a crime to rob a bank. It is also a crime to condone the robbery on condition of partial restoration of the property stolen. And in the last analysis the same moving cause underlies both crimes—poverty, or the fear of poverty. Men steal, or compromise with thieves, not for the pleasure of theft or from any desire for its encouragement, but lest a worse thing befall them. The bank official who speculates and loses, and then robs his employers to make his losses good and continue his speculatiops^sic, is urged along by no mere love of speculation, but by the knowledge that in the race of life a certain number must be left behind, and the fear lest he may become one of the laggards. And the employer who accepts a moiety of the money stolen and lets the thief retain the balance, does so from precisely the same feeling—the fear of being reduced to poverty. Thus social crime breeds crime in individuals.

p. 5, col. 3 “The fathers have eaten of sour grapes and the children’s teeth are set on edge.”

Mr. D. O. Mills has presented to the city of New York a school for trained male nurses, at which young men anxious to adopt nursing as a profession will receive a two years’ course of suitable instruction. The school will be located in a specially erected building on the grounds of Bellevue hospital, and will be under the control of the commissioners of charities and corrections. The cost of the institution, which is to be defrayed entirely by Mr. Mills, will be about $100,000.

In making this gift, Mr. Mills has approved himself a kindly hearted citizen. But it ought not to be forgotten that if the city of New York were in receipt of the revenue that properly belongs to her—if she collected for the public use that magnificent income of land values which is now appropriated by private individuals and corporations—she would have no need to be indebted to private munificence for public institutions of any kind, however costly.

There is too much bumptiousness about the mugwumps and too much mugwumpery among the civil service reformers. The result is that now and then the men who see the promise and potency of political purity and social regeneration in an improved method of obtaining government clerks get sat down upon. This has happened to George William Curtis and a number of his associate mentors quite recently. They have been criticising Secretary Fairchild for certain removals and appointments he has recently made in the New York custom house until the secretary has been goaded into writing a letter to Mr. Curtis explaining his action in the premises. He makes it perfectly clear that the changes ordered by him were urgently demanded by the good of the public service, and incidentally brings out the fact that the great reformer, Silas W. Burt, has been guilty of something very like “pernicious activity” in using his political influence to push the fortunes of his brother as a favored sugar broker. Mr. Fairchild’s letter reveals a condition of affairs in the custom house that suggests the need of still further reform, unless it be accounted useless to attempt to reform an institution that promotes perjury and engages in a business that appears to be closely akin to systematic robbery.

The university of Cambridge in England has conferred the degree of doctor of laws on, among others, Prince Albert Victor and Mr. A. J. Balfour. The reason for the distinction in the case of Albert Victor is clear enough—he is the son of the prince of Wales, which includes everything. But what has Mr. Balfour done that three letters should be added to his name?

TO FIND EACH OTHER.

TRANS-ATLANTIC NOTES.

OBSERVATIONS OF A TOURIST IN HOLLAND AND BELGIUM.

IN NEW ENGLAND.

SOCIETY NOTES.

Midsummer dreariness seemed to settle on the city last week. That part of town where people live looked as if the eighty or a hundred thousand people who flee to the country every year had all gone and left the million and more of their neighbors to their melting fate. This million or so was principally engaged in keeping cool, but not with much success. From the rural suburban districts, from the mountains and the sea shore, come rumors of the gay times which the fashionable people of leisure are having in their secluded cool retreats. These exasperating tales were brought to town by fond friends who came into the city on one or two days to attend belated June weddings, or to watch the yacht regattas. Many gay parties were at sea on those days. There was a gathering, too, of more than usual interest at Lenox, when the new Episcopal church was consecrated.—[New York Tribune.

Of all the plague spots in North America at the present time the most appalling one is the Italian tenement house district in the crooked part of Mulberry street, which lies between Park and Bayard streets. It stands to-day as a menace to the whole city—a festering, foul, overcrowded breeder of fevers and stenches. From one end to the other this frightful neighborhood is alive with vermin. In its dark dens are packed in almost inconceivable squalor the most filthy human beings. Its breath is disease, its touch pollution.—[New York Herald.

The Rev. I. Newton Stanger, the rector of the Episcopal church of the Holy Trinity, Harlem, will take a vacation of six weeks, beginning on the last of July. “I go,” he says, “into the North woods, where there is more real pleasure for the thoughtful, nature loving man, and more robust strength to be found, more deer to be shot and more trout to be caught by the true sportsman than in any place I know of. I always go in tired and jaded and come out robust and strong.”—[New York Tribune.

The Rev. Dr. D. Parker Morgan, rector of the Church of the Heavenly Rest, Fifth avenue, near Forty-fifth street, says: “By the kindness of the vestry, I am given this year a three months’ vacation. I sail, D. V., by the Gallia, on July 4, and shall spend the months of July, August and September in England and Wales. I hope to be in my pulpit again on the first Sunday in October.”—[New York Tribune.

Crowds of the dirty occupants of the filthy rookeries in Mulberry bend thronged the rough pavements of the foul smelling street and curiously gazed upon the visitors who in twos and threes went into the buildings and ascended to the roofs. Never was the Italian quarter more full of human wretchedness. The foul air was sickening, and the sight—take one example—of thirty people in a single room in which no light could fall even on a sunny day was appalling.—[New York Herald.

On June 1 the fifth season began at the Crescent Valley house, Pawlet, Vt., of which favorable report is often heard. Nestled in the famous Green mountains, it is a much to be coveted hotel by those who would feast their eyes on “royal scenery” and fill their lungs with purest and most health giving mountain air.—[New York Mail and Express.

Fortunately for human beings and brute animals Sunday was a day of rest, or the fatality list would probably have exceeded that of Saturday. Notwithstanding the advantage gained from a general rest, there were several deaths caused by the heat, and many indirectly. There was something of a breeze for a time, but when it failed the air seemed to have been blown across a furnace. The heat radiated from the sunburned paving blocks as from an overheated oven. Those who were compelled to remain in the city suffered intensely. In the poorer districts houses were almost deserted for the shady side of the streets, where people sat and sometimes stretched themselves.—[New York World.

The Rev. Dr. Robert Collyer, pastor of the Church of the Messiah, says: “The church will be closed from Tuesday, June 24^sic, until the third Sunday in September, and we shall spend the vacation at Spring Lake, N. J., in our own hired house. But in August I shall ‘lift up mine eyes unto the hills from whence cometh my help,’ up New Hampshire way, and do a bit of preaching Sundays where I happen to alight, if all is well. We do not ‘supply’ our pulpit in vacation because there is no congregation. People seem to be as glad to take a rest from hearing as we are to take one from preaching; and I don’t blame them.”—[New York Tribune.

There were 811 deaths in the city last week, against 680 the week before. Of these 287 were of infants less than a year old and 389 were of children under five years of age. The increase, clearly due to the heat, was mainly in tenement houses, or 532 against 433 the previous week.

The Rev. Dr. Howard Crosby, pastor of the Fourth avenue Presbyterian church, will, as usual, spend his vacation, July and August, at his cottage near Pine hill, in the Catskills. During his absence his church will be closed.

The Rev. Dr. Samuel H. Virgin, pastor of the Pilgrim Congregational church, says: “I shall leave the city the last week in June to be absent during July and August. Our farm at West Chelmsford, Massachusetts, is the all-attractive spot for me and my family, and I expect to spend all my time there in the fields and woods with the chickens and calves, and with old ‘Billy’ on the road.”

After a recent tenement house fire the New York World interviewed some of the people who had lost their entire household effects. Among them was Louis Dieter, a delicate young man with a wife and two children. They occupy now one room at No. 1 East Second street. The report reads: “Sitting disconsolately with her two little children Mrs. Dieter yesterday told the story of her woe. Her husband, who is twenty-four years old, is a driver, and now has a position where he earns $7 a week, and on this sum he must needs support his wife and children. They managed to live while they had some little furniture, but now they have none and the problem staring them in the face is how long it will take to save enough to purchase furniture after paying for the food they must have. The heat was intense in the stuffy room yesterday, and the children were sick and peevish, and the poor mother had additional cares to keep them around. Without a home or the money demanded by the landlord in advance to secure one, without a stick of furniture, not even a bed to sleep on; without a stitch of clothing, except borrowed articles, to put on their backs, their case is indeed one to attract sympathy.”

Five thousand dollars for underwear is not an unheard of item in the outfit of a fashionable bride. The girl of the period who wants a chic outfit from top to toe will begin with the knitted silk vests tied up with ribbons. The chemise which the fashionable woman favors just now is made of China silk, hand woven, in any soft, light shade. With set of silk underwear, two silk skirts, silk corset cover, satin corset, silk stockings, etc., a fashionable woman may stand up nowadays inside of not much less than $200 before she thinks of putting on her gown.

The husband and two children of Sarah Jane Whiteling of Philadelphia died under suspicious circumstances a short time ago. The physicians gave certificates of death from inflammation of the bowels and gastric fever. When the bodies were exhumed, however, by order of the coroner, an autopsy proved that there had been arsenical poisoning in each case. Mrs. Whiteling admitted having poisoned the children, but said her husband had committed suicide. “John had been sick a month before he died,” she said, “and as his health was poor, and he had frequently lost good positions by reason of his illness, he had become despondent and took his life.” Then, she says, she killed the nine-year-old girl because she was afraid she would grow up in sin and crime, and the boy she killed “because he was in the way.”

Marching Song.

E. Nesbitt.

If you dam up the river of progress At your peril and cost let it be! That river must seaward, despite you ’Twill break down your dams and be free! And we heed not the pitiful barriers That you in its way have downcast, For your efforts but add to the torrent Whose flood must o’erwhelm you at last! For our banner is raised and unfurled, At your head our defiance is hurled; Our hope is the hope of the ages, Our cause is the cause of the world!

We laugh in the face of the forces That strengthen the flood they oppose; For the harder oppression the fiercer The current will be when it flows. We shall win, and the tyrants’ battalions Will be scattered like chaff in the fight, From which the true soldiers of freedom Shall gather new courage and might! For our banner is raised and unfurled, At your head our defiance is hurled; Our hope is the hope of the ages, Our cause is the cause of the world!

Whether leading the van of the fighters In the bitterest stress of the strife, Or patiently bearing the burden Of changelessly common place life, One hope we have ever before us, One aim to attain and fulfill, One watchword we cherish to mark us One kindred and brotherhood still! For our banner is raised and unfurled, At your head our defiance is hurled; Our hope is the hope of the ages, Our cause is the cause of the world!

What matter if failure on failure Crowd closely upon us and press? When a hundred have bravely been beaten, The hundred and first wins success! Our watchword is “Freedom,” new soldiers Flock each day where her flag is unfurled, Our hope is the hope of the ages, Our cause is the cause of the world! For our banner is raised and unfurled, At your head our defiance is hurled; Our hope is the hope of the ages. Our cause is the cause of the world!

THE PARSON’S WIFE’S DREAM.

The very moment I caught sight of the parson’s wife coming up the walk I knew she was full of something. There was that hurriedness in her gait, that beaming look in her eyes, that expression about her lips, as though she were having a desperately hard struggle to keep from saying something, which in this particular parson’s wife are the unfailing signs of a full heart that must find relief in talking. She didn’t stop to shut the gate, but left it to swing to, or stay open, as it pleased. When I saw that I knew I was in for it. “Get a pitcher of cool water,” I said to Katie, and braced myself for the shock.

The parson’s wife tripped up the veranda steps, and dropped into a steamer chair. “Oh! John,” she panted, “it’s a grand success. Let me have a glass of water.”

Little Katie appeared with the pitcher and a glass, and the parson’s wife refreshed herself. “Thank you, dear,” she murmured, and then dashed at me again.

“I’ve just left the rooms, and rushed over here to tell you all about it. We’ve cleaned out nearly everything, and at good prices, too. Mrs. Nelson’s bread and cakes were a great success, and we could have sold twice as much of Sallie Wilson’s candy if she’d sent it in. And only think, Mrs. Everard Brown was there, and I showed her some of Evelyn Fitch’s needlework, and she’s going to give Evelyn an order for twenty dollars’ worth of underwear. Isn’t it glorious? And oh! you know Jemima Johnson, and what a hard time she has with that good for nothing father of hers! Well, Jemima was crying yesterday because she had nothing to send in, and she did want to take advantage of it so badly. So I suggested that she should cut some of her flowers and send them. And so she sent about a bushel of roses and dahlias, and all sorts of things. My heart just sank when I saw them, for I thought we never could get rid of so many. But, do you know, we sold them, every one, and got orders for more. They fetched three dollars and twenty cents, and when I gave Jemima the money she just broke down and cried, and then it all came out, that since she lost her work for that wretched New York factory they’ve been living on dry bread—only think of it—and Jemima was too proud to let anybody know. I just had to cry, too. But oh! John, isn’t it delightful that we’ve found a way to do something to relieve some of the distress?” And here the parson’s wife, whose supremest joy in life it is to be doing something to help other people, fairly broke down for a minute, and put her handkerchief to her eyes.

“I can’t help it,” she said, drying her tears. “When I think of poor Jemima, it seems as though I had to cry. But now, John, you are glad we are doing so well, aren’t you? And you’ll do what you can to help us, won’t you?”

“For pity’s sake, Esther”—I must explain that the parson’s wife is a sister of mine, and her name is Esther—“for pity’s sake, Esther, begin at the beginning, and tell me what you’re talking about?”

“Why,” said the parson’s wife, “it’s our Women’s Exchange.”

Of course there was no use for me to ask the question, for the parson’s wife had talked of nothing else but the Women’s Exchange for the last six weeks, and I knew perfectly well she couldn’t be talking of anything else now. But when this lady gets into one of her enthusiastic fits I consider it judicious to throw a little cold water on her in the shape of some innocent question or remark. If I didn’t I should stand a chance of being carried away by the flood of her enthusiasm.

“And you do think it’s a good thing, don’t you, John?” persisted the parson’s wife.

Yes, I did think it a good thing. It is always a good thing to relieve distress without the actual bestowal of alms—good for the person relieved, and good, too, for the reliever. I felt that the parson’s wife deserved credit for what she had done, and I told her so. She had labored faithfully and successfully to solve a pretty difficult problem—the problem of bringing together the rich who are eager to assist the poor and the poor whose honest pride makes them shrink from accepting aid. The parson’s wife could easily have gone to Mrs. Everard Brown and got twenty dollars from her to be bestowed on Evelyn Fitch; and there are several other wealthy people in the neighborhood who would have been

p. 6, col. 2 delighted to subscribe for the relief of poor Jemima Johnson. They are neither selfish nor greedy, these rich folks who have their summer residences near our village of Pleasant Hills. They are only too glad when they can persuade the parson’s wife to act as stewardess of their bounty—and this, not because they are averse to doing their good deeds in person. but because^sic they know by sad experience that to let their charitable dispositions be known would be to make Pleasant Hills a focus and rallying point of pauperism. But the parson’s wife—and I honor her for it—will have as little to do as possible with alms giving. She says it is a cruelty to the poor. The idea of giving money to Miss Fitch or Miss Johnson is shocking to her. And, besides, as she says with pride in her protegees, those young ladies wouldn’t take it. So I honestly admired Mrs. Esther for the good work she had been doing, and I told her so unhesitatingly.

And yet I suppose there must have been a tone in my voice that qualified my verdict of approval; or, deep down in the little woman’s honest, loving heart, there may have been a doubt whether her success was all that she would like to have it; for the parson’s wife ceased smiling, and she repeated her question as though she doubted what the answer might be.

“It really is a good thing, John?”

“It really is a good thing. You’ve helped people to help themselves. Isn’t that good enough for you?”

“But I mean good all the way through. It’s a good thing right down to the bottom, isn’t it?”

Now deuce take the woman, what did she want to ask me that for? Couldn’t she be satisfied to go away with such meed of approval as I could honestly give her, and not come digging into my mind with questions about things being good all the way through and down to the bottom? But there, the question was asked, and the parson’s wife was waiting, And she^sic is that sort of a body that when she asks a question, she means to have an answer. I said:

“What would Mrs. Everard Brown have done if she hadn’t ordered that twenty dollars’ worth of underwear from Miss Fitch?”

“Why, I suppose she’d have gone somewhere else and bought it.”

“And the folks who bought Mrs. Nelson’s bread and cakes, and Sallie Wilson’s candy—would they have bought elsewhere if they hadn’t patronized your Exchange?”

“I suppose they would,” said the parson’s wife. Her face was getting troubled now.

“My dear Esther,” said I, “don’t you see that what you’ve done has been simply to take work away from some people to give it to others? You tell me about poor Jemima Johnson’s distress since she lost her work for that factory that paid her so little for her sewing. How do you know but that the very reason she lost it may be because some other good-hearted Mrs. Brown may have relieved some other Evelyn Fitch by giving her work to do and so lessening the call for Jemima Johnson’s needle? Won’t the stores in Pleasant Hills, and even in New York sell fewer goods now that your Exchange is started? And won’t somebody get less wages on that account? You’ve lessened the distress in your own neighborhood. Let that content you, dear, and try not to think of the distress you are not forced to see.”

The trouble deepened in her face, and she sat for five minutes or more in thought. Then her countenance cleared, as though she’d got the clue and saw her way out of the difficulty.

“What you say isn’t true down to the bottom, John. Suppose that Mrs. Nelson, who never buys any candy from anybody now, sells her bread and cake and buys Sallie Wilson’s candy, and Evelyn Fitch, who can’t afford cake now, buys Mrs. Wilson’s cake^sic with the money from her needlework: and Minnie Johnson sells her flowers^sic and buys Evelyn’s needlework, and Sallie Wilson spends the money for her candy in flowers—eh? Who’d be out of pocket then? It seems to me that there’d be four women enjoying cake, and candy, and needlework, and flowers who otherwise wouldn’t have any at all, and so they couldn’t be hurting anybody else by buying from each other. What do you say to that, Mr. John?”

It was beautiful to see the parson’s wife’s enthusiasm. It almost swept me off my feet. “By Jove!” I said, “you’ll build a city with your Women’s Exchange before you get through, and everybody in it will be rich! You’ll have some folks sending in vegetables, and others meats, and other jellies and preserves^sic; and some will bring clothes, and some do cooking, and some keep bees and bring along the honey, and some raise silk worms, and—why not?—some weave the silk. Every industry in the country will be represented in your exchange. And the more everybody brings in, the more they can take out. Talk about poverty—why you won’t know the meaning of the word!”

The parson’s wife was in raptures. Her eyes danced; her cheeks were flushed, her lips were wreathed in smiles. Her whole soul was in her face.

“Oh, John!” she said at last,” it seems^sic too good to be true! And yet I can see how it would all come about. Everybody’d be at work for everybody else; and everybody’d be doing just the thing that she could do best. And they wouldn’t have to waste any time hunting for work. Because, of course, everybody would want things, and be making other things to pay for them with. Oh John! you are a darling!”

“Yes.” I said^sic, “you’ll make Pleasant Hills such a delightful place to live in that everybody will want to move here.”

“I know,” said the parson’s wife, “I can see all the possibilities. And I shan’t lose any time, I promise you. I’ll explain the thing to everybody in the village.

“Well,” I said, “I think if I were you I’d see Deacon Brown and Squire Hildreth first. You know they own the biggest part of Pleasant Hills.”

“Oh!” said the parson’s wife, “they’ll be sure to like the idea. Because the more people move here, and the better off they are, the more—”

The parson’s wife stopped short. She looked dazed for a single instant, as though some tremendous fact had struck her like a sledge hammer. Then she burst into tears.

JOHN JONES.

p. 6, col. 3

HORACE GREELEY.

Single Tax Men in Dayton.

The Henry George club of Dayton, Ohio, are holding meetings at Treon block every Sunday.

p. 6, col. 5

A LETTER FROM A CONVICT.

In South Carolina.

CHARLESTON, S. C.—I was one of those who wanted an independent ticket; but your telling arguments converted me some time ago to the duty of the hour for all real single tax men. We must support those who are going our way.

I have resigned from the united labor party. In national politics there is at this time no room for a third party, and in South Carolina the fear of negro domination is such a powerful party lash that the local tax methods can be reformed more easily without an independent party.

In a quiet way single tax ideas are making a good deal of headway here. Some of our merchants are fighting against the license system, and the discussion is developing several facts as to the undesirability of punishing men for being industrious. A million dollar hotel is to be built by popular subscription, and an effort is being made to exempt it from taxation for ten years, on the plea of general benefits to the city. Query: If exempting one hotel will help the city, why not exempt not only hotels, but factories, stores, theaters? The consequent rise of land values would be an excellent source of taxation, relieving all industry from its present burdens.

Keep up the good work. We will follow THE STANDARD to ultimate victory.

BENJ. ADAMS.

Female Labor in Peoria.

PEORIA, Ill., June 19.—The following from one of our daily papers is suggestive:

Five years ago there was no industry in Peoria that employed girls. But within the last year or two there has been a great change. Female help now is scarce. We are told by the overall factory of J. N. Ward & Co. that they would enlarge their works, but they are unable to get lady operatives. The solid and steady progress the city has made is shown in the fact that the demand for a class of labor of which there was an abundance five years ago, now far exceeds the supply.

According to this it is a good thing when girls can go into factories. To go a little further, the millennium will have arrived when we find work for the babes in the cradle.

But it is hard to convince the able bodied man, who must loaf on the street corner while the girl does his work for smaller pay, that this is right. Much rather would he do the work and keep the girl at school and home in her natural sphere than to see her wearing out her young life while he is compelled to remain idle.

A. R. G.

A Protectionist Nailed.

SOMERVILLE, Mass.—Professor Robert Ellis Thompson, in his book entitled “Protection to Home Industry,” makes the remarkable confession that: “We believe that He who has thus fixed the bounds of the nations has given to each of them such natural resources as would enable its people to become independent of all others for the great staples of necessary use.”

Now, either we have not such natural resources and we need a tariff, or we have such resources and we do not need a tariff. Who shall say that we have not such resources? Then why not bring up our infant industries on the strength of those resources, their natural food? They would be as healthy as the ice industry, which is not protected from Canadian or any other ice. Such infants would not then have to be wheeled around in baby carriages with the protection bottle at their mouths.

JOHN SHEPHERD.

The Growing Hope.

MANISTEE, Mich.—At last a campaign of living issues is beginning, and what it is going to do for us is already apparent. It seems strange how any one can fail to see that this tariff question is really a means by which we can indoctrinate the people with land reform ideas. Let them see once the simplicity of freedom in trade and the other almost comes of itself, viz., freedom of land. I do not think one who does not go among laboring men has any idea of the quiet enthusiasm among them

p. 6, col. 6 on the land question. There is a feeling among them that they have reached a real solution—not, indeed, a cureall, but a great help in bringing on the day of justice. One little thing needs to be continually drummed on, and that is that it is not land, but land values, that are to be taxed. Many fail to see the real point, because they think we want to tax land.

ALBERT WALKLEY.

PEN, PASTE AND SCISSORS.

In New Orleans strong towers, 150 feet high are being constructed, and on these telegraph and telephone wires are to be carried above the streets and buildings. They are also to sustain stand-pipes with nozzles at different elevations, to which hose can be attached and used in case of fire. The cause of their construction was the fact that electric wires could not be laid underground, because the city level is largely below the water level of the Mississippi.

Paper “window glass” is now said to be an assured fact. As described: A window pane is made of white paper, manufactured from cotton or linen, and modified by chemical action. Afterward the paper is dipped in a preparation of camphor and alcohol, which makes it like parchment. From this point it can be molded and cut into remarkably tough sheets entirely transparent, and it can be dyed with almost all of the aniline colors, the result being a transparent sheet, showing far more vivid hues than the best glass exhibits.

All the garrisons within the limit of the Seventh German army corps, says the Medical Herald, have now been provided with larger samples of the new article of food which is in future to form the so-called “iron ration” of the men in the field. It is a peculiar kind of bread, in the shape of small cubes the size of a chocolate drop, made of fine wheat bread strongly spiced, and calculated to keep for a long time. When taken into the mouth, it quickly softens, and is both palatable and nutritious. It is chiefly intended for forced marches, when there is no time for camping and cooking.

The feature of a recent meeting of the British royal society was an exhibition by Mr. Henry Burns of a class of nests of live ants. These were so arranged that all the elaborate internal economy of the insects could be fully observed. A cable despatch says that ’in one cell was the queen, with servants attending upon her. In another were the aphides, or cows, watchfully herded by their keepers; and a party of workers were engaged in walling up an intruding queen which had been placed in the nest that morning. The state of ant civilization was so remarkably high that nobody would have been much surprised at a party of scientific ants in spectacles taking notes on the royal society.”

An item of interest in connection with the proposed introduction of “World-English” is going the rounds of the press, crediting President Eliot of Harvard college with having said, “I sat down to dinner one stormy night, in a Swiss inn, with sixteen people. Six different nationalities were represented by these sixteen people, and the only language that they could all speak was English. One may travel now, as I have just traveled, through southern Spain, through northern Africa, through Greece and Constantinople, and back by Vienna, and the more usual routes, with nothing but English. I do not mean to say that you may not occasionally feel the need of some French words, but you can travel comfortably through all these countries with no language but English. That, I am sure, could not have been said twenty-five years ago. The spread of the language within that time for purposes of commerce is most noticeable, as is also the increased knowledge of the language and literature among educated people on the continent of Europe.

The Popular Science Monthly describes a curious and ingenious device called “The Echo Maker,” to be used on ships at sea. A flaring funnel is screwed to the muzzle of a rifle. When a supposed obstacle is near the vessel, the rifle is fired in its direction, and if the obstacle is there the beam of sound projected through the tunnel^sic strikes the obstacle and rebounds, and as the echo is more or less perfect in proportion as the obstacle is more or less parallel to the ship from which the gun is fired, and as it is near or remote, the position of the obstacle may be inferred. The inventor claims that a sharp sound projected at or nearly at an object, and only when so directed, will in every case return some of the sound sent, so that, theoretically, there will always be an echo, and the difference in the time between the sound sent and the echo will indicate the remoteness of the object. The naval board tried the echo maker and found that a return sound could be heard from the side of a fort half a mile away; from passing steamers a quarter of a mile off if broadside to; from bluffs and sails of vessels at about the same distance, and from spar buoys 200 yards away.

Convict Labor in Australia in Early Days.

Sydney, Australia, Bulletin.

Free immigration began to set in in larger numbers now than ever before, and as most of those who came brought some little money with them, they are usually described as being of a better class than those who reached Botany bay up to this time. If a new arrival could prove to the governor his ability to maintain five convicts for a fixed number of years, and was prepared to enter into a bond to that effect, he received a grant of 500 acres of land, with a breeding cow to each convict. For ten convict servants he received 1,000 acres and ten cows; and so on. From this dates the real beginning of the convict assignment system, though, of course, convict servants had been assigned out more or less from the first days of the settlement. The demand for convict labor became so great that “though great multitudes were annually transported from England, numbers of free immigrants had to wait, with great inconvenience, for convict servants with whose labor to cultivate the lands.”

It is needless to explain at this late hour of the day that convict service was in reality a kind of white slavery, intensified by all the most degrading and repulsive features of negro slavery, but also with some superadded horrors of his own^sic. On their arrival the convicts were first drafted off into the convicts’ depot at Hyde park. There applications were attended to, and white labor portioned off among the applicants in their due proporportions. Major Goulburn was the governor’s grand vizier in those days, and the center of the iniquitous system at whose heart he sat like some ill-omened spider in its web, disposing of the souls and bodies of convict men and women just as he disposed of the government cattle and sheep. The “impenetrable major,” they called him in those days, and it can easily be imagined what an object of awe this all-powerful official was to the men and women whose lives lay at the mercy of his slightest sign. His was an iron rule. The colony was a prison, he said, and the prisoners were to be treated accordingly. So they were.

Nearly every large holder of assigned convict servants was a magistrate. A flogger was part of each magistrate’s retinue, and the triangles were a common feature in every well regulated homestead. Neighboring employers honored each other’s notes of hand by administering a flogging to the bearer; and often a worthy magistrate, in the cool shadow of his spacious verandah, dined pleasantly with his wife and daughters to the music of a yelling wretch triced up to the torture at an easy distance away.

Because Land Has Been More Completely Monopolized There than Here.

Cleveland Sun.

If free trade is really such a good thing for the laboring classes as Mr. Grover Cleveland and his southern allies would have us believe[,?] why do not the laboring classes of the United States all flock to England and Ireland and Germany and Italy where it now is in full operation, where it runs and is glorified?

IRISH LANDLORD RAPACITY.

A Famous London Cemetery.

London Echo.

Bunhill fields is a kind of Campo Santo of English nonconformity. Smoke and fog and time have obliterated countless inscriptions. The stones will stand, and it is possible to trace the skulls and the cross bones, the scythes and the hour glasses, that were the symbols of human mortality. But, saving in these comparatively few instances, where the care of descendants has kept the inscription of the chisel clear and sharp, much of great interest in the way of epitaphs has been hopelessly lost. The cemetery has been closed since 1851, like all the city burial yards.

But among the nonconformist registers in Somerset house are twenty-seven great volumes marked “Bunhillfields,” and these con

p. 7, col. 2 tain the bare names and position of the graves of no less than 124,000 persons there buried, between the year 1787 and the date of closure. The grounds themselves cover an area of four and a half acres, and the caretaker tells me that some one has counted no less a number of gravestones yet standing than six thousand. One tomb stands at what was said to be the original level of the ground, and this is in a kind of sunk tank, at least four feet deep, and gives some idea of the amount of human dust which must lie within the rails. According to Defoe, it will be remembered that one of the very largest of the gruesome plague pits was dug in the north corner, into which bodies were flung by the cartload.

Many of those names which “have bought their eternity in one little hour,” are among those that are sleeping their long sleep there. The erratic genius of William Blake lies somewhere there at rest, but the exact spot is now lost. This year, on the 31st of August, we shall see the bi-centenary of the great John Bunyan’s death, and he was conveyed from the house of Mr. Strudwicke, on Snow hill, where he died, to this burial ground. The tomb, however, is a modern one, erected by his latter day admirers, as is that of Defoe, there also. There is a vault in which numerous members of Richard Cromwell’s family are buried, and Henry Cromwell, a grandson of the protector, was only discovered to be buried there in 1869, as his monument had been buried seven feet below the surface. It was then restored by the corporation.

Another very interesting monument is that to Thomas Hardy, one of the three who in 1792 commenced the formation of the “London Corresponding Society,” for the promotion of a radical reform in the house of commons. He was the last man who was tried in England, I believe, upon the charge of high treason, and his nine days’ trial resulted in a triumphant victory for him. The Rev. Joseph Hughes, founder of the British and foreign bible society, sleeps there, as does also David Nasmith, the founder of city missions. But it would be impossible here to mention the numbers of men whose names are remembered for their conscientious adherence to duty, in spite of persecutions, or for their contributions to the weighty piles of theological controversy and commentary Susannah Wesley and Dr. Watts must, however, be quoted as being interred here.

Then Where Is the Necessity of a Forty-Seven Per Cent Tariff?

Philadelphia News (Protectionist).

The advocates of the Mills bill, desperate in the prospect of defeat, have declared that the duties collected upon imported goods are just so much added in taxes upon the laboring class. That is a lie. But it has a semblance of plausibility about it, and might deceive some. A few examples, put in the following table of English and American prices, show that many manufactured articles of general consumption actually sell for less here than in England:

These figures are absolutely correct. They prove the complete falsity of the statements of the free traders regarding the “taxing” of protective duties on great staples. And they might be indefinitely, almost, multiplied, until all sorts of manufactures of daily use were added to a list where the American goods sold at as low prices as the English.

Facts are not what Mills and his followers want, but they will get them, as the vernacular has it, “in the neck.” If the men who are advocating the Mills bill would tell the truth about it, it would be doomed to-day; as they will not, others will.

Any one can buy a better pair of blankets in an American retail store for $2 than he can in England for the same price. Our large retailers are selling better black silks at $1.50 and $1.75 than can be bought at that price in France or England.

When it comes down to facts there are enough accessible to stop the mouths of an army of free traders.

America for the Americans.

San Francisco Examiner.

An Englishman, who is an alien, a regular Johnny Bull, walked into the office of a democratic newspaper in a thriving town in the central southern portion of the state a few days since and accosting one of the editors, said to him:

“Mr. Jones, I highly disapprove of your editorial in to-day’s paper. It is calculated to injure the cause of American labor, as you approve of the president’s policy in favor of removing the tariff from wool. I think you ought by all means to uphold the dignity and maintain the high wages of American labor.”

Jones—Johnny Bull, you have some land here in this country, I believe. How many acres have you?

Johnny Bull—I ’ave honly about ten thousand hacres.

Jones—How did you get it?

Johnny Bull—I bought it.

Jones—How much did you pay aa acre^sic for it?

Johnny Bull—One dollar and twenty-five cents.

Jones—What is it worth per acre?

Johnny Bull—Oh, I don’t know. It is not for sale.

Jones—Do you range your sheep on it?

Johnny Bull—Yes, sometimes, but I range them mostly away up in the Sierras. I send them up over a range several miles wide and nearly a hundred miles long.

Jones—Do you own that range?

Johnny Bull—No. It is government land, and I hold it under possessory claim.

Jones—Do you rent it?

Johnny Bull—No.

Jones—Do you pay taxes on it?

Johnny Bull—No.

Jones—How many sheep have you?

Johnny Bull—Only about five thousand.

Jones—How many men do you employ in taking care of these sheep?

Johnny Bull—One—a Chinaman; but he has two shepherd dogs to help him.

The Question is Simply How Fat the Calf-skin Wallet Shall Be.

City of Iron Mountain, Mich., Industrial Journal.

Here is the truth in a nutshell. Mr. Blanchard, a lumber dealer in Chicago, in an interview the other day told in a blunt, honest way, the reason why he and other lumbermen wanted a high tariff. Mr. Blanchard said:

“I am high tariff on lumber, but low tariff on wool, iron, glass, cotton, leather, etc. I will tell you why. I own timber lands and stumpage; besides, I operate largely myself, and this tariff puts money into my pocket. I get $2 per 1,000 more for my stumpage and $2 per 1,000 more for my boards. I have just sold 5,000,000 feet of lumber. Now $2 a thousand on 5,000,000 is just $10,000. That is the difference to me between high tariff and free lumber. I am high tariff on lumber, I am. This blessed tariff, they tell us, is for the benefit of the American laborer. What do you suppose I did with the $10,000? Divided it among my workmen? Not a bit of it. I put it into my calfskin wallet. Of all my workmen I am the only protected American laborer. Wages depend on supply and demand, my friends, and not on taxes. When you see two men after one boss, wages are low; but when you see two bosses after one man, wages are high; and that is the whole of it—the theory, principle and practice.”

The Workingmen’s Own Carnegie.

Philadelphia Evening Telegraph (Rep).

Whatever the offenses of the democrats may be, the present reduction of wages by the highly, excessively protected iron and steel masters is not one of them. The millionaire high tariff steel and iron rail maker, who is now tooling Mr. Blaine over the pleasant roads of England in a four in hand and in the most royal style, and who stated to Representative Scott of Erie that his profits in a single year from his works amounted to $1,500,000, is chiefly responsible for the reduction in wages in the iron trade. He deter

p. 7, col. 3 mined not long ago to reduce the wages of his employes one-sixth, and he did it. He took nothing from the sum actually paid, but for that same wage he increased the hours of labor one-sixth. His employes refused to accept the reduction, he closed his works against them and employed in their stead on his own terms alien workmen who were living in overcrowded idleness in the region of his plant. This highly protected manufacturer took imported free labor to use as a club to beat out the brains of his old employes, who, seeing that they were beaten by it, surrendered, and, accepting his hard conditions, went back to their places, while he went off to Europe to play the royal host with his four-in-hand to Mr. Blaine. The example set by Mr. Carnegie is simply being followed by others. The industrial districts of the eastern states are so overrun with imported free labor as to render it easy to compel the acceptance of reduced wages. It was but the other day that we called attention to the fact that a contractor in this sort of labor offered to supply at once two or three hundred Italian laborers at sixty cents a day. That tells the whole sad story of wage reduction; the supply of a certain sort is greater than the demand, and its cheapness affects the entire market.

Not a Question of Ability to Pay

Wichita (Kan.) Beacon.

To acknowledge that high tariffs are maintained for the sole benefit of the manufacturer would be fatal to their existence at once. Their advocates are too smart for that. They not only do not admit that such is the fact, but in the argument for protection they keep out of sight as much as possible their own interest in the tariff taxes. They say it is all for labor.

When reminded that the increased price of goods is not paid to the workmen, but to the manufacturer, they answer: “Very true, but it enables us to pay our workmen higher wages than are paid to European laborers.” To this we make reply:—And this is very true also; it does enable you to pay higher wages, but you don’t do it.

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[Advertisement] CURRENT LITERATURE.

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ANNOUNCEMENT.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE.

Messrs. Belford, Clarke & Co. beg to announce that in May they will issue the first number of a new monthly magazine, to be devoted to politics, fiction, poetry, general literature, science and art.

In politics the new magazine will give an independent support to the democratic party and to the present administration. It will advocate the extinguishment of the surplus, not by squandering it in extravagant expenditures, which are usually merely a thinly disguised form of widespread corruption, but by a reduction in taxation. It will advocate the consummation of this reduction by a reform of the present iniquitous and burdensome tariff in the direction of free trade or of a tariff for revenue purposes only; such reform to be effected in the interests of the farmers, the workingmen, and the great mass of the population, as opposed to the manipulators of rings and trusts, and other monopolists whom the present tariff enables to accumulate vast fortunes at the expense of the general community. These and other political and social questions of general interest will be treated in a popular manner, suitable to the pages of a magazine which is intended to reach all classes of the people.

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p. 7, col. 4

HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

[Advertisement] PROGRESS AND POVERTY,

[Advertisement] SOCIAL PROBLEMS.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

342 pages.

CONTENTS:

1. The increasing importance of social questions.
2. Political dangers.
3. Coming increase of social pressure.
4. Two opposing tendencies.
5. The march of concentration.
6. The wrong in existing social conditions.
7. Is it the best of all possible worlds?
8. That we all might be rich.
9. First principles.
10. The rights of man.
11. Dumping garbage.
12. Over-production.
13. Unemployed labor.
14. The effects of machinery.
15. Slavery and slavery.
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We are now publishing under the title of “The Land and Labor Library” a series of short tracts on various phases of the social problem. These pamphlets contain facts, figures and arguments expressed in concise, vigorous language easily understood. As a means of propaganda we recommend them to all who desire to help on the movement for social reform. Those who wish to have these tracts placed where they will do good but who are unable personally to attend to their distribution, can remit the price to us, as we have every facility for sending them where they are needed and will be read.

The following have already appeared:

No. 1. “First Principles.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 2. “Land and Taxation.” A conversation between David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages. No. 3. “The Right to the Use of the Earth.” By Herbert Spencer. 4 pages. No. 4. “A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty.” A sermon by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost of Newark, N. J. 2 pages. No. 5. “A Sum in Proportion.” By T. L. McCready. 2[?] pages. No. 6. “The Settler’s Nightmare.” By Louis F. Post. 4 pages. No. 7. “New York’s Docks. The True Mode of Raising Revenue.” By J. W. Sullivan. 4 pages. No. 8. “Unemployed Labor.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 9. “Voices for Reform.” 2 pages. No. 10. “A Mysterious Disappearance.” By Lewis Freeland. 6 pages. No. 11. “How to Increase Profits.” By A. J. Steers. 2 pages. No. 12. “The American Farmer.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 13. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 14. “The Collegiate Church and the Shoemaker’s Field.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 15. “Only a Dream.” By Abner C. Thomas. 4[?] pages. No. 16. “The Anti-Poverty Society.” Dr. McGlynn’s address at the first meeting. 8 pages. No. 17. “The Cross of the New Crusade.” A poem. By David Rorty. 2 pages. No. 18. “It is the Law of Christ.” By Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 19. “My Landlord. By John Jones. 4 pages. No. 20.”Thou Shalt Not Steal.” An address by Henry George before the Anti-Poverty Society. 8 pages. No. 21. “Christianity and Poverty.” An address by Father Huntington before the Anti-poverty society. 4 pages. No. 22. “Poverty and Christianity.” A address^sic by Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the Anti-poverty society. 8 pages. No. 23. “The Single Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 24. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 1. 4 pages. No. 25. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 2. 4 pages. No. 26. “Religion vs. Robbery.” Address by Rev. Dr McGlynn before the New York Anti-poverty society June 12, 1887. 8 pages. No. 27. “Back to the Land.” Bishop Nulty’s letter to the clergy and laity of his diocese. 16 pages. Price, 5 cents. No. 28. “Anti-Slavery and Anti-Poverty.” An address by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the New York Anti-Poverty Society, June 19. 8 pages. No. 29. “Tenement House Morality.” Rev. J. O. S. Huntington in the Forum. 4 pages. No. 30. “The Case Plainly Stated.” A speech by H. F. Ring before the Knights of Labor at Houston, Texas. 8 pages. No. 31. “Questions and Answers.” Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson of the Sixty-first street M. E. church of New York; with answers by Henry George. 2 pages. No. 32. “Objections to the Land Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 33. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 34. “Horse Sense.” W. C. Woods. 2 pages. No. 35. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 36. “Citycus[?] and Rusticus.” Tudor S. Jenks. 4[?] pages. No. 37. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pp. No. 38. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 39. “What We Want.” Everett Glackin, president Typographical Union No. 6[?]. 2 pages. No. 40. “Protection or Free Trade.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. (German.) 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” (German.) Henry George. 4 pages. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. (German.) Henry George. 4 pages. No. 44.”How John’s Father Saw the Light.” W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages. 45. Platform of the United Labor Party. 2 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” (German.) Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” (German.) Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (German). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 49. “The Distribution of Wealth.” Thomas G. Shearman. 16 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” (German.) Henry George. No. 51. “Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers.” Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” (German.) Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 54. “What the United Labor Party Want.” Henry George. 2 pages. No. 55. “Stories for Farmers.” 4 pages. No. 56. “Electoral Reform.” A. T. Rice. 4 pages. No. 57. “Protection as a Universal Need.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 58. “To a College Professor.” Bartholomew Appleby. 4 pages. No. 59. “Before a Royal Commission.” W. A. Douglass. 4 pages. No. 60. “The Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4[?] pages. No. 61, “A Practical Illustration.” Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages. No. 62. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 63, “American Protection and British Free Trade.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 64. “Hints as to What You Can Do.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 65. “To a Bookkeeper.” Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages. No. 66. “A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms.” Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages. No. 67. “A Piece of Land” By the late Francis^sic G Shaw. 2 pages. No. 68. “The Tax on Buildings.” William T. Croasdale. 8 pages. No. 69. “Protection and Wages.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 70. “The Common Sense of the Tariff Question.” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 71. “My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man.” William McCabe. 4 pages. No. 72. “Protection the Friend of Labor?” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 73. “Property in Land.” Henry George. Price, 15 cents. No. 74. “Social Problems.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 75. “A Short Tariff History.” Thomas G. Shearman. 2 pages. No. 76. “Plain Talk to Protectionists.” Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 77. “To Workingmen.” Henry George. 4 pages.

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[Advertisement] THE DEMOCRAT.

THE DEMOCRAT.

A RADICAL REVIEW MONTHLY.

The Democrat advocates Land Resumption and those reforms which are necessary to make the English people a free people. It asks “compensation” not for those who have benefited by unjust legislation, but for those who have suffered thereby.

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Governor Hill’s action on it was merely a bid for the renomination at the hands of the worst elements of the New York democracy, and the goods will probably be delivered; but honest voters should bear it in mind and administer a salutary rebuke to him at the polls.—[Pittsburg Chronicle-Telegraph.

New York has a “dandy” for a governor. He has vetoed the Saxton bill, intended “to secure more fully the independence of the electors and the secrecy of the ballot,” and the Fassett anti-bribery bill. These vetoes are for the benefit of ballot box swindlers and vote buyers. It is tolerably evident that the Hon. David B. Hill is one of “the boys.”—[Minneapolis Evening Journal.

There are a good many people in the state of New York who would like to see an honest election made possible, and it is an open question whether Governor Hill’s action regarding this bill—which, though it may have had its minor defects, was a long step in the right direction—will assist or prejudice his reelection. Evidently he thinks it will assist him, as the reasons given by him for withholding his signature are not worthy of a moment’s consideration.—[The Elizabethport, Elizabethport, N. J.

At present the success of an independent candidate is almost an impossibility, because of the enormous expense of printing and distributing ballots, on which is saddled an enormously greater illegal expense. Yet Governor Hill gravely gives us as a reason for vetoing this bill for preventing bribery, that it “hinders and impedes an elector from voting for whom he pleases.” His real reason is that “it hinders and impedes the halls and heelers in debauching elections, bribing voters and stealing all they please from the treasury.—[Philadelphia Justice.

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HARLEM SINGLE TAX CLUB.—The Harlem Single Tax Club has a vigorous organization, and holds weekly meetings at 247 West 1[3?]5th street, on Tuesday evening, at 8:30 p. m.

TO THE SINGLE TAX MEN OF WEST VIRGINIA: Will the single tax men in West Virginia please send their addresses to me at this point. Send the names of all the George men you know of in your neighborhood and be particular to give post office address. A state organization is proposed and any suggestions or information will be carefully considered. W. I. BOREMAN, Parkersburg, Wood county, West Virginia.

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[Illustration: engraved advertisement in an ornamental border; at upper right a pocket-watch case bearing a keystone emblem, ringed “THE KEYSTONE WATCH CLUB CO. NEW YORK PHILA.”, with “PHILA. OFFICE 904 WALNUT ST.” around it; lettering in the side and top borders [illegible]]

THE BEST WAY To get a First-Class Watch is in our Co-Operative Clubs. Fine Watches at the Lowest Cash Prices, ONLY $1.00 A WEEK.

Thousands of the best $38.00 Gold Watch ever made are selling in our Co-Operative Clubs. This is the Best, Cheapest, Most Convenient, and only co-operative System of selling watches. The watches are American Lever Stem Winders, containing every essential to accuracy and durability, and have in addition, numerous other improvements found in no other watch. They are absolutely the only Dust and Damp-proof Movements made in the World, and are jeweled with genuine Rubies. The Patent Stem Wind and Set is the strongest and simplest made. They are fully equal for appearance, accuracy durability and service to any $75 Watch. Our co-operative Club System brings them within the reach of every one.

The Keystone Watch Club Co. 904 Walnut St. PHILADELPHIA, PA.

$10 OUR 14-Karat Gold Filled CHAIN is guaranteed to wear 20 Years, and is 33[⅓?]% 14-Karat Solid Gold. Look for the stamps —K. W. C. Co. 14 K. FLD.— and buy the BEST.

AGENTS WANTED.

We refer to any Commercial Agency.

For Sale by [illegible]

[Advertisement] Canned Goods (Organized Labor)

[Illustration: circular trade-mark stamp with radiating letters around a central emblem, lettering [illegible]; caption “Trade-Mark.—Registered.”]

Canned Goods WITH THIS STAMP IN THE BOTTOM OF CANS ARE Free from Poison, AND ARE MADE BY ORGANIZED LABOR.

Trade-Mark.—Registered.

[Advertisement] The Great American Tea Co.

[Illustration: black block “T” shape lettered “THE GREAT AMERICAN TEA COMPANY”]

GOOD NEWS TO LADIES.

Greatest offer. Now’s your time to get orders for our celebrated Teas, Coffees and Baking Powder, and secure a beautiful Gold Band or Moss Rose China Tea Set, Dinner Set, Gold Band Moss Rose Toilet Set, Watch, Brass Lamp, Castor, or Webster’s Dictionary. For particulars address THE GREAT AMERICAN TEA CO., P. O. Box 2[89?]. 31 and 33 Vesey St., New York.

[Advertisement] Piso’s Cure for Consumption

[Illustration: black ornamental frame lettered “PISO’S CURE FOR CONSUMPTION”, with “25 CTS.” on the left upright; right upright lettering [illegible]]

CURES WHERE ALL ELSE FAILS. Best Cough Syrup. Tastes good. Use in time. Sold by druggists.

[Advertisement] Charles B. Schraidner, Photographer

CHARLES B. SCHRAIDNER,

PHOTOGRAPHER.

2230 Third avenue, cor. 12[1?]th street, New York.

Children’s Photographs by instantaneous process [a?] specialty.

[Advertisement] Coogan Bros.

[Illustration: engraving of a five-story store building with signboards between the floors (lettering [illegible]; the top one apparently “COOGAN BROTHERS”), a horse-drawn delivery wagon and pedestrians in the street; the band above the ground floor reads “125 COOGAN BRO’S 121”]

COOGAN BROS.,

CARPET AND FURNITURE DEALERS,

COR. BOWERY AND GRAND STS.

[Advertisement] Briggs’ Pianos

[Illustration: an upright piano in a framed panel at left, with a ribbon/card reading “SEND FOR CATALOGUE” and foliage below; display lettering at right]

BRIGGS’ PIANOS C. C. BRIGGS & Co 5 APPLETON ST. BOSTON MASS. MANUFACTURERS OF GRAND · SQUARE · & · UPRIGHT PIANO FORTES GRACEFUL DESIGNS · · SOLID CONSTRUCTION MATCHLESS TONE · · BEAUTIFUL FINISH