September 15, 1888 Vol. IV, No. 11Whole No. 89

THE STANDARD

NO. 89—VOL. IV, N[o. 11? — obscured by pasted address label]

NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1888.

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[Pasted-on mailing label, handwritten/stamped across the masthead: “104 Dr Walter Mendelson 167 179 W 74th st”]

p. 1, col. 1 The “Standard” will reach its subscribers one day later than usual this week, having been held back to permit a full report of the single tax mass meeting.

The West Harlem Campaign Club.

The West Harlem Cleveland and Thurman campaign club, which has headquarters at 236 West 125th street, has already had several good meetings and is doing good work among the Harlemites. A ratification meeting and

p. 2, col. 2 banner raising at which Hon. Ashbel P. Fitch and Henry George are to speak, will take place on Tuesday evening, Sept. 18, at the corner of Seventh avenue and 125th street.

IN CHICAGO.

The Canadian Labor Congress Makes a Move in the Right Direction.

At its session on Friday, September 7, the labor congress assembled at London, Ontario, passed the following resolution:

Whereas, all wealth is produced by the application of labor to land, and by the facilities afforded to mankind to obtain access to the soil, the prosperity of the producing classes is determined; therefore, be it resolved, that the congress petition the legislature for the repeal of all laws tending to the monopolization of land, and for the gradual abolition of private ownership of land and for the substitution for our present

p. 2, col. 3 > system of indirect taxation of a system of taxing land values, whereby the people will be reinstated in their inherent rights as possessors of the land; and further as a primary move in this direction, that this congress petition the Ontario legislative assembly to amend the assessment act by exempting from taxation on dwellings to the value of $600, with no corresponding exemption on land values.

Resolutions were also passed declaring that all railway and telegraph lines should be controlled by the federal government.

AN ABOLITIONIST ON THE TARIFF QUESTION.

AGAINST HILL.

A Single Tax Man Stumping for the Democrats in Kansas.

HUTCHINSON, Kan.—Last Saturday night we had a rousing and enthusiastic meeting in the open air in this city, there being no hall large enough to hold the crowd. The

p. 2, col. 5 meeting was addressed by our good single tax brother, H. Martin Williams of Missouri. He is engaged by the democrats to give fifteen speeches in this congressional district for Cleveland and free trade. He held a crowd of more than one thousand people in rapt attention for more than two hours. The drift of his discourse is to show that laboring men need freedom and not protection. It is the privileged classes who need protection, not the laboring men. Railroad corporations require charters; mine owners require deeds; landlords require deeds. But laboring men require nothing. Give them freedom to natural opportunities, and they will live and prosper. It is the man who wants to live without work who needs the government to protect him. Without protection, such men would either have to work or starve. But give laboring men a chance to work, give them access to natural opportunities, and there is no fear of them starving. Nor does one laboring man hurt another laboring man when both are free. It is the protected manufacturer, the protected railway corporation, the protected mine owner and the protected land owner, who, by depriving the laboring man of a chance to work, injures him.

A few weeks ago the democratic nominee for congress, Mr. Eby, addressed a very enthusiastic meeting here on the subject of the tariff. He is a very able speaker, and made a good impression. We are in hopes he may win, but whether he wins or not, he is educating the people and doing a good work.

J. G. MALCOLM.

PERSONAL.

William A. Douglass, active in the cause of the single tax in Toronto, paid a visit to New York this week. He reports a very satisfactory condition of affairs in Canada and says that over the border they are eagerly watching the progress of our tariff fight, for if once free trade is established here, or even a radical change in present laws is made, public opinion there will force the government to do likewise.

H. Martin Williams is making a trip through Kansas, speaking for Cleveland and Thurman night after night to immense audiences, who enthusiastically applaud the absolute free trade doctrines of the single tax advocate. Writing to a friend from Hutchinson, Kansas, under date of Sept. 2, he says: “In many respects I am having remarkable experiences out here. My meetings are large and very enthusiastic, and my most radical utterances are most enthusiastically applauded. Surely Henry George’s plan of campaign was an inspiration. In no other way could we have reached so great a number of people and obtained such a favorable hearing for our ideas and made so many converts. I had 3,000 people to hear me last night here and I spoke two hours and ten minutes in the open air and raised the lint on the jackets of the republicans. I shall make eight more speeches in this state and then speak three times in Vernon county, Mo., on my way back.”

Clinton Furbish, one of our active single tax men, who has been making speeches in Illinois for Cleveland and Thurman, writes: “From my experience upon the stump here in Illinois, my judgment is that this campaign will be for the democrats a repetition of the 1860 campaign of the republicans. At every meeting old time republicans come up at the close with similar enthusiasm with which old time democrats joined the republicans in 1860, and the stronger the utterance against protection the heartier the applause.”

The Henry George club of Philadelphia whose headquarters are at 1026 Ridge avenue, has indorsed the nomination of F. A. Herwig for congress in the Fifth district.

D. C. David is doing good work for the cause in a series of articles in the Choudrant, La., Farmers’ Union.

Thomas G. C. Fahnestock of Walhalla, S.C., a good single tax man who will vote for Cleveland this year, is an independent candidate for the state senate and has very good chances of election.

A Woman’s Talk to Women.

At a public meeting of the Workingwomen’s society, at 28 Lafayette place, on Saturday evening, Miss O’Reilly, a shirt maker and member of the society, delivered an address that showed that she had more than a glimmering of the cause underlying the social evil. “This society can have no feeling against foreigners,” she said, “for all people are welcome to these shores. That foreigners come here shows that there is trouble elsewhere. The cause of this is the monopoly of natural opportunities. What we want is what belongs to the people—the land.”

Circulating a Petition to the Legislature in Indiana.

Clinton, Ind., Argus.

Without waiting for the calling of a state convention, and the organization of a central authority, the single tax men of Indiana are beginning to move in that quiet, peaceful, constitutional and manly way so universally characteristic of the cause. S. W. Williams of Vincennes has prepared the following form of petition which is now being sent to true friends of the cause throughout the state for the purpose of securing signatures:

To the Fifty-sixth general assembly of the state of Indiana, greeting:

The undersigned citizens of —— county, in the state of Indiana, respectfully represent that the present system of taxation in this state is odious, unjust and contrary to public policy. It invites perjury and fraud, and the burden rest with a heavy hand^sic upon the poor and industrious class who own but a small amount of property. The industrial classes, the merchant, mechanic, laborer and farmer pay much, while the rich, the corporations, trusts, landlords and monopolists pay little. The classes enjoying the greatest monopoly of natural opportunities do not feel this burden, while those from whom they are withheld have the fruits of their toil taken from them by the tax gatherer. The man who benefits the community in which he lives by building a house, a shop or a factory must pay an annual fine for having done so, while the monopolist who holds the adjoining vacant lands and lots reaps the benefit in enhanced selling value and pays but a trifle therefor. We hold that the laborer is entitled to the full fruits of his toil and that the earth was intended for the use and enjoyment of all men. Personal property, including growing crops and improvements on real estate, represent labor and should be exempt from taxation.

The earth belongs to all men as a gift from the Creator, therefore those individuals who hold it to the exclusion of their fellow should^sic, as a matter of equity, contribute to the expense of government. In other words, public revenues should be raised by a single and direct tax upon relative land values.

We call your attention to the tendency of things in Indiana to the present system. Each year shows an increase of population, an increase of acres of tillable land, an increase in the selling price per foot or acre, and a decrease in the actual number of free holders. This means that Indiana is drifting into a state of landlords and tenants, of rich men and paupers. We would not have it become a second Ireland. Let us preserve it as a commonwealth of homes. The mechanic who owns his own home and the farmer who tills his own soil should not be obliterated. Let us preserve him and abolish poverty. We, therefore, pray you to support, vote for and agree to a joint resolution, which will be introduced amending article 10, section 1 of the state constitution, relating to the assessment of property for the purpose of taxation.

p. 2, col. 6

ANOTHER CLEVELAND RALLY.

SINGLE TAX EXPERIENCE MEETINGS.

Dr. Wood of Gloversville for Cleveland and Thurman.

EDITOR STANDARD—I recently received a circular from Mr. Barnes calling a state convention of the united labor party for September 19. I send you a copy of my reply for publication as it embodies my reasons for the course I am compelled by conscience to take.

Yours truly, WM. C. WOOD.

GLOVERSVILLE, Aug. 24, 1888.

MY DEAR MR. BARNES—Your circular notifying me of the convention of the united labor party to be held in Cooper union received. Now, while I agree with you as to the necessity of the reforms therein enumerated, I am sorry to be compelled to differ with you as to the means. My experience with workingmen leads me to believe that the cause of land reform can make little headway so long as the protective idea holds any considerable grip on their minds. I believe also that as a matter of immediate relief the lowering of duties as proposed by the democratic party will be all powerful. Holding these views, therefore, it becomes a matter of conscience with me to cast my vote for the Cleveland electors, as it seems to me that a vote for Mr. Cowdrey is equal to one-half a vote for the monopolistic republican party, for which I have cast my last vote. Hoping that in the near future all single tax men may be again united,

I remain yours truly,

WM. C. WOOD, M. D.

William Lloyd Garrison’s Speech.

The speech of William Lloyd Garrison, jr., at the Henry George-Cleveland meeting in New York was worthy of the elder Garrison. It was listened to with all the eager attention that used to mark the audiences of the father, every point he made being taken with a quickness that showed the close sympathy of the hearers with the speaker. The speech was interspersed with surges of applause and roars of laughter.—[Washington Capital.

William Lloyd Garrison, son of the grand old abolitionist, came out squarely for Cleveland and Thurman in a speech in New York last night. Garrison is a man who always made principle his guiding star. The black slave having been emancipated, he now seeks to emancipate the slaves of all colors who groan under the burden of unjust and unnecessary tariff taxes. He is therefore for Cleveland and the tariff reform principles proclaimed in his last annual message.—[Minneapolis Star.

Mr. William Lloyd Garrison’s declaration made at New York the other night in favor of the “single tax” doctrine—Henry George’s principle that taxation should be laid wholly on the land, and taken off manufactures, buildings and personal property—was definite and complete. The doctrine is not far removed from that not long since urged by Mayor Hewitt in New York and favored by quite a number of men of wealth in this city, which proposes, however, that taxation shall be levied not upon land alone, but upon real estate—land and buildings. Mr. Garrison joins his advocacy of this theory with radical free trade views and with support of Mr. Cleveland’s candidacy.—[Boston Transcript.

THE STANDARD.

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SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1888.

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It has been often asked of protectionists why it is, if protection makes high wages, that wages are lower in Germany than in England. To this question not even a serious attempt at reply has been made. As testimony that wages have not been improved by the protective tariff in Germany the following extract from Commercial Agent Smith’s report, dated January 6 last, will be useful:

The wages of the working people remain about the same; in fact, they are so low that they could not well be much lower. As it is, the laboring population of the empire have a constant battle to wage against want and misery. Hardly any man of family is able to earn enough to support his family in the simplest manner without being aided by his wife in some way. They eat the plainest food and dwell in forbidding looking over crowded tenements, and oftentimes a whole family dwell together in one room. Meat in some parts of the empire is a luxury obtained but once or twice a week. Long hours of labor, scanty fare and poor compensation is the rule among them. Black bread and potatoes make up the chief diet of many of them. They cannot live with any decency on the wages they get.

Lord Clanricarde, having driven a parcel of obstreperous people off of his part of Ireland because they had the effrontery to try to make a living there without paying him for the privilege, has now set about tearing down their houses. There is an ugly look of confiscation about this part of Clanricarde’s proceedings, but it is being done according to law, and that redeems it. That confiscation, according to law is not confiscation is a principle for which both England and America furnish ample precedent. Indeed, for precedent, it is not necessary to go further than our protective tariff laws. Nevertheless, Clanricarde is indiscreet. This tearing down of other men’s houses is calculated to intensify the prejudice against him. There is a wantonness about it, too, which one finds it difficult to defend. If he would be content to expel from his part of Ireland the intruders who refuse to pay him for living there. and appropriate^sic their vacated houses to his own use, he would not only be within his legal right but also within the proprieties. In the interest of the landlord class, whose right to live by the sweat of somebody else’s brow is now so seriously menaced, and who find in Clanricarde a champion who does not permit any sentiment about suffering men and women to stand between him and his rights, we beg him to be cautious. A law abiding people will often look with patience on acts of cruelty when the wanton destruction of property will arouse their most violent emotions.

To readers of THE STANDARD the name of W. N. Hill, M. D., of Baltimore, Md., is quite familiar as that of one of our most earnest supporters in Maryland. He has written a letter to the Baltimore Sun, which is copied by the Evening Post of New York, in which he asks if James G. Blaine is a state socialist, and says:

Mr. Blaine is logical from the protectionist’s standpoint in apologizing for trusts, while the democrats are equally so from their point of view in declaring war on them. It is a difference in fundamentals that can only be explained by an inquiry into the exact relationship between the individual and his government. If we as Americans hold that the government is only a convenience for the people, and that its purpose is simply to preserve the rights of every man in the products of his labor, the whole project of the republican state socialists falls through, for it follows from their view that the government has a right to take from one man a portion of his property and give it to another. They have, unfortunately for the masses of the people, had an opportunity to practically apply this idea to the United States government for the last quarter of a century by the tariff. The result is manifested in our industrial wars, called strikes, which are but blind efforts on the part of labor to recover that of which it has been defrauded. The best thinkers among the leaders of laboring men and all writers who are the masses’ friends have pointed out the folly of strikes and have earnestly advocated the intelligent use of the ballot as the only effective method in this country of the people retaining their rights and liberties. As the campaign progresses it grows daily clearer that the democratic party must become the equal rights party under the leadership of Cleveland and Thurman, while their opponents must apologize (as in Mr. Blaine’s speech on trusts) for the existence of special privileges to monopoly at the expense of the masses.

The ever illogical Press is clamorously loud in its indorsement of Senator Cullom’s bill for the annoyance of trusts. Trusts, the Press exclaims, “tend to restrict production, while the republican policy is to encourage it.” They “have come to be such a crying evil that some p. 4, col. 2 thing substantial and practical must be done against them at once.” Yes. the Press actually says that^sic, and we have no doubt that in a blundering, puzzle-headed kind of a way it really thinks it means it. There are few things in nature more wonderful than the anguineal sinuosities of protectionist logic in general, and Press logic in particular.

If the Press really wants to do “something substantial and practical” against trusts, let it advocate the repeal of the duties on the products trusted. Let American grocers have the privilege of buying sugar from anybody that has sugar to sell, and the sugar trust will vanish away like smoke. The Press knows this just as well as we do. But perhaps, if it will take a thoughtful look into its own inwardness, it will find that it really isn’t so very anxious to abolish trusts as to make people think that the protectionist system is not responsible for them.

The delightful Chauncey M. Depew, according to one of the journalistic bushwhackers of his party, the Sun, does not intend to make the mistake of his leader, the Great Uncrowned, by coming home in a British vessel. Two Sundays ago he said he would not go home on a ship flying the British colors, but would take an Irish boat, if he could find one, and, if not, he would go in a German boat, as being next best calculated to be approved in America. This remark was made at luncheon at the house of one Lady Puleston. Lady Puleston must be an Irish Lady or a German Lady, for it is not to be supposed that Mr. Depew would take luncheon with a British Lady. He did not promise to avoid the error in the matter of baggage into which Mr. Blaine so thoughtlessly fell; but it may be assumed that he will be as careful about importing any products of pauper labor as he promises to be in regard to the selection of his ship. It will be noticed that Mr. Depew speaks of Irish ships as the best calculated to be approved in America, and German ships next. It would be supposed that Americans would put American ships before all others, and that Mr. Depew, instead of coming home in an Irish boat, if he can find one, would come home in an American boat, if he can find one. But Mr. Depew doesn’t know whether he can find an Irish boat or not, while, thanks to his familiarity with the protective tariff, he well knows he cannot find an American boat.

If Louisiana is to be dealt with considerately in the next tariff bill salt must be kept off the free list. In the marsh lands of the Mississippi bordering the Gulf of Mexico, a cluster of hills arise which have proved to be hills of salt. Thirty feet under the surface salt 99½ per cent pure is found, extending to a depth of 200 feet, and no one knows how much further. The mining of this salt is a Louisiana industry, and will no doubt demand a continuance of the protection which the salt industries of Syracuse and Warsaw are now demanding. It is to be hoped that some such demand may be seriously made, for nothing could better illustrate the fraudulent character of protection. Here is a limitless bed of salt, lacking but half of one per cent of perfect purity. It was placed there by the hand of Omnipotence ages ago, and was discovered accidentally by a colored well digger. But the island “belongs” to a family named Avery, who are in receipt of a royalty from it of from $60 to $100 a day. In return for this immense income they do absolutely nothing but to give somebody permission to work the mine. They can withhold their permission and deprive the people of this bounty of nature, or they can charge an admission fee of “all the traffic will bear” as a condition of allowing the work to go on. The latter is the more profitable, and they do that. But all the advantages of this deposit of salt, so far as they can be measured by dollars, are appropriated by the Avery family. They do not allow the operators to make more than usual profits, and the operators do not allow the miners to make more than usual wages, while whatever difference the richness of the mine makes goes to them in rent. And as the tariff on salt makes it an American monopoly, that advantage goes to the Avery family, too. Just so it is with the Warsaw and Syracuse mines; just so it is with coal mines and the tariff on coal: just so it is with forest owners and the tariff on lumber. To the extent that the tariff makes an American monopoly of these things the profits of that monopoly go not to enhance the wages of the miners or lumberers or the profits of operators, but to increase the rent of mine and forest owners.

Can any one give a reason why in justice the Avery family should appropriate the value of those salt hills in the Mississippi marshes? If the divine command that men shall eat their bread in the sweat of their brow has any just application, it is a law for the Avery family as well as it is for the salt miners to whom they sell the privilege of digging salt. And yet, not by any divine arrangement or through any heavenly interposition in behalf of the Avery family, but as a result of defective and unjust social adjustment, the Avery family get without working for it, but solely as the price of a natural opportunity to which they can lay no natural claim, one hundred dollars’ worth every day of the salt that other men mine. The injustice of this needs but to be stated to be seen. But how may it be avoided? By making the mines government property? By leaving them open to the mob that might rush in and waste more than it produced? p. 4, col. 3 No. The remedy is simple. If the Avery family get from $60 to $100 a day, the privilege of mining there is worth from $60 to $100 a day. Men will pay that much for the privilege and they will not pay more. If they would pay more the Avery family would exact more. It is very easy, therefore, and it would be eminently just, to tax the Avery family about that sum, and to the extent of the revenue so obtained to exempt labor products from taxation. This would secure exclusive use to the Avery tenants; it would leave the Averys a reasonable percentage for collecting the tax; it would relieve the operators and miners from taxation on the products of their labor, and it would, in a natural way, enforce the command which requires work from all who would live. This is the principle of the single tax. Its application to mining properties would be easily made, and its benefits and the justice of it are obvious. It would be equally easy of application to all kinds of land, and its effect would be in character the same in greater degree, for it would leave to every one the full fruits of his own labor and give to all the people the benefits of those natural advantages to which no one can in justice make exclusive claim.

Francis Wayland Glen, a Brooklyn disciple of the tory landlords of England who opposed the beneficent reforms of Richard Cobden, gives to the Press a partial table of metal manufactures, intended to show that Canada has imported more of these goods from the United States than from England. The figures are of the Atkinsonian breed, and the argument is after the regulation pattern adopted by protectionists; but the conclusion is a curiosity. “The above table,” says the astute Mr. Glen, “also proves that the price of these goods here is not governed by the tariff.” But if that be so, what becomes of the protectionists’ appeal to American labor? If, as protectionists argue, employers can pay only foreign wages if they get only foreign prices for their goods, how does protection keep wages up unless it keeps prices up? If wages are governed by prices and prices are not governed by the tariff, how can wages be affected by the tariff? This sample from the pen of Mr. Francis Wayland Glen is an illustration of the way in which political economists who know nothing of political economy are compelled to grope about in logical fog banks of their own creation.

The Tariff at the Chautauqua Lakeside Resort, Ohio.

LAKESIDE, Ohio.—A platform lecturer here not long since, whose address was entitled “The Footprints of Wesley,” in speaking of his purchase from an English washerwoman of chips from the rock from which Wesley used to preach, and of his being told by her that the small sum received was more than she could get for a day’s washing, brought down the applause of his unthinking audience, of course, by the unusual electioneering clap trap alarm cry of “free trade,” whereas he and they should have had the intelligence to know that the wages of English laborers, including English wash women, are more than fifty per cent higher in so-called free trade England than in the high protection countries of continental Europe, and, therefore, that the tariff is no explanation whatever of the higher wage rate prevailing in America than in England.

They should know that the condition of the English laboring classes is vastly better now than under the high tariff regime of forty years ago, as will be evident from Miss Martineau’s description of their condition at that time; and that the condition of workwomen in free trade London to-day is no worse than in high protectionist Paris, but on the contrary is much better, if the data gathered by Helen Campbell are reliable. Here is an extract from one of her recent letters published in the Chicago Inter Ocean concerning the needlewomen of Paris. This high tariff organ must have overlooked these heretical utterances of its correspondent or reluctantly given them publicity in its columns. She writes:

Every article of daily need is at the highest point, sugar alone being an illustration of what the determination to protect an industry has brought about. The London workwoman buys a pound for 1d., or at the most 2d. (2 cents and 4 cents). The French workwoman must give 11 or 12 sous (10 or 11 cents) and then have only beet sugar, which has not much over half the saccharine quality of cane sugar. Flour, milk, eggs, all are equally high, meat alone being at nearly the same prices as London. Fruit is a nearly impossible luxury and fuel so dear that shivering is the law for all but the rich, while rents are also beyond London prices. For the needlewoman the food question has resolved itself into bread alone for at least one meal with a little coffee, chiefly chicory, and possibly some vegetable for the others. But many a one lives on bread for six days in a week, reserving the few sous that can be saved for a Sunday bit of meat or bones for soup.

And so on through a contrast as unfavorable to the metropolis of high tariff France as favorable to the metropolis of that unfortunate (?) country in which prevails a “tariff for revenue only,” and whose more highly paid laborers, strange as it may seem to the protectionist doctrinaire, find it unnecessary to demand protection from the low paid and “pauper” labor of the competing nations of the continent.

Strange, is it not, that American wages must be so highly protected when English wages need it not, although competing at vastly greater disadvantage with the low wages of the continent than America with England?

A French needle woman or wash woman paying ten or eleven cents for a pound of beet sugar, whilst her English sister gets it for two or three cents is a fair illustration of the logic and fruits, the selfish cupidity and blindness of protectionism which thus, even in the land of Bastiat and Turgot, sacrifices general interests on the altars of the special and protected interests of an unprofitable home industry, and in America can fight to the bitter end against a reduction of even seven per cent on the necessaries of life as provided for in the Mills bill, the reduction of a dangerous surplus and the relief of unnecessary and unjust taxation.

LAKESIDE.

Retribution.

The Epoch.

St. Peter (to applicant)—“You say you were an editorial writer on a New York newspaper?”Yes, sir.” “Step into the elevator, please.” (Steps in)—“How soon does it go up?” “It doesn’t go up, it goes down.”

p. 4, col. 4

THE CHICAGO “ENQUIRER.”

Why Tributes are Called Customs.

SAN FRANCISCO.—In looking through Henry George’s “Protection or Free Trade?” the inquiry^sic was suggested to me why we call our import taxes “customs,” and whether, if they were generally abolished, they would any longer fit Webster’s definition, “the customary toll.” Cogitating on this matter, I concluded that we had sacrificed exactness to politeness. I took down my Dryden’s translation of Plutarch and found the following in the life of Solon: “The way which, the moderns say, the Athenians have of softening the badness of a thing, by ingeniously giving it some pretty and innocent appellation, calling harlots, for example, mistresses, tributes customs, . . . seems originally to have been Solon’s contrivance, who called canceling debts seisaethea, a relief, or disencumbrance.” Perhaps this accounts for the derivation of the word. If so, we can say we have outdone the Athenians in politeness. For, while the victorious Greeks exacted tributes from the conquered people, and soothed them by calling them customs, our conquerors not only exact tributes from us under the name of customs, but make us believe that they do it for our protection.

CLITUS BARBOUR.

p. 4, col. 6

SOCIETY NOTES.

The season at Newport, which has been the best known for many years, has ended in a blaze of glory. Five large balls in new and sumptuous settings have done credit to the taste and refinement of the givers, while numerous minor dances, where the spirit of conviviality was not held puritanically in check, have effectually prevented the stigma cf “slow^sic” from attaching to any portion of the gayety.—[New York Sun.

A dog named Ryno has just made a church $1,500 richer by dying. His mistress, Mrs. Elizabeth Shee, on her decease two years ago, left this $1,500 in the hands of a trustee with directions that the income should be applied to Ryno’s comfortable maintenance for the rest of his life, when the fund was to revert to the Episcopal church of which Mrs. Shee was a member. Ryno ended his life of gentlemanly leisure in West Chester, Pennsylvania, where his mistress had lived.

Samuel Johnson, formerly employed in Worth Brothers’ mill, Coatesville, Pennsylvania, died of starvation at his home at Modena. He was out of work and too proud to beg. Johnson had no household goods whatever and he was found lying on the floor in one corner of the room.

There is a wealthy New York widow who has a church and a chaplain of her own. She is Mrs. Moses Taylor. The church was built by her at Long Branch, at a cost of about $70,000. It is Presbyterian, and there is a nominal board of trustees, but Mrs Taylor^sic paid every dollar of the cost and is the owner outright. It is an ornate edifice, and one of its features is a memorial stained glass window inscribed to her dear husband: “Blessed are they that die in the Lord,” it says. Mrs. Taylor’s chaplain is the Rev. I. H. Young, who conducts the services in the church during the summer months, but is at her command the year round, for she pays his salary of $3,500 out of her own pocket.—[Philadelphia Times.

Frederick E Beardslee^sic, a well known electrician and chemist, was driven by poverty to commit suicide on Friday night of last week, by swallowing prussic acid. He was employed by the Dennison auto-telegraph company of this city, and it was in their office that his body was found. Mr. Beardslee had for some time been in very poor circumstances. His salary was paid irregularly and he was driven to such straits that his family was about to be dispossessed for non-payment of rent. He had served with honor in the war in the signal corps, and had retired from the army with the rank of brevet colonel. Since that time he had been engaged in electrical work in this country and Mexico.

Never, not even in the most brilliant days of the empire, has Paris seen a more splendid fete than M. Cernuschi’s fancy dress ball. It was an assemblage of the most brilliant people in the cosmopolitan society of Paris, in the most splendid private mansion in the world. M. Cernuschi was clad in a Japanese costume, and so were the dozen bachelor friends who assisted him in receiving the guests, and as they stood together at the top of the great marble staircase they presented such a scene of picturesque magnificence as is not to be described, nor even to be imagined, save in the dreams of one who has been reading “The Count of Monte Cristo.” The scene in the great bronze gallery was just as brilliant as it could be. Such costumes were never seen before, and the value of the jewels worn was to be reckoned by millions of dollars. A conspicuous figure was Mme. Gauthereau, the noted creole beauty. She was dressed as Cupid, and was literally incrusted with gold and gems. The abbreviated skirts of her costume were actually made of pure gold, spun and woven into gauze so delicate that it was not much heavier than silk. Another much admired costume was that of the famous beauty, Mme. Bernardaki. She was a Diana. Her bodice was of blue velvet and her skirt of white satin, and every stitch in the seam of these was marked by a diamond or a sapphire. Hanging over her shoulders was a panther’s skin, and her hair was powdered, not with diamond dust, but with diamonds and sapphires as big as peas, all held in place by a network of gold thread. She had on her person more than $250,000 worth of precious stones. Mlle. Marie Van Zandt, the American singer, was esteemed one of the most beautiful ladies present. The daughter of M. Carolus Duran was charming in a Japanese dress. Her father was attired as a Hindoo rajah. Mme. Pasta, the actress, wore a set of real imperial Russian sables, one of less than a dozen sets in the world owned by persons outside of royalty. She had also a marvelous coronet of pearls and diamonds said to be worth more than $100,000.—[Correspondence Chicago Tribune.

Respectfully Referred to Mr. Blaine.

BALTIMORE, Md., Sept. 9.—When Mr. Blaine arrived in this country from Europe he expressed a very fervid wish “that the workingmen of this country could see what he had seen,” alluding, I suppose, to the low standard of living forced upon the masses there. I am sorry Mr. Blaine did not specify, for generalities, as a rule, mean just nothing. Here are two or three incidents in this country of protection, which in addition to those he will find recorded in THE STANDARD’S “Society Notes” every week (to which I refer him) may be of interest to Mr. Blaine:

1. The Baltimore papers recorded not long since the death of a man, caused by eating “Rough on Rats” which he mistook for bread and which he obtained in a garbage barrel.

2. It is a common sight in Baltimore as well as in other cities, to find multitudes of men, women and children foraging among the barrels and boxes of decayed fruit and vegetables left upon our docks by commission merchants as worthless. On Fell’s point in this city there is a “baby barn,” where babies are left by their mothers in the early morning to be taken care of (for a consideration) until they return at night from work at the pickling house. The cries of the infants can be heard far away.

Please place my name upon the roll of those who will vote for Mr. Cleveland.

The anti-poverty society distributed single tax and free trade tracts and specimen STANDARDS at the mass meeting at Concordia Monday evening. The meeting was composed of Irish-Americans, called together to indorse Mr. Cleveland’s position on the fishery question.

If you have any documents you wish distributed in this locality, we can attend to it.

The anti-poverty society will have preaching from the platform of their hall, 306 West Fayette street, each Friday evening, upon such topic’s as^sic “Is Poverty of God?” “Poverty considered Scripturally,” “They Toil not neither do They Spin,” “Is protection moral, unselfish or honest?” etc.

LEONI T. JONES.

To Organize Connecticut.

THOMASTON, Conn., Sept. 9.—Land and labor club No. 9 at its meeting last Sunday adopted the following:

Resolved, That all land and labor clubs, and all other organizations which accept the doctrine of a “single tax” as a basic principle and believe it to be the first step for the emancipation of labor, be requested to correspond with each other and with the undersigned for the purpose of forming an organization in the state for the diffusion of those doctrines; said organization to be independent in politics and educational in its character.

The object of the foregoing resolution is to bring all believers in our principles together. At present there is no permanent organization in the state and one club hardly knows of the existence of another. The members of the above club believe that some such intercommunication and co-operation will do a vast amount of good, and hope that this call will meet with a hearty response.

Address ANDREW LEARY, box [293?].

MEN AND THINGS.

On Wednesday of last week a man named Karl Grade, a German by birth and a seaman by occupation, told one of his fellow seaman^sic on the steamship Werra that he intended to throw up his situation and find something else to do. For this offense Mr. Grade was carried to the Fourth precinct police station in this city, and there held a prisoner, without trial or judicial inquisition of any sort, until Saturday; when, the Werra being ready to sail, he was taken on board and delivered, much like a stray calf or dog, to the men in charge of the steamer. When the Werra gets back to Germany, Mr. Grade will probably be made an example of for the benefit of other sailor men who may be wicked enough to think of leaving their ships before the period of servitude named in their shipping articles has expired.

If the captain of the Werra had been a boss ragpicker instead of a boss seaman; if he had hired Mr. Grade to come from Germany to this country and remain here certain days, weeks, or months, sorting rags at semi-starvation wages; if Mr. Grade, after landing here, concluded that he would prefer some other occupation to that of sorting rags; and if, thereupon, his employer had requested the police to take Mr. Grade to jail and keep him there till he should recover of his recalcitrancy and conclude to do his duty in the rag sorting state of life to which it had pleased God to call him—ah! then there would have been a pretty how d’ye do, and an eruption of talk about white slavery, and perhaps even a congressional committee. But as it is, poor Grade is nothing but a seaman, and his employer is a shipmaster; and so the victim spends nearly four days in a police station cell, is sent back to fulfill his contract with his employer, and a half dozen lines in a corner of a daily paper is the sum and total of the notice taken by the press of an outrage that disgraces civilization.

The sugar trust managers have filed their answer to the suit brought by the attorney general of the state of New York. It is simple and comprehensive. It denies everything. There is no such thing as a sugar trust. There has been no combination to create a monopoly in sugar. There has been no agreement to diminish production or raise prices. In short, nothing has been done by anybody.

The case will be called for trial in November. Suppose it is tried then. Suppose the attorney general proves every allegation he has made. The only effect will be to make the sugar trust adopt some other method of combination that the law can lay no hold upon. But the case is not tried yet, and the attorney general has still to prove his allegations. The trust has had the advantage of the best legal talent that money could buy. The chances are as a hundred to one that every legal possibility has been foreseen, and the trust will be found quite sufficiently secure against any assault that the attorney general may make upon it.

There is a way, and only one way, by which the sugar trust can be absolutely swept out of existence. Throw the gates open and let the American people buy the their sugar^sic in the markets of the world, and the trust will be dissolved within twenty-four hours. Its strength is in the protective tariff; and as long as that endures its managers will care mighty little for anything the attorney general of New York or any other state may do.

Among the bills passed by congress last week was one to refund to Dr. F. O. Saint Clair $97.80, duties on a monument to the memory of Francis J. Townshend, late of the United States navy.

Probably there were good reasons why Mr. Townshend’s monument should be allowed to pass the customs barrier without being subjected to the usual statutory fine. But good as they may have been, they can have been no better than the reasons for extending the same courtesies to the food and clothing of Mr. Townshend’s countrymen. They ask for bread and they are given a stone.

There has been the deuce and all to pay in military and naval circles lately over a report that an unprincipled Englishman had been hobnobbing and making merry with the admirals and lesser marine ornaments at Newport, Old Point Comfort and elsewhere, and had succeeded in learning all about the American system of torpedoes. The secretary is not quite certain about it, and the admirals, and captains, and lieutenants, declare they haven’t told anything of importance. But for all that it is feared that something has got out which may enable the British ironclads to come over here some time when we don’t want them. And so the navy department, it is said—for everything is done with immense secrecy—have decided to rearrange the whole torpedo system, to the end that when the ironclads do come they may find a sufficiently explosive reception awaiting them.

How ridiculous it all is when one comes to think of it. Sweep away the barbarous laws that hinder the friendly intercourse of Americans and Englishmen: give to our fellow men across the Atlantic the right to come here and buy the things our people want to sell them; overthrow the absurd superstition that the wholesomeness of a codfish depends on the birthplace of the man who caught him—and what possible cause could ever arise to make us wish to kill, maim and mangle Englishmen by the ship load, or Englishmen wish to kill and mangle us. In everything but their absurd Asiatic taxing systems the United States and England are civilized nations, bound together by ties of blood, language and religion. If intercourse between them were as free as between the states of the American Union we should no more think of providing a system of torpedoes to defend our coasts against British ironclads than New York thinks of planting batteries and building forts as a protection against invasions from New Jersey and Connecticut.

Rice next. Duty, 2¼ cents a pound. Not a trust, understand. Good heavens, no! “This,” says the lawyer in charge—can’t handle rice without a lawyer, you know—“this is A PRIVATE BUSINESS ENTERPRISE,

p. 5, col. 2 in which are engaged a number of gentlemen who have avoided notoriety and sought to conduct their business without unnecessary publicity.” There’s euphemism for you, with a touch of James G. Blaine thrown in. And what is it these gentlemen, engaging in a private enterprise and modestly shrinking from unnecessary publicity, propose to do? Simply to control the rice market by controlling the rice milling industry. Only that. The rice dealers, understand—not the rice planters, nobody thinks of them—the rice dealers have found that they can’t get the full benefit of that two and a quarter cents duty as long as they compete with each other. So they’ve organized “a private business enterprise” to stop the competition and push the price up to the limit of that 2¼ cents. Nobody’s affair but their own, of course; but they think it just as well to avoid unnecessary publicity.

Whom the gods wish to destroy, etc. The protected monopolists all over the country who are aggregating their businesses into pools and trusts are doing glorious work for freedom. For, except Mr. J. G. Blaine, who probably did it by mistake, and Mr. Charles A. Dana, who probably did it out of malice, no politician or economist has dared, or is likely to dare, to raise his voice in defense of their combinations for extortion. And the man must be blind indeed who cannot see that the only sure way to destroy the trust is to sweep away the tariff that protects it. The trust is protection carried to its ultimate and logical conclusion. And being so, it is necessarily an unanswerable argument for free trade.

The board of park commissioners of this city have it in charge to have street railways built through the transverse roads across Central park; and they are beginning, in a somewhat lethargic manner, to bestir themselves for the performance of their duty. Last week they met to consider two bids for the construction of one of the proposed roads. The bids were from the Fourth and Second avenue railroad companies, and were identical in terms. The bidders proposed to build the line and operate it for fifty years, charging five cents fare, and issuing transfer tickets to all the lines they now or may hereafter operate; to pay to the city three per cent of the gross receipts for the first five years and five per cent thereafter; the city to refund the cost of construction in annual installments; and the road at the end of the fifty years to pass into possession of the city. The board postponed action upon the bids to a future meeting.

It is quite possible that the offers of the companies bidding for these roads were as liberal as could be obtained from anyone. But the question that the park commissioners ought to consider is, not whether the people operating the roads are paying enough money for the privilege, but whether the interests of New York’s citizens will be best served, and the intent of the law carried out, by putting the roads into the hands of private managers or keeping them in their own hands. The law certainly never contemplated the granting of the franchise for these roads to private corporations. But that is, in effect, what the commissioners will do if they accept the proposals made them. The intent of the law was, not to enable private individuals to speculate in monopoly, but to benefit the people of New York by allowing them to provide for themselves transit facilities that they sorely need.

The park commissioners should build and operate these roads for the city at the city’s expense, charging such fares as will suffice to pay the running expenses, cost of maintenance, and interest on capital. We should then within a few years have a standard of comparison by which to estimate the value of the many street railway franchises that have been granted into private hands; we should have at least one monopoly the less to oppress us, and we should have taken a step toward the full assertion of the principle that all businesses in their nature monopolies should be conducted by the government for the common benefit of the whole people. The commissioners should no more think of turning these cross road railways over to private control than of putting the carriage roads of the park into private hands, to be maintained as turnpikes, with bars and toll collectors^sic,

During the week ending Sept. 8, 716 people died in this city. Of these, 380—more than one half—were children under five years, and of these children, 118 died of diarrhea alone. The deaths in tenement houses were 496, and in public institutions 127. Out of the whole 716 who in this city of 1,500,000 souls departed this life last week, only ninety-three were of the class who live in houses of their own, or in flats ranking above the tenements. New York is a wholesome place to live in—for people who can afford to live.

The activity and energy of perfidious Albion are simply amazing. Not content with looking after the free trade campaign in this country and sending a million or so of golden guineas over by every steamer for distribution among the unprincipled men who would, if they could, allow John Bull to buy all the American grain and other produce he desires—not content with this, the mean old thing is playing the same game in other parts of the world, and doing her very best to persuade the foolish nations to sell her the things they don’t want and take in exchange the things she has that they do want; which, of course, will reduce them all to poverty and barbarism in short order. The latest case of this kind is peculiarly atrocious.

In the very heart of Siberia lies a vast mediterranean territory, in which mountain chain alternates with prairie. The climate is that of Dakota. The hills are full of coal, iron and other minerals, and are notably rich in gold bearing quartz. The rich black plains are unsurpassed for wheat culture. Altogether, a glorious country for the farmer, the manufacturer and the miner. It comprises about a million square miles and contains a population of five to seven hundred thousand.

The people of this favored country have, from time immemorial, enjoyed all the advantages of the protective system, without

p. 5, col. 3 the trouble of enacting a protective tariff. Nature has fenced them in in a way to delight the heart of Mr. Blaine. The Ural mountains cut them off from Europe; a bleak, inhospitable desert stretches northward to the Arctic ocean; the Chinese empire on the south and successive chains of mountains on the east forbid access from those directions. Men can get there, but not goods. Englishmen can go there at the cost of a little rough traveling, but they must leave their accursed boots and shoes, and machinery, and dry goods behind them. The country enjoys its own home market to perfection. That is, it did until a short time ago. But now the wicked English are threatening to deluge it with pauper made goods and mining machinery, to take away in exchange its precious wheat and corn, and generally to introduce the principles of the Cobden club.

Through this naturally protected country run two immense rivers, with their tributaries, navigable for thousands of miles, and emptying into the Arctic ocean—the Obi and the Yenessei. Until lately these rivers were thought to be amply protected against European invasion by the icy barrier of the Kara sea. No merchantman had ever passed the Kara sea, and therefore no merchantman ever could or would—a thoroughly protectionist argument. But in the summer of last year an audacious British skipper actually loaded a steamer with British merchandise of various kinds, passed through the Kara sea, and sailed up the Yenessei more than two thousand miles, deluging the unfortunate natives with goods as he went along. Then he came back to England, claimed that the Kara sea was open for three months every year, told what a magnificent trade could be done along the two great Siberian rivers, and has succeeded in inducing a lot of British capitalists to invest their money in the organization of a regular line of steamers. And so, if the czar doesn’t interfere and establish a sufficiently rigid custom house in his Arctic regions, the unfortunate Siberians will be selling their wheat to English traders, crushing their quartz in English mills, buying English shoes at half the cost of the Siberian product, and generally degrading themselves into paupers by selling what they don’t want at high prices, and buying what they do want at low prices. It’s a terrible prospect altogether.

THE CAMPAIGN “STANDARD” FUND.

You know what it is, of course? It is a fund to enable us to place THE STANDARD and other single tax literature in the hands of as many men and women as possible all over the United States.

To every great movement which has its root in an appeal to man’s higher nature there come periods of specially rapid growth, when men’s understandings are quickened, when their eyes are open to see the truth and their hearts hungry to grasp it. Through such a period our movement for the emancipation of industry is now passing. The political agitation which is sweeping over the country, the shock and din of fierce debate on the issue of protection or free trade, have stirred and shaken men’s minds and made them ready to receive the truth. People listen to us gladly, who a few months ago would have met our arguments with a sneer or careless laugh. The thing most needful is that we should be able to plead our cause before them. It is for this purpose that the campaign STANDARD fund was started; and we urge upon every reader of THE STANDARD to swell it with as large a contribution as he can afford.

There is no time to lose. Within a few weeks the opportunity will have passed. And though other opportunities will come in the fullness of time, we shall be less able to improve them if we fail to take advantage of the one that now presents itself.

Have you sent in your contribution yet? If not, remember that it will do more good this week than the week after, more good next week than the week following, more good now than at any future time. The work is your work; the doctrines we are trying to spread are your doctrines; the friends we shall make will be your friends. Let it not be said of you that the cause you love was hindered in its progress for want of your sympathy and assistance.

We have a number of letters which we had hoped to lay before THE STANDARD’S readers this week, but lack of space compels us to hold them over.

The record of the fund for the past week is as follows:

CAMPAIGN WORK.

THOSE DEBATES.

The following correspondence between the New York free trade club and the American protective tariff league explains itself:

NEW YORK FREE TRADE CLUB } August 10, 1888. }

Secretary of the American protective tariff league—DEAR SIR: When this club last held a joint debate with your organization, early in the summer of 1887, it was agreed between us that it would be useful to the discussions to hold further debates as might appear feasible. As the political situation is now so very favorable, we beg to suggest that it would be eminently desirable for us to arrange for a debate between such speakers as would make a very prominent event.

Mr. Henry George has consented to represent this club against an antagonist of equal reputation, and both he and ourselves would prefer that he should meet Mr. Robert G. Ingersoll on your part. It would undoubtedly be necessary to sell tickets of admission, say at 25 cents each; and we would be willing either to divide the tickets and expenses with you, or to assume all the expenses and allow you to purchase as many tickets as you might choose up to one-half the entire number. Any financial arrangement upon such a basis will be satisfactory to us.

Please reply at an early date and oblige.

EDWARD P. DOYLE, Secretary.

THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE TARIFF LEAGUE, } NEW YORK, Sept. 7, 1888. }

E. J. Shriver, esq., Secretary Metal Exchange, New York—DEAR SIR: Colonel R. G. Ingersoll is unable, under his professional engagements, to meet Mr. Henry George in the joint debate you propose in your letter of the 24th inst^sic.

We are authorized to state that Judge F. O. Willey, at 145 East Fifteenth street, is willing to meet Mr. Henry George in joint debate. You can address him at the place indicated.

Very truly yours,

EDW. H. AMMIDOWN, President.

NEW YORK, Sept. 8, 1888.

E. H. Ammidown, President American Protective Tariff League: Your favor of the 7th inst., responding to a challenge for a joint debate, issued by the Free trade club to your league, under date of Aug. 10 (to which we again called your attention by my letter of the 24th), is at hand.

Our challenge distinctly stated that Mr. George would meet “an antagonist of equal reputation;” and while Judge F. O. Willey may answer the requirement, I feel bound to say that his name is not familiar to us, nor is it, I imagine, to the general public.

We stand by our challenge in its original terms, but we will certainly not ask an orator of national reputation, as Mr. George is, to meet any one except an opponent of equal prominence. If Colonel Ingersoll cannot represent you, we would suggest that among Messrs. McKinley, Butterworth, Blaine, Reed, Kelley, Kasson, Randall, etc., you may be able to find such a representative as could be considered a suitable antagonist for Mr. George.

EDWARD J. SHRIVER, Chairman General Committee New York Free Trade Club.

The republican orators who are aware of the great ability of Henry George as a public speaker are extremely shy of meeting him on the stump.—[Philadelphia Record.

Henry George is anxious, it is said, to meet Mr. Blaine on the platform in a joint discussion of the tariff question. People who have read both Mr. George’s “Protection or Free Trade?” and Mr. Blaine’s speeches on the tariff will advise the latter to decline—unless, of course, they take a vicious delight in exhibitions of sickening cruelty.—[Chicago Herald.

Henry George has sent a challenge to James G. Blaine to debate the tariff question. Blaine will hardly accept, for there is no man in the United States that understands and is better able to handle the subject than George.—[Mexia, Tex., Ledger^sic,

Henry George has challenged James G. Blaine and Bob Ingersoll to meet him in oral debate, side by side on the platform, to discuss the respective merits of protection and free trade; but his challenges have not yet been accepted. Mr. George being the greatest political economist of this century, with the possible exception of Herbert Spencer, Mr. Blaine should feel highly honored by this challenge to cross swords with the author of “Progress and Poverty;” for a defeat at the hands of such an eminent adversary, would be no disgrace to the “uncrowned king” of the Pine Tree state. Bob Ingersoll, another orthodox apostle of republican Christianity, has also been challenged by Henry George to meet him on the stump or platform in joint discussion of the tariff question; and although the redoubtable Bob has, on many previous occasions, in the unquenchable fire of his matchless eloquence, challenged God or the devil to meet him half way, he has not yet accepted Henry George’s challenge.—[Alpena, Mich., Labor Journal.

In reply to a challenge of the Henry George club of Philadelphia to meet Henry George in debate, Ex-Governor Henry M. Hoyt, general secretary of the American protective tariff league, says among other things:

I should be very glad to give to the Henry George club of Philadelphia the reasons for protection which I think are valid. My present engagements will prevent my doing so now, in a joint debate with Henry George or any other defender of free trade.

The present campaign is being carried on under an issue between protection and “revenue reform”. I have no doubt that it means an ultimate issue between protection and absolutely free foreign trade. I infer from the printed extracts of Mr. George’s opinions, which you were good enough to inclose, that “the substitution of a revenue for a protective tariff is a ridiculously inefficient application of free trade.” The debate with Mr. George would not, therefore, be upon the question now before the American people, and its immediate efficiency as an educational aid is not quite apparent.

Mr. Blaine declines to meet Henry George in Philadelphia for the purpose of debating the tariff question. The committee has accordingly challenged ex-Governor Hoyt. Has he the courage to accept the challenge? Is there no Pennsylvania protectionist who will meet a Pennsylvania free trader in debate?—[Philadelphia Justice.

As ex-Governor Hoyt has declined to debate the abstract question of protection or free trade with Henry George, the latter will speak for himself, under the auspices of the Philadelphia club which bears his name, in the Academy of Music, on Saturday night. While there has been some disappointment over the failure to bring the two opposing champions together, it is gratifying to think that Henry George is himself capable of entertaining and instructing an audience upon any subject which he may undertake to discuss.—[Philadelphia Record.

TOM REED’S LEAD MINE.

It is a mistake to suppose that people in country places are not thinking intelligently of the tariff question. The keenness with which they dissect even more intricate problems is at times surprising. It is significant, too, that almost invariably they discuss the question as a definite issue between protection and free trade and upon broad principles, paying but slight attention to the details of mere tariff reform.

A few days ago in the early evening a group was gathered on the porch of a village store not more than a hundred miles from New York. The conversation had rapidly drifted from local affairs to the tariff question. The ex-postmaster was of the party—a strong protectionist through whom the curious facts and unique logic of the New York Press are regularly filtered for the benefit of his neighbors.

“Well,” said he, “I can’t for the life of me see what good free trade is going to do.”

“And for the life of me,” said the village carpenter, “I can’t see what good protection has done or can do.”

This opened the vials of the ex-postmaster’s eloquence. He showed how much higher wages are here than in England, and was turned from that point by somebody’s remark that they always have been, and that wages in the protected countries of Europe are lower than they are in England. He then dwelt upon the growth of the west, but it occurred to somebody else that the west was better protected before the war by lack of transportation facilities than it is now. Then he insisted that there must be a protective tariff or wages would fall, to which a farmer remarked that he didn’t see why farmers should pay high prices to let other people get better wages, and the ex-postmaster replied that protection reduced prices.

“Then,” asked the shoemaker, “how does protection keep up wages?”

“By making more work at home,” said the ex-postmaster.

“How does protection make more work at home?” the carpenter inquired.

“Why, that,” said the ex-postmaster, “is plain enough. Whenever we import things into this country there is so much less work to do here. If we made these things at home instead of importing them our people would find employment in making them; but when they are imported that work is done by foreigners. Now, if we put a high tariff on imports we keep all this work at home to be done by our own workmen. Don’t you see?”

The carpenter did not see. He thought that foreigners wouldn’t send things to us unless we sent things back to them, and that the things we sent back would have to be produced by our workmen.

“That’s all true,” the ex-postmaster went on; “our workmen would have work to do in making the things that we exported in exchange for our imports, but if we didn’t import there would be twice as much work to do at home.”

The carpenter’s eyes bulged as he asked, “Why?”

“Why?” the ex-postmaster repeated in a tone of surprise. “Why! Why, because our workmen would then make what we import, as well as what we don’t, and wouldn’t that be a good deal more than they would have a chance to make if we imported.”

The ex-postmaster looked around the group. Everybody’s eyes but the carpenter’s were on the ground, and his were so expressive of doubt that the ex-postmaster exclaimed:

“Why, man alive, it’s plain, simple arithmetic. Look here—just give me your big pencil a minute.” Taking the floor of the stoop for a blackboard he went on: “Now let us suppose that five American workmen,” and he put down a figure 5, “produce five tons of iron each, putting down^sic another 5 after a multiplication sign;”that equals twenty-five,” and he wrote 25 after the equality mark, so that the figures looked like this:

5x5=25

The carpenter scanned the figures and quietly said, “Yes.”

“Very good,” said the ex-postmaster. “Then five American workmen have been employed and the country is twenty-five tons of iron richer than it was before.”

“Yes,” said the carpenter.

“All right; now suppose that five men”—and he wrote another 5—“working in a foreign country produce one ton of lead each”—and he wrote 1 after a multiplication sign—“that equals five; and we’ll mark this first line ‘American iron’ and the second ‘foreign lead’ so,” and he pointed at the figures:

5x5=25 American iron.

5x1=5 foreign lead.

“Yes,” said the carpenter.

“Now suppose we import that lead and export the iron to pay for it.”

“Yes,” said the carpenter.

“Good. Now ain’t it true as the result of that transaction that we have given work to only five men and that the foreign country has given work to five men?”

“Yes,” said the carpenter; and one of the farmers expressed the opinion that the ex-postmaster was “mighty great at figures.”

“All right,” continued the ex-postmaster. “Now comes in the protective tariff. Suppose we put a tariff on lead so high that it’ll be cheaper for us to work that lead mine of Tom Reed’s over beyond the hill there than to import lead; won’t we be able to give work to five men making lead instead of having that lead made abroad?”

“Yes,” said the carpenter.

“And can’t we exchange that American lead at home for the American iron, and so keep our home market for our own labor?”

“Yes,” said the carpenter.

“And won’t we then be making work for ten men—five in iron and five in lead—instead of having work for only five?

“No,” said the carpenter.

“What?” exclaimed the ex-postmaster; and the others in the group raised their eyes inquiringly to the carpenter. “What! Aint the figures all right? Don’t five and five make ten?”

“Yes,” the carpenter replied, reaching for his pencil, “five and five make ten, but you are altogether too economical with

p. 6, col. 2 your figures. Just let me figure a little. Your five American workmen make twenty-five tons of iron, you say?”

“That’s what I said.”

“And as the result of that the country is twenty-five tons of iron richer, and five American workmen have had that work?”

“Precisely the way I put it.”

“And the iron is sent abroad in exchange for five tons of foreign lead?”

“Exactly.”

“How much richer is the country then?”

“Twenty-five tons of iron and five tons of lead.”

“No it isn’t. You can’t have your cake and eat it too. The country is just five tons of lead richer, and no more. The iron has been exported.”

“Well, yes, that’s so,” said the ex-postmaster, with a little hesitation.

“All right,” resumed the carpenter; “now then, let me put a little addition to your first line of figures, so—” and the ex-postmaster’s figures were made to look like this:

5x5=25 American iron=5 foreign lead.

“That’s correct, ain’t it?” he asked, looking up at the ex-postmaster.

“Seems to be.” was the reply.

“Very good; now for your next point. Suppose a tariff is put on foreign lead so that we can work Tom Reed’s good-for-nothing lead mine cheaper than we can import lead. To begin with, that would be a mighty good thing for Tom Reed——”

“Sure!” interrupted a farmer, who had till then said nothing.

“But never mind that,” the carpenter was saying, when the farmer again interrupted with—

“But I do not mind it, though, for I don’t see no reason why I should have to pay high prices for lead so as to make Tom Reed rich.”

“Well, never mind it for the present,” said the carpenter as he placed his hand gently on the farmer’s shoulder. “Never mind Tom Reed for the present. Let us see about this home market business. We’ll suppose that the protective tariff on lead was so high that Tom Reed’s mine could be worked profitably; and we’ll suppose that five American workmen would get out five tons of lead for Tom Reed while five other American workmen were getting out twenty-five tons of iron for some iron mine owner. Then the figures on the stoop here would read like this—

5x5=25 American iron.

5x1=5 American lead.

so that now the country is richer by twenty-five tons of iron and five tons of lead.”

“Why, that’s it, exactly,” broke in the ex-pestmaster. “Don’t you see, boys? When you export your iron and import your lead, there’s less wealth and less work than when you keep your home market to yourselves, making your own iron and your own lead.”

A puzzled expression passed over the faces of some of the men, but the carpenter’s soon dispelled it.

“Of course,” he said, “according to your illustration, there’s less wealth, but that’s because there’s less work; and that’s where the fallacy of this home market business comes in. We can have, in fact, just as much wealth and just as much work by importing our lead as we can by putting a tariff on it for the benefit of old Tom Reed. See here,” again taking his pencil, “here’s these ten men wanting to work; your protective tariff leaves five in an iron mine and puts the other five in old Tom Reed’s lead mine. Let’s put ’em all in the iron mine,”—and he put down a figure 10—“then they’ll turn out fifty tons of iron;” —and he put down 50—“then we’ll trade half of that for five tons of foreign lead; that’ll leave us twenty-five tons of iron,”—and he wrote it down—“plus five tons of lead”—and he wrote that down. “See?” he asked, as he returned the pencil to his pocket and pointed at the figures, which read:

10x5=50 iron=25 iron x 5 lead^sic

“Now, don’t you understand,” he went on, addressing the group, “that by exporting iron for lead, we get just as much wealth into the country and give employment to just as many men as when we make our own lead as well as our own iron. This home market talk is infernal nonsense. It’s worse than nonsense. It’s a fraud. Here I’ve taken it for granted that we could trade iron for lead with Tom Reed, if he was protected, on the same terms that we can with foreigners. But we couldn’t. Tom Reed wouldn’t give the lead produced in a given time by five men for the iron produced in the same time by five other men. He would charge more for it. And what would he do with the difference? Would he give it to the men? Well, you know Tom Reed as well as I do.”

LEWIS FREELAND.

Democrats Who Mean Business.

The following notice issued by the executive committee of the democratic club of Middleport, N. Y., speaks for itself:

After the nomination of the democratic ticket and the promulgation of the democratic platform, the democrats of Middleport, N.Y., approving both the nomination and the platform, for the purpose of securing the election of Cleveland and Thurman by the use of all legitimate and honorable means, organized themselves into a democratic club, and, believing that every man should vote according to the dictates of his conscience, enlightened by a full and complete understanding of the principles at issue between the republican and democratic parties, invited the republican club to a joint discussion, and published the following challenge:

“The Middleport democratic club hereby challenge the republican club of this place to meet them in joint discussion of the political issues of the presidential campaign. First discussion of the series to be held at the village school house on Saturday evening, Sept. 1, at 8 p. m. Home talent only to be the speakers. The public are cordially invited.

“By order of democratic executive committee.”

The meeting was held according to advertisement and the republicans failed to put in an appearance. The democratic club reiterates this challenge, and if the republicans of the Middleport club deem themselves incompetent to defend the principles of their party before a discriminating public, and believe that others may be able to do so, they are allowed to import such foreign talent as they choose.

Discussion to be held in the village school house on Tuesday evening, Sept. 11, at 8 p. m. The public are invited.

By order of democratic executive committee. [printed mark resembling a large “I” or “L” at right of this line, possibly a stray piece of type]

p. 6, col. 3

AN ENGLISH DEMOCRAT.

Harlem Free Traders.

The Thirteenth congressional district section of the New York free trade club is getting in good work in Harlem. By holding a public debate every Thursday evening at its rooms, at [161?] East 125th street, it has even this early in the fight made not a few converts who will become supporters of Cleveland and Thurman. Mr. A. J. Steers made the address of the evening last Thursday.

The Ohio Conference.

Special hotel rates have been secured for all delegates and visitors to the Ohio conference to be held on Sept. 17. Call on W. W. Kile, 33 E. Fifth street and get card, to secure rates.

p. 6, col. 4

NOTES FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

Edward B. Haskell, Niokel Plate, Ohio^sic.—You do my soul good by your keen, fearless, convincing free trade arguments. Keep it up.

O. J. Kallsted, Owatonna, Minn.—About three months back I think I was the only free trader in this town, and I know I was the only single tax man, but to-day the town is full of free traders; that is, they prefer free trade to the present high tariff; and quite a number are interested in the single tax idea.

J. C. De Forest, Secretary Land and Labor Club, Bradford, Pa.—There is a democratic club here of nearly six hundred members, yet it is conceded that the single tax men have done more to make Cleveland voters than all the democrats combined. I tell them I am not a democrat, but propose to support Cleveland because he is going my way. Our club meets every Tuesday evening at 8 o’clock at Hevenor’s hall, corner of Main and Chestnut streets.

Charles A. Wagner, Philadelphia, Pa.—I take it that the satisfaction you derive from the consciousness that you are doing right in so relentlessly fighting all monopoly is but little greater than that found in words of kindly cheer and commendation and avowals of devotion to the cause from those who have been brought to see the light and have thereby been persuaded to enlist in the fight against error and wrong. I have read “Progress and Poverty,” “The Land Question,” and THE STANDARD regularly for the last ten months, and the result is most easily told by saying that I am heart and soul a single tax man; that I believe a tax on land values is the true tax, and the only way in which the equal rights of God’s creatures to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness can be recognized.

Gerald E. Flanagan, Pittsburg, Pa.—The reference to trusts which Mr. Blaine made in the speech in which he said that he would not “venture to declare that trusts are altogether advantageous or disadvantageous, but that they are largely private affairs with which neither President Cleveland nor any other private citizen has any particular right to interfere,” seems to furnish another instance tending to prove that a man’s real opinions will sometimes break through any disguise with which he may choose to envelop them. Mr. Blaine’s real sentiments have always been on the side of trusts and monopolies, and in an unguarded moment he has inadvertently let fall the cloak of philanthropy and love for the workingman with which he was wont to hide them.

F. P. Morrow, Seattle, Wash. Ter.—I wish to add my corroboration to Mr. McCabe’s statements in his article “Where are those acres?” which appeared in THE STANDARD. You do not want to turn your faces westward unless you have trusted friends here or trusted friends in your pocket book. I have traveled over this western country for the last four years looking for land to be had for the taking within a reasonable distance of humanity, but have been unable to run across any; and I have traveled through nearly every state and territory this side of the Mississippi; but I have been able only to find thousands of men on their way from the coast to Helena, Montana, “beating their way,” looking for a job on some prospective railroad line; and men from Montana going to the coast looking for a job. The same can be said along the line of the Southern and Central Pacific roads, also the Atlantic and Pacific and the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe road. In fact, one has got to go no further than Seattle to find hundreds of men out of employment, and hundreds of acres of land, yes thousands, that labor is denied access to.

There are quite a number of protected workmen in this city who have had their faith shattered by single-tax-free-trade arguments. They have begun to see the world anew.

L. L. Lente, Memphis, Tenn.—As time passes it becomes more and more evident that Henry George and the glorious cause he represents is slowly but surely gaining the respect of the people of the country. From all directions—north, south, east and west do we hear the man spoken of in the most complimentary and respectful terms, whereas less than a year ago the most opprobrious ephithets^sic were none to severe to apply^sic to him. A year ago, for instances^sic, the Memphis Appeal, one of the most able and influential papers in the south, stigmatized him as a “communist,” a “wild theorist,” an “illogical thinker.” In its issue of Aug. 24, however, appeared an editorial in reply to the Nashville American, which accused George with being a communist. The reply ran in this manner: “Mr. George received the support of between 60,000 and 70,000 voters in New York city as a candidate for mayor, and is held in deserved esteem by the foremost scientists, publicists and political economists of Europe as well as America. He cannot, therefore, be labled^sic ‘communist,’ and whistled down the wind.” And thus the cause progresses. God bless it.

Thomas Howie, Vinita, Cherokee Nation.—Just now I am very busy getting up my hay, and can hardly find time to read THE STANDARD, unless at night. Whenever I have an opportunity I work for the single tax cause. I sent papers and blank to Colorado yesterday for signatures to be forwarded back to you from Eagle and Garfield counties. Rest assured, I am with you body and soul. While I am writing I will suggest a cartoon, viz., a tree, the trunk or body to represent Jim Blaine, Pig Iron Kelley and Sam Randall. The fruit of the trees should represent republicanism and various absurdities connected with protectionism. In the background there should be a custom house, and some lean, old farmers and broken down horses plowing, and some starved women and children and a few skeletons. I need not dwell further on the picture or explain what it means, unless the following lines are placed underneath it:

How does Java’s upas tree
Spread poison far and near;
Of all the deadliest trees on earth,
The deadliest one is here.

About the International Democratic Federation.

WASHINGTON. D. C., Sept. 7^sic.—Referring to the call (printed in THE STANDARD of September 8) for a constitutional convention to organize the international democratic federation, I beg, as acting “proxy clerk,” to announce the following results of the voting down to date: Henry George named as proxy, with Louis F. Post and Thomas G. Shearman as alternates; Chas. Fred. Adams, proxy, with Paul T. Bowen, alternate. Mr. George, however, is not a candidate. The others have not declared themselves. Every believer in the principles laid down in the call is invited to send to me at once his designation of a proxy (and alternates), and every one willing to attend the convention as proxy (in Washington, on the first Monday of May, 1889) to let me have his name, address and personal programme both as to the constitution of the federation and as to its policy and methods.

There will be room and occasion for the attendance of many proxies, and I therefore venture to present myself as a candidate for the honor and privilege of representing all who may approve of my “platform” and see fit to empower me to speak and vote for them in the sessions of the convention. I shall take pleasure in communicating my views as to both organization and policy to such intending members as shall request it.

CHAS. FRED. ADAMS.

p. 6, col. 5

STRAWS WHICH SHOW THE WIND.

Henry George is all right, and democrats are glad to have his co-operation.—[Utica Observer.

The protected manufacturers want to be “fostered,” but not James P. Fostered.—[Chicago Herald.

The order of the Knights of Labor will continue to agitate for federal ownership, and are determined to make government telegraphy one of the burning questions of the day.—[Journal of United Labor.

The tariff tax represents nothing except the arbitrary power of a government to take money from the pockets of its citizens to go into the pockets of the favored classes who own manufactories and mines.—[St. Paul, Minn., Globe.

A protective tariff which allows Mr. Carnegie to make $1,500,000 a year profit, while paying his laborers starvation wages, is wrong, and no amount of special pleading by the republicans can make it right.—[West St. Paul, Minn., Times.

Labor, like merchandise, always seeks the best market. When the time comes that the laborer cannot obtain better net results in this country than in the old world, then immigration to this country will almost entirely cease.—[Trenton Times (Rep).

The coal trust has just had another meeting at New York. It was “largely a private affair,” but if any one is curious regarding it he can obtain a knowledge of the business transacted by calling at any of the coal offices in his vicinity.—[Chicago Herald.

It seems that the teachings of Henry George are slowly but surely taking root in different sections of the country and that the Knights of Labor have been reading the theories of the most original reformer of his time.—[Rocksprings, Wyo., Independent.

Although we may not adopt all Henry George’s theories, his discussions of the tariff question, in favor of free trade, are the most lucid and clear exposition of the whole subject to be found anywhere. All who wish to be instructed and posted on these much discussed and little understood questions, should read George’s paper THE STANDARD.—[Havre de Grace, Md., Republican.

Henry George, both in his paper and on the stump, is doing good work for the democratic ticket and cause. The republicans assume to scoff at the support which he gives Cleveland; but a man who can get sixty thousand votes for mayor of New York is a good man to have on the right side in a political campaign.—[Salt Lake Herald.

The protectionist papers of to-day, finding that the cry of free trade has lost its power, now howl for restriction of immigration as a bait for labor votes. The remedy does not lie in further restriction, but in freedom. Throw open the natural resources of the country to labor. Tax land speculation out of existence, and once again all emigrants will be welcomed.—[Philadelphia Justice.

To reduce the tariff—thereby reducing the prices of goods to all the people—will cause a reduction, not of wages, nor of interest, but of rent. And only those rents will be reduced which are now, by artificial combinations and trusts, fixed at monopoly price to manufacturers seeking access to the natural raw materials which enter into those products that are protected by the tariff.—[Mascontah, Ill., Herald^sic.

The single tax meeting at Cooper union, New York, last week was a decided success, and thousands were unable to gain admittance owing to the jam. Those politicians who have shouted that the George movement is dead had better change their lying tactics, for it will not work. Every workingman should read the speech of William Lloyd Garrison, delivered at the meeting, which we print in this issue.—[Grand Rapids, Mich., Workman.

We are now sending thousands and thousands of dollars every year to Mr. Parnell and his colleagues to aid them in fighting what we believe to be the good fight against the tyrannical land laws of England, and yet here in our own state we have the same laws, capable of producing the same results as do the laws in Ireland. The only difference between the two cases is that here there are fewer large estates in the hands of agents; but this is a distinction which is fast disappearing.—[Detroit Journal.

Should industry be made the special target of the tax collector? By all means, let raw lands be taxed as high as improved lands. Does it not seem to the man of average intelligence that it is a shame to heavily tax the poor man who works hard in cultivating his land and beautifying his surroundings? Say to the farmer, whatever your labor or capital produces on this land shall be yours, but do not impose a fine upon him because he builds a house, a barn, or a barb wire fence around his farm.—[Rapid City, Dakota, Republican.

For the first time in the history of the world, the question above all others which is agitating a great nation, and around which factional and partisan battle is waged, is what policy will be most beneficial to the laboring classes? Confidence and hope in the future are encouraged and faith in the ultimate liberty and emancipation of the human race finds strength and justification. Every man whose heart is with the great, struggling, toiling masses must welcome this day. It is the dawn of a new era, the commencement of another stride forward in the march of human liberty and human justice.—[Oneida, N. Y., Post (Protectionist).

“Thirty-two trunks, twenty bags and four

“Thirty-two trunks, twenty bags and four baskets contained the pauper labor goods Mr. Blaine brought from Europe.” So states Mr. Henry George, in the New York STANDARD. And when Mr. George makes a statement like that, you may accept it as correct. What does it mean? Why, that Mr. Blaine thinks protection a “good enough Morgan” for the campaign and for the masses, but for his own use, he prefers to “buy in the cheapest market, and sell——” Well, we do not know that Mr. Blaine ever made anything to sell—except his speeches. He has been grinding wind for the republicans ever since we first heard of him, and, good faith, he hasn’t grown either thin or poor at the business!—[Hayes Valley, Cal., Advertiser.

MISCELLANEOUS.

[Advertisement] Canned Goods — C.M.P.A. union stamp

[Advertisement illustration: circular stamp/trade-mark lettered “HAND MADE” and “C.M.P.A.” around a small central emblem; the tiny lettering in the outer ring is illegible. Display lettering beside it reads:]

Canned Goods

WITH THIS STAMP [IN?] THE BOTTOM OF CANS ARE

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AND ARE MADE BY

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Trade-Mark.—Registered.

[Advertisement] Holland’s Coffee and Dining Rooms

HOLLAND’S COFFEE AND DINING ROOMS, [125?] Fourth avenue, Bet. 13th and 14th sts.

p. 6, col. 6

“DEMOCRATS,” ATTENTION!

It is proposed to organize an “INTERNATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION,” through which true “Democrats” the world over, without regard to national lines, may effectively co-operate to promote the reform of government (town, county, state, national and international) in accordance with the following principles:

I. That the one legitimate end of government is to guarantee to every one his just freedom: i. e., the largest liberty compatible with justice.

2. That in order adequately to “guarantee to every one his just freedom,” government must, as fully as practicable—

1. Guarantee to every one, by adequate legal sanctions, the following civil rights:

1. The right to share equally with all others in the benefit of all naturally existing materials, liberties and opportunities (by personal use, occupation or control, where such use, occupation or control can be specifically had or enjoyed by all in common; and in all other cases by receiving, or otherwise profiting by, the current rent of all such “materials, liberties or opportunities,” the specific use, occupation or control of which cannot properly be had or enjoyed by all in common).

(b). The right to immunity from all aggressions on either person or property—whether direct, by violence, or indirect, by fraud, neglect, extortion, or breach of contract.

2. Guarantee to every sane and non-criminal adult in the community—a really equal participation in the governmental function; directly, where their personal action is practicable and expedient; and indirectly, through really “responsible” and “representative” agencies, wherever the personal action of the citizens themselves is either impracticable or inexpedient.

3. That the reforms involved in, and which would constitute the democratization of society, may be most efficiently, properly, and conveniently advocated, tested and introduced, by the organization of the International Democracy, itself upon democratic principles, and therefore under a constitution substantially similar to the political one recommended for society.

As, in some countries for all, and in all countries for some, it might be dangerous to avow membership of this body, the names of all desiring it will be kept secret.

A “Constitutional Convention,” representing the entire Federation, is called to meet in Washington, D. C., on the first Monday of May, 1889. It is to consist of the 500 (or fewer) candidates who shall have been named as proxies by more (actual or intending) members of the Federation than any other candidates not included in the number; no member to have more than one acting proxy (though each may name alternates), and each proxy to have in the convention not a single vote only, but precisely as many votes as he has principals to represent.

Every true democrat desiring to be represented is invited to send his or her designation of a proxy (and alternates), and every candidate for appointment as proxy, his name, address and personal policy (for publication, or private communication to inquirers, as he may choose). The results of the voting will be announced from time to time, the polls closing on the 1st of February, 1889.

Address, without delay,
I. D. F.,
Box 15, Station D,
New York City.

MISCELLANEOUS.

[Advertisement] James Bogan

JAMES BOGAN, PRINCIPAL AGENT for James Means’ $3 and $4 shoes. 226 BOWERY, near Prince street.

[Advertisement] A. J. Steers, General Broker

A. J. STEERS,

GENERAL BROKER,

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LOANS ARRANGED ON Real Estate. On Endowment, Tontine and Life Insurance Policies in Regular Companies; On Undivided Interests in Estates, and on Staple Lines of Merchandise on Storage.

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[Advertisement] The Great American Tea Co. 

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GOOD NEWS TO LADIES.

Greatest offer. Now’s your time to get orders for our celebrated Teas, Coffees and Baking Powder, and secure a beautiful Gold Band or Moss Rose China Tea Set, Dinner Set, Gold Band Moss Rose Toilet Set, Watch, Brass Lamp. Castor, or Webster’s Dictionary. For particulars address

THE GREAT AMERICAN TEA CO.,
P. O. Box 289. 31 and 33 Vesey St., New York.

[Advertisement] Pennsylvania Agricultural Works, York, Pa.

Pennsylvania Agricultural Works, York, Pa.

Farquhar’s Standard Engines and Saw Mills.

[Advertisement illustration: portable steam engine on wheels driving a saw mill by a long belt, a workman standing between them.]

Send for Catalogue. Portable, Stationary, Traction and Automatic Engines a specialty. Warranted equal or superior to any made.

Address A. B. FARQUHAR & SON, York, Pa.

[Advertisement] R. Crowe, Tailor

R. CROWE, TAILOR, 11 ANN STREET (Third Floor), New York. General Repairing, Altering, Cleaning and Scouring Done. Communication by Postal Card promptly attended to.

[Advertisement] The Nutshell Printing Outfit — Ingersoll & Bro.

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ONLY THE NUTSHELL [Co?] PRINTING OUTFIT 50 CTS—

A complete Printing Office,-Linen Marker,-Card Printer, Amusing and Instructive. 4 Alphabets of Type, Indelible Ink, Pads &c. Postpaid 50cts. AGENTS WANTED for new specialties. CIRCULARS FREE

ALSO BUSINESS OUTFIT $1.00 COMMERCIAL OUTFIT $1.50

Ingersoll & Bro., 45 Fulton St., N.Y.

[Advertisement] Piso’s Cure for Consumption

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[Advertisement] The Keystone Watch Club Co.

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Thousands of the best $38.00 Gold Watch ever made are selling in our Co-Operative Clubs. This is the Best, Cheapest, Most Convenient, and only co-operative System of selling watches. The watches are American Lever Stem Winders, containing every essential to accuracy and durability, and have in addition, numerous other improvements found in no other watch. They are absolutely the only Dust and Damp-proof Movements made in the World, and are jeweled with genuine Rubies. The Patent Stem Wind and Set is the strongest and simplest made. They are fully equal for appearance, accuracy durability and service to any $75 Watch. Our co-operative Club System brings them within the reach of every one.

The Keystone Watch Club Co 904 Walnut St. PHILADELPHIA, PA.

$10 OUR 14-Karat Gold Filled CHAIN is guaranteed to wear 20 Years, and is 33⅓ 14-Karat Solid Gold [?] Look for the stamps —K. W. C. Co. 14 K. FLD.— and buy the BEST.

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QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

What a Coal Mine Contains.

San Francisco Chronicle.

Does any one except a practical chemist ever stop to think of all the substances which we get from pit coal and the almost inconceivable variety of their uses? Everybody is familiar with those of them that are in daily use, such as gas, illuminating oils, coke and paraffine, but of the greater part few persons know even the names, science advances so rapidly and its nomenclature is so extensive and so abstruse. Nearly all the other products derived from soft coal have been discovered and applied in the interests of science or of fraud within the last twenty-five years. The first thought in regard to coal is that it is made to give heat or warmth; the next that one of its principal uses is to illuminate. But there are obtained from it the means of producing over four hundred colors, or shades of color, among the chief of which are saffron, violet blue and indigo.

There are also obtained a great variety of perfumes—cinnamon, bitter almonds, queen of the meadows, clove, wintergreen, anise, camphor, thymol (a new French odor), vanilline and heliotropine. Some of these are used for flavoring. To medicine coal has given hypnone, salicylic acid, naphthol, phenol and antipyrine. Benzine and naphthaline are powerful insecticides. There have been found in it ammoniacal salts useful as fertilizers, tannin, saccharine (a substitute for sugar), the flavor of currants, raspberry and pepper, pyrogallic acid and hydroquinone used in photography, and various substances familiar or unfamiliar, such as tar, rosin, asphaltum, lubricating oils, varnish and the bitter taste of beer. By means of some of these we can we can have wine without the juice of the grape, beer without malt, preserves without either fruit or sugar, perfumes without flowers, and coloring matters without the vegetable or animal substances from which they have been hitherto chiefly derived.

[Advertisement] Special Meeting

SPECIAL MEETING

Under the Auspices of the

SINGLE TAX CLEVELAND CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE

at

COOPER UNION

on

FRIDAY EVENING, SEPT. 21,

at which

HENRY GEORGE,

after a brief address on

THE TARIFF QUESTION,

will

ANSWER ALL QUESTIONS

bearing on the issue put to him from the audience.

p. 7, col. 3

[Advertisement] HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

[Advertisement] NEW PUBLICATIONS. THE GOLDEN WEST.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

THE GOLDEN WEST.

SONOMA COUNTY AND RUSSIAN RIVER VALLEY ILLUSTRATED.

COMMENTS OF THE PRESS.

As a work of art nothing so costly, so faithful and so profuse in illustrations has ever been done for any county in California. Of the eighty-four pages of reading matter, historical, topographical, statistical and descriptive, it is sufficient to say it is the work of one of the best known and ablest writers in the state, and one who, from a journalistic experience of nearly a quarter of a century, has the history of the coast almost at his fingers’ ends. Altogether the work is one deserving of the highest praise.—San Francisco Examiner, June 20.

A large number of pamphlets describing and pictorially illustrating the beauties of different counties of the state have been issued from time to time. The latest, completest and ablest which has been issued for some time past is that which describes Sonoma county’s fertile soil, energetic people and beauteous scenery. The pamphlet, or more properly speaking, the volume, is a perfect encyclopedia in its particular line, treating the county geographically, geologically and historically. The illustrations of the scenes in the Sonoma valley are very faithful and have been prepared with great care and attention to detail. Different sections of the valley have been selected, and their suitability for the production of all classes of fruit is carefully pointed out.—San Francisco Chronicle, June 19^sic,

Bell & Heymans have issued another of their magnificently illustrated descriptions of a central California county. Their work on Marin was acknowledged by the daily press to be the finest of the kind ever published in California. Yet in their “Sonoma County and Russian River Valley Illustrated” they have outdone themselves and published a work that would do credit to any author or publishing house in the United States. The views, tinted and chromo, and plain lithographs and vignettes, over seventy in number, are worth five times the money. The historical, statistical and descriptive portion of the work is full, correct, and complete, and when the reader lays it down after perusal and examining the views, even though he never was in California, he will be better acquainted with the topography, products and condition of the county and its many towns than many people who have lived in Sonoma for years. It is a model book, for it gives in a concise and complete form the very information that an intelligent home seeker, who is a stranger to California, could wish to have.—San Francisco Herald of Trade, June 21.

For sale by BELL & HEYMANS, 434 California street, San Francisco.

Price, 50 cents; or by mail, 60 cents.

[Advertisement] TARIFF TRACTS.

The following Tracts on the Tariff Question are published in the Land and Labor Library:

No. 57. “Protection as a Universal Need.” Henry George. 4 pages.

No. 60. “The Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages.

No. 63^sic. “American Protection and British Free Trade.” Henry George. 4 pages.

No. 69^sic, “Protection and Wages.” Henry George. 8 pages.

No. 70. “The Common Sense of the Tariff Question^sic.” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.

No. 72. “Protection the Friend of Labor?” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.

No. 75. “A Short Tariff History.” Thomas G. Shearman. 2 pages.

No. 76. “Plain Talk to Protectionists.” Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.

No. 77. “An Address to Workingmen on the Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages.

A set of these Tracts will be sent to any address for ten cents.

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[Advertisement] THE TARIFF QUESTION.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE? by Henry George; paper, 35 cents.

THE EXISTING TARIFF, fully indexed so that the rate on each article can readily be found, 25 cents.

LEADING SPEECHES ON THE MILLS BILL, containing the speeches of Mills of Texas, McMillan of Tennessee^sic, Wilson of West Virginia, Scott of Pennsylvania, Cox of New York and Carlisle of Kentucky on the democratic side, and Reed of Maine, McKinley of Ohio, Burrows of Michigan, Butterworth of Ohio and Kelley of Pennsylvania on the republican side: 50 cents.

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OWN A SINGLE TAX PAPER. MUCH effective work in and after the campaign can be done by the publication of a local paper. We can furnish 500 20-column papers, containing much free trade single tax matter, for $2.50 per issue. These will be headed and dated at any village or city. At a little extra expense items of local interest, making points against local opponents, will be inserted. The publisher will have complete control over his own paper; he can insert in it any reading matter or advertisements he pleases, collecting his own pay for subscriptions, sales and advertising. All we have to do with the plan is to furnish the work from a central office and divide the expense among the publishers. These papers can be entered at local post offices as second class matter, and can then be mailed at a cost of four cents per 100 copies for postage. This is a very important item for clubs and groups to consider. Samples free. Write for fuller information to

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HEAVEN AND ITS WONDERS, THE WORLD OF SPIRITS AND HELL, described from things heard and seen, by EMANUEL SWEDENBORG, “Servant of the Lord Jesus Christ.” Also THE LAST JUDGMENT, as witnessed by him in the spiritual world in 1757; The Doctrine of Life, The Sacred Scriptures, The New Jerusalem and its Heavenly Doctrine, in all, 750 octavo pages mailed prepaid for $1.00. Discount to the trade. Address, American Swedenborg Printing and Publishing Society, 20 Cooper Union, New York City.

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[Advertisement] THE PEOPLE’S REAL ESTATE TONTINE.

Chas. Fred. Adams, Secretary, Washington, D. C.,

Receives “Tontine” subscriptions from $1 up and groups them into “Year Funds,” according to the ages of the subscribers, so that the subscriptions of all born in the same year constitute the year fund of that year. The income of each year fund is annually divided on the 1st of May among the living subscribers to such fund, in proportion to amounts subscribed, so long as any of them live.

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MRS. AGATHA MUNIER ATKINS WILL continue to receive pupils in solo singing and vocal sight reading at her residence. 223 E. [32d?] street, New York.

SINGLE TAX CLUB MEETINGS.

TO THE SINGLE TAX MEN OF WEST VIRGINIA: Will the single tax men in West Virgina^sic please send their addresses to me at this point. Send the names of all the George men you know of in your neighborhood and be particular to give post office address. A state organization is proposed and any suggestions or information will be carefully considered. W. I. BOREMAN, Parkersburg, Wood county, West Virginia.

THE ST. LOUIS SINGLE TAX LEAGUE meets every Sunday evening at 7:30 p. m., at Ninth street and Franklin avenue. Secretary, B. E. Bloom, 3925 Lucky street.

p. 7, col. 5

[Advertisement] NEW PUBLICATIONS. BELFORD’S MAGAZINE.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

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Edited by Donn Piatt.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE, published monthly, is devoted to politics, fiction, poetry, general literature, science and art.

In politics the new magazine will give an independent support to the democratic party and to the present administration. It will advocate the extinguishment of the surplus by a reform of the present iniquitous and burdensome tariff in the direction of free trade, or of a tariff for revenue only.

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[Advertisement] TARIFF BOOKS.

THE TARIFF ON IMPORTS INTO THE UNITED STATES, AND THE FREE LIST,

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A most useful book. In a moment you can find the exact tax on any article imported into the United States, and the names of everything on the free list. Invaluable to editors and all interested in the great tariff question now so freely discussed.

AN APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AS A JURY.

SPEECHES ON THE TARIFF delivered in the House of Representatives in the great debate, April 17—May 19, 1888.

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The following is a list of the names of the honorable gentlemen whose speeches are printed in the work:

Hon. Mr. Mills of Texas. Hon. Mr. Kelley of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Wilson of West Virginia. Hon. Mr. McKinley of Ohio. Hon. Mr. McMillin of Tennessee. Hon. Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Hon. Mr. Cox of New York. Hon. Mr. Burrows of Michigan. Hon. Mr. Reed of Maine. Hon. Mr. Carlisle of Kentucky.

Special editions of not less than 2,000 copies for campaign purposes made at greatly reduced prices. If required, all the republican speeches can be had in a separate volume, or all the democratic ones likewise.

THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF: WHAT IT DOES FOR US.

BY GENERAL HERMANN LIEB.

Fourth edition, with revisions and additions. 12mo. Cloth, $1.00.

THE PRESS UNANIMOUS IN ITS PRAISE.

This book shows the practical effect of the protective system upon the country. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the book is its exact alignment with the message of President Cleveland. But for the fact that the General’s work was in print before the message was made public, it might be supposed he had written it to defend the president’s position on the tariff.

The position of Mr. Blaine’s “Twenty Years in Congress” is taken up, his assertions upon the tariff are analyzed, criticised and made to furnish their own refutation.

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OLD MAN GILBERT.

By Elizabeth W. Bellamy.

Small 8vo, cloth ………. $1.00 Paper covers ………. 50 cts.

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WHAT DREAMS MAY COME.

A Romance by Frank Lin.

12mo., Cloth, $1.00. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

A book, which although undoubtedly unconventional, yet is in no wise dependent upon that quality for its success. Its interest lies in its absorbing plot, in its strong dramatic treatment, and in the bold yet logical handling of one of the most difficult and least used subjects in literature.

WHY WAS IT?

A Novel. By Lewis Benjamin.

12 mo., Cloth, $1.50. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

This book tells the story of the loving devotion of a gifted woman who gives up her life to the task of saving a man, equally gifted, from threatened ruin.

The scenes are laid in Washington, California and the new West. The incidents at the Capital are true to life, and deeply interesting. The descriptions, especially the war scenes and scenes in the west, are very clear and graphic, and in parts very beautiful. Each dramatic climax is well brought about, and the tone and sentiment is pure throughout. Whoever reads the first chapters of this book will read it to the end, and the publishers believe that it will be warmly welcomed by a very large class of readers.

MARIE, A SEASIDE EPISODE.

By J. P. Ritter, Jr. With Illustrations by Coultaus.

Cloth, $1. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

In this poem the author tells an interesting love story in an exceedingly bright, clever and amusing fashion that reminds one a good deal of Byron’s “Beppo.” Incidentally, he satirizes society in a light vein of humor, and in a style that is graceful and epigrammatic. The volume contains over forty illustrations, and is an admirable specimen of the book maker’s art.

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12mo. Cloth, $1.00.

In paper covers, illustrated by a remarkable and unique drawing by E. Hamilton Bell, 50 cents.

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EDEN.

By Edgar Saltus^sic,

Author of “The Truth About Tristem Varick^sic,” etc.

Cloth, $1.00. Paper, 50 cents.

In this novel Mr. Saltus describes an episode in a honeymoon. The plot is dramatic, the action nervous, and the scene Fifth avenue. As a picture of contemporaneous life it will be condemned by every lover of the commonplace.

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p. 7, col. 6

[Advertisement] NEW PUBLICATIONS. THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.—We are now publishing under the title of “The Land and Labor Library” a series of short tracts on various phases of the social problem. These pamphlets contain facts, figures and arguments expressed in concise, vigorous language easily understood. As a means of propaganda we recommend them to all who desire to help on the movement for social reform. Those who wish to have these tracts placed where they will do good but who are unable personally to attend to their distribution, can remit the price to us, as we have every facility for sending them where they are needed and will be read.

The following have already appeared:

No. 1. “First Principles.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 2. “Land and Taxation.” A conversation between David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages. No. 3. “The Right to the Use of the Earth.” By Herbert Spencer. 4 pages. No. 4. “A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty.” A sermon by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost of Newark, N. J. 2 pages. No. 5. “A Sum in Proportion.” By T. L. McCready. 2 pages. No. 6. “The Settler’s Nightmare.” By Louis F. Post. 4 pages. No. 7. “New York’s Docks: The True Mode of Raising Revenue.” By. J. W. Sullivan^sic. 4 pages. No. 8. “Unemployed Labor.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 9. “Voices for Reform.” 2 pages. No. 10. “A Mysterious Disappearance.” By Lewis Freeland. 6 pages. No. 11. “How to Increase Profits.” By A. J. Steers. 2 pages. No. 12. “The American Farmer.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 13. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 14. “The Collegiate Church and the Shoemaker’s Field.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 15. “Only a Dream.” By Abner C. Thomas. 4 pages. No. 16. “The Anti-Poverty Society.” Dr. McGlynn’s address at the first meeting. 8 pages. No. 17. “The Cross of the New Crusade.” A poem. By David Rorty. 2 pages. No. 18. “It is the Law of Christ.” By Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 19. “My Landlord. By John Jones^sic. 4 pages. No. 20.”Thou Shalt Not Steal.” An address by Henry George before the Anti-Poverty Society. 8 pages. No. 21. “Christianity and Poverty.” An address by Father Huntington before the Anti-poverty society. 4 pages. No. 22. “Poverty and Christianity.” An address by Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the Anti-poverty society. 8 pages. No. 23. “The Single Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 24. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 1. 4 pages. No. 25. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 2. 4 pages. No. 26. “Religion vs. Robbery.” Address by Rev. Dr McGlynn before the New York Anti-poverty society, June 12, [1887?]. 8 pages. No. 27. “Back to the Land.” Bishop Nulty’s letter to the clergy and laity of his diocese. 16 pages. Price, 5 cents. No. 28. “Anti-Slavery and Anti-Poverty.” An address by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the New York Anti-Poverty Society, June 19. 8 pages. No. 29. “Tenement House Morality.” Rev. J. O. S. Huntington in the Forum. 4 pages. No. 30. “The Case Plainly Stated.” A speech by H. F. Ring before the Knights of Labor at Houston, Texas. 8 pages. No. 31. “Questions and Answers.” Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson of the Sixty-first street M. E. church of New York; with answers by Henry George. 2 pages. No. 32. “Objections to the Land Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 33. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 34. “Horse Sense.” W. C. Woods. 2 pages. No. 35. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 36. “Citycus and Rusticus.” Tudor S. Jenks. 4 pages. No. 37. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pp. No. 38. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 39. “What We Want.” Everett Glackin, president Typographical Union No. 6. 2 pages. No. 40. “Protection or Free Trade.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. (German.) 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” (German.) Henry George. 4 pages. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. (German^sic.) Henry George. 4 pages. No. 44.”How John’s Father Saw the Light.” W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages. 45^sic. Platform of the United Labor Party. 2 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” (German.) Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” (German.) Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (German). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 49. “The Distribution of Wealth.” Thomas G. Shearman. 16 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” (German.) Henry George. No. 51. “Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers.” Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish^sic). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” (German.) Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 54. “What the United Labor Party Want.” Henry George. 2 pages. No. 55. “Stories for Farmers.” 4 pages. No. 56. “Electoral Reform.” A. T. Rice. 4 pages. No. 57. “Protection as a Universal Need.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 58. “To a College Professor.” Bartholomew Appleby. 4 pages. No. 59. “Before a Royal Commission.” W. A. Douglass. 4 pages. No. 60. “The Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 61^sic, “A Practical Illustration.” Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages. No. 62. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 63, “American Protection and British Free Trade.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 64. “Hints as to What You Can Do.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 65. “To a Bookkeeper.” Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages. No. 66. “A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms.” Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages. No. 67. “A Piece of Land” By^sic the late Francis G. Shaw. 2 pages. No. 68. “The Tax on Buildings.” William T. Croasdale. 8 pages. No. 69. “Protection and Wages.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 70. “The Common Sense of the Tariff Question. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 71.”My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man^sic. William McCabe. 4 pages. No. 72. “Protection the Friend of Labor?” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 73. “Property in Land.” Henry George. Price, 15 cents. No. 74. “Social Problems.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 75. “A Short Tariff History.” Thomas G. Shearman. 2 pages. No. 76. “Plain Talk to Protectionists.” Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 77. An Address to Workingmen on the Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages. No. 78. “Election Reform.” Louis F. Post. 10 pages. No. 79. “A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland.” Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages.

GERMAN TRACTS.

No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish.) H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.

SWEDISH.

No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” H. F. Ring. 8 pages.

Prices, free by mail: 2-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $4.25.

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A special selection, comprising thirty or more of the most popular tracts, will be sent for 20 cents.

Other numbers in preparation.

Address HENRY GEORGE, 12 Union square, New York city.

[Advertisement] THE NEW CHRISTIANITY.

THE NEW CHRISTIANITY.—A bi-weekly independent journal, recognizing the fatherhood of God and brotherhood of man as the essentials of religion, and Emanuel Swedenborg as the illumined instrument of the new dispensation and era now so manifestly beginning.

In sympathy with every movement toward the realization of the Lord’s kingdom on earth, and having no desire to build up a sect or to interfere with any one’s church relation, it opens its columns to all religious, moral and social questions, guided by one principle alone—the thought and love of USE.

Editors, B. F. Barrett and S. H. Spencer. Price, $2 a year. Sample copies free. Address NEW CHRISTIANITY, Germantown, Pa.

[Advertisement] ANTI-POVERTY DOCTRINES IN A NUTSHELL.

ANTI-POVERTY DOCTRINES IN A NUTSHELL.

Thirty pamphlets on various phases of the social problem. The question of the hour. All should understand it. Will be sent post peid^sic on receipt of fifteen cents in stamps, or will be sent free to any one sending twenty-five cents for six months’ subscription to the Tax Reformer, a sixteen page journal. Address, ANTI-POVERTY PRESS, 1791 Lexington ave., N. Y.

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BOOK, JOB AND NEWSPAPER PRINTING.

CURRENT THOUGHT.

TO SINGLE TAX CLEVELAND VOTERS.

The conference of single tax men held at Cooper union, New York, on Monday, August 6, decided to make an enrollment of all single tax men who propose to support Cleveland and Thurman. All who desire to have their names added to this roll can do so by signing the blank given below and forwarding it to this office. One blank can be made to serve for a number of signatures by clipping it out and pasting it on a sheet of paper.

I authorize the enrollment of my name on the list of voters who propose to support Cleveland and Thurman in the coming election, on the ground that any step toward tariff reduction tends toward the abolition of all taxes on the products of labor, and the final transfer of such taxes to land values.

NAME,………………………………………………….

ADDRESS,……………………………………………….

Send this blank when signed to THE STANDARD office, 12 Union square, New York.

p. 8, col. 3 on a small scale are not ipso facto unworthy.

Suppose we try another test. The unworthy poor man, let us say, is one who, being in want and able to work, and having work offered him, refuses to go to work. But suppose his conscience forbids him to do the particular kind of work offered him? How often do we hear men say, “I’d rather beg than do this, that or the other thing.” Suppose a prohibitionist is offered work in a liquor saloon? or a man who will not tell a lie, a position as a salesman? Imagine a trade unionist, facing the alternative of idleness or writing editorials for the Evening Post, or a democrat similarly situated with regard to the Sun? Would men in such cases prove their worthiness by accepting or rejecting employment? Suppose a man with conscientious scruples against doing any productive labor—the thing is possible—a man who could live on contributions from the public and still preserve his self respect. Would he be less worthy than a custom house officer?

Is a drunkard unworthy? Unworthy as a man, yes. But why unworthy as a poor man? Is his necessity less urgent, his suffering less keen, because he is the helpless slave of a degraded appetite? To say so were to assert that a man in chains should be left to starve because of his fetters. Is a tramp unworthy? Perhaps if we could hear his story we might find excuse for even hun.

All this is nonsense. Yes, but nonsense that comes parlously near to being sense. The social paradox expresses itself in many different terms. It confronts the charitable and the uncharitable alike—the beggar as well as the monopolist. And its ever unanswered question, now whispered softly, now shouted in thunder tones, is the famous query, “What are you going to do about it?”

Discern the worthy poor! Why there should be nothing easier. The men who cannot work—the sick, the blind, the halt—the physically disabled and the feeble minded—these should be the worthy poor, and the only worthy poor, to relieve whose wants should be one of humanity’s chiefest joys. But it were vain to attempt that canon of selection while the privilege of work is a thing to be bestowed in charity, and our young men are taught by precept and example, from pulpit, desk and rostrum, that the end and aim of life is to gather in the fruits of others’ labor.

SOME FACTS ABOUT JAVA.

In a recent number of Deutsch Land Mr. Flurscheim prints a letter received from a government employe in the island of Sumatra. In this letter the writer disputes some statements concerning the effects of common ownership of land as it exists in Java to-day, which Flurscheim quoted from Emile de Laveleye. It seems that this correspondent, from personal observation, found that the condition of the people was not very good, not nearly as good as De Laveleye intimates, under the communal ownership of land. Of course, this communal holding of

p. 8, col. 4

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land and the rotation of plots, one man having a certain piece for a certain time, and then being forced to give it up for another piece, is not what Flurscheim advocates. Flurscheim is a single tax man, and does not wish to disturb possession nor to take from the owner his improvements, as this primitive Java system does. He simply desires that that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and improvement of the community shall be taken in the shape of a tax for the use of the whole people.

The correspondent says that the owners of small pieces of ground under the “common ownership” plan in Russia and Hindostan as well as in Java, are often nothing more than paupers. “It is true,” he says, “the small famer^sic cannot sell or mortgage his land, but he does mortgage his crops and is in a chronic state of impecuniousness. I am surprised,” he goes on to say, “that you defend this primitive common ownership, which is certainly something very different from what you mean by nationalization of the land.”

Flurscheim replies to this that he does not want to apply primitive methods to our advanced civilization, and for whatever he has said concerning the Javanese system he is indebted to Emile de Laveleye’s “Primitive Property;” and he promises to write to De Laveleye giving the facts of his Sumatra correspondent.

But the correspondent, whose name is Peltzer, goes on to give some interesting information concerning the history of land holding and some of the customs in Java and Sumatra. He says:

Until the end of the last century common ownership was the exception [in Java and Sumatra] and existed only where it was necessitated by the establishment of water ducts for the rice fields. These water ducts or canals were often too large to be dug by a single family, and so all the people in a village would unite, and afterward the rice lands which they reclaimed they divided among themselves periodically in such a way that each family alternately received a good and a poor plot. With this exception all the lands were the property of the prince (perhaps as the representatives of the whole people, as the fiction is yet maintained in English law). The right of the prince, however, was restricted so that he could only demand a certain portion of the crop, and one day’s labor from the tenant out of every six days. This right in the case of some territory he conveyed to all officials who could use it or farm it out, in place of paying them salaries, which condition of affairs still exists in that small portion of Java which is now controlled by the prince. A hundred years ago a large part of Java was entirely unknown; the East India company troubled itself very little with the government so long as the chiefs brought their tributes. In the beginning of this century the French and English governments sold large parts of the land to Europeans and Chinese; that is, they gave these people the above mentioned right to one day’s labor in six from the tenant, and two-fifths of the crop, or two-fifths of the land in case the landlord wished to raise different crops than the tenant. Later on this was stopped and now the [Dutch] government proposes to buy back these lands which were sold, to save the people from the oppression of the landlords. For several years the government has not permitted the alienation of lands, but much more than this was decided by the law of 1870: First—the people can divide the lands into individual plots of private property whenever three-quarters of the inhabitants of a commune so decide; second—the Javanese cannot sell land to Chinese or foreigners generally; third—European and Chinese can lease the unused virgin land from the government, where it is not wanted by the Javanese, in terms of 75 years, for the purpose of agriculture. Daily laborers, vagabonds and beggars are already abundant, the principal cause being the use of opium.

I may add that the original individual ownership or right of usufruct was, in the ’30s and in the beginning of this century, often displaced by communal ownership because of the heavy burdens which the government laid on the separate communities when it succeeded the East India company. It required from the inhabitants much frohn labor (labor performed by a citizen for the government or by a tenant for his landlord) for the building of roads, and in 1830 for the enforced coffee culture which still exists in a milder form. On this account each village sought, by dividing the lands (communally) among the former non-land owners, to thus increase the number of laborers and people liable to the frohn labor, so that the burden of each would be smaller, and since that time much private ownership has passed into communal ownership. Pauperism is very common in Java, as the small farmers (whether they own their land or have a share in the communal property) often fall into the hands of the usurers through failure of crops, dissipation, the opium habit, etc.

The Malays whom I govern here in Sumatra are very differently circumstanced than the Javanese. For instance, marriage here is matriarchal; everything is inherited in the female line, and land ownership is an undivided family right. The religion is Mohammedan. Only in the greatest extremity is the property of a family sold; it can be mortgaged however. Land here is abundant as yet.

NEW IDEAS, METHODS AND INVENTIONS.

Copper is coming into fashion, says the Jewelers’ Weekly. A lot of canes and umbrellas just imported had a piece of ordinary copper wire around the handle. Gold and silver has become so common as heads for these articles that people demand something new for a change. It is thought that when this metal becomes popular we shall see very elaborate ornaments made of it.

A curiously considerate invention has been produced by a Frenchman in the shape of a noiseless clock, for use more especially in sick rooms. In place of the usual pendulum the hands are set in motion by the unrolling of a chain, the end of which is fastened to a buoy floating in a tank of liquid. This fluid escapes at a uniform rate, and can be utilized to feed a lamp wick, thus giving the apparatus the double character of clock and lamp. When the lamp is lighted the necessary diminution of liquid takes place by combustion, at other times by carefully regulated dropping.—[Science and Art.

Several newspapers have referred to a new invention by one William Timmis, which, if successful, will revolutionize motive power. The inventor is an unpretentious English mechanic residing in Pittsburg, Pa., who claims to have invented a machine by which untold motive power can be stored or used without the expenditure of fuel. The machine seems to be simply an air compressor of the simplest sort. It consists of one small cylinder (six horse power), with a balance weight of 75 pounds, which runs the entire apparatus; another small cylinder, five inches in diameter, with seven inches stroke, compresses the air into the tank from which the power is utilized. Under the piston plate the inventor has placed two layers of bars containing eleven different minerals, the magnetic influence of which is the secret of the inventor. The advantages he claims are durability, economy and simplicity. Experts have examined the machine and pronounce it a success.—[The Wood Worker.

In reply to a query the American Machinist gives the following simple instructions for silverplating without the use of electricity: The articles to be plated must first be freed from all greasy or oily substances. This may be done by boiling them in an alkaline lye (about half a pound of soda ash to the gallon of water), then washed from the lye and dipped into diluted nitric acid, which removes any oxide that may be formed upon the surface. The acid should be diluted so that it will merely act upon the metal. The articles should then be washed in clean water to remove the acid. For a plating solution to be used without the aid of a battery: Take one ounce of nitrate of silver dissolved in one quart of distilled or rain water. When thoroughly dissolved throw in a few crystals of hyposulphite of soda, which will at first form a brown precipitate, but this will eventually become redissolved if sufficient hyposulphite has been employed. A slight excess of this salt must, however, be added. The solution thus formed may be used for coating small articles of steel, brass or German silver, by simply dipping a small sponge in the solution and rubbing it over the surface of the article to be coated, which has been previously cleaned as directed. When the solution has been carefully made and the operator has had a little practice, the plating may be done in a very satisfactory manner. It may be added that hyposulphite of soda costs only ten cents a pound, and nitrate of silver about $1.50 an ounce. One ounce of silver will coat a large number of small articles.

The Japanese admiralty has finally decided upon coating the bottoms of all their ships with a material closely akin to the lacquer to which we are so much accustomed as a specialty of Japanese furniture work. Although the preparation differs somewhat from that commonly known as Japanese lacquer, the base of it is the same—viz, gum lac, as it is commonly termed. Experiments which have been long continued by the imperial naval department have resulted in affording proof that the new coating material remains fully efficient for three years, and the report on the subject demonstrates that, although the first cost of the material is three times the amount of that hitherto employed, the amount of dockings required will be reduced by its use to the proportion of one to six. A vessel of the Russian Pacific fleet has already been coated with the new preparation, which, the authorities say, completely withstands the fouling influences so common in tropical waters. It occupied the native inventor for many years to overcome the tendency of the lac to harden and crack, but having successfully accomplished this, the finely polished surface of the mixture resists in an almost perfect degree the liability of barnacles to adhere or weeds to grow, while presumably the same high polish must materially reduce the skin friction which is so important an element affecting the speed of iron ships. The dealers in gum lac express the fear lest the demand likely to follow on this novel application of it may rapidly exhaust existing sources of supply.—[Scientific American.

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