September 29, 1888 Vol. IV, No. 13Whole No. 91

THE STANDARD FOR THE CAMPAIGN.

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CONTENTS:

The Handle to the Ax—By William M. Ivins. March of the Workers (poem). H. K. Thurber, San Francisco Chronicle & Co., Attention. Mr. Jarrett’s Hard Road. Explaining Things—Henry George Answers Questions In Chicago. Comparing the Tariffs. The Black Country. The New York Farmer and the Tariff. Little Homes and Little Farms. The Beating of the Drums. Goods for Gold. A Poser for Protectionists. The Campaign “Standard” Fund. Campaign Work. Notes from Conversations. At Hot Springs, Arkansas. Society Notes. The Vision (poem). An Australian “Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” New Ideas, Methods and Inventions. The Protectionist’s Prayer. The Economy of Human Life. Queries and Answers. Ballot Reform in Rhode Island. Current Thought.

THE HANDLE TO THE AX.

When Ferdinand Lassalle was beginning his agitation for the liberation of the workingmen in Germany he tried to get Rodbertus, who even before Karl Marx had formulated the idea of “mehrwerth,” or surplus value, to join him in the cause. Lassalle contended that “the working classes must constitute themselves an independent political party, and must make universal, equal, direct suffrage their watchword.” The representation of the working classes in the legislature, he claimed, “alone could satisfy their legitimate interest in a political sense.” Rodbertus, on the other hand, preferred that they should avoid all political agitation, and insisted that the question of their welfare was purely economic; whereupon Lassalle, in one of his letters, replied: “Without universal suffrage—that is, a practical handle by which to realize our claim—we may be a philosophical school, or a religious sect, but never a political party. Thus it appears to me that universal suffrage belongs to our social demands, as the handle to the ax.”

I tell this story not because I am a follower of the great German, but because when he spoke for himself and his own cause he spoke for the cause of all great reforms whatever. With his clairvoyant logic he states the proposition which is fundamental to all true and lasting social reform. It is our boast that in this country we have universal manhood suffrage; but if the boast be true, why is it that we have as clearly marked a governing class, even though it be of variable constitution and not hereditary, as in any country in the world? And why is it that for every reform whatever we have to appeal to the representatives of this class? It is true that all citizens not under the ban of the law for cause may go to the polls and vote; but it is equally true that unless they vote for the representative of one or the other of the wings or parties into which the organization of the governing classes is divided, they have practically to vote in the air, and so to no purpose. The law, by taking only a part of the machinery of elections into its own hands, and leaving the remaining and most essential part subject to the exploitation of irresponsible individuals and associations or parties, has made the government and the offices the property of existing parties, and directly limited the suffrage to the single alternative of selecting between them. This is equivalent to placing the government in commission, and relegating all citizens whatever for their effective political action to their rights within one or the other of the old political parties, notwithstanding the fact that they are irresponsible voluntary associations; and the law imposes no obligation on them to receive or recognize any one within their ranks, and does not vest any one with the right to vote at their primary meetings without submitting to their principles. The party leaders may declare any policy they please; may and do use the offices of the people as a means of maintaining the effective working force of their organization; are enabled to raise vast sums of money from office holders and from the sale of nominations with which to print and distribute the ballots; and can, failing a secret ballot, buy votes at wholesale in an open market—and all because the law has left one-half of the machinery of elections at the mercy of men whose profession it is to disfranchise the masses when they cannot use them. The law has said to us all, “You are entitled to the suffrage, and one man’s vote shall count as much as another’s;” and then, with its tongue in its cheek, has added, “provided you can take care of yourselves,” much as though it had said: “Every man is entitled to life, liberty and property,” and had nevertheless

p. 1, col. 2 failed to provide any police or any courts of justice.

It was originally believed that it was enough for the law to accord to all the right to go to the polls and vote. Our early law makers seem to have taken it for granted that this was all that was needed. They took no thought of the fact that the world is made up of the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the honest and the dishonest; and that without the safeguards and securities of the law, the strong and the rich and the dishonest [will?] always get and keep the upper hand [illegible] and the weak and the hone[illegible] seemed to think that the [illegible]itution and the law was ex[illegible] the right to cast a ballot was accorde[illegible]d did not ask where the ballot was to come from, where and how the voter was to get it, and how and under what limitations of secrecy he was to deposit it. They did not foresee that some of these things involved—in fact, necessitated—a vast and expensive machinery, possession of which at once produced a hopeless inequality between those who control it and those who do not, and that the failure of enforced secrecy left free the means for organizing bribery. They did not foresee that the individual was always left at the mercy of those strong, rich and dishonest men who, acting in concert and as political organizations, could supply a part of this machinery by men paid out of the public treasury and the remainder by men paid out of the proceeds of the sale of nominations, until at last equal suffrage should become a mockery, party nominations a purchase and public elections a game of skill and chance between two or, at most, three organized parties, and in which the people have no interest except to protect themselves against the worst. They did not foresee that in according a right without supplying the guarantees of that right they were placing the unorganized majority at the mercy of the organized minority and providing the means for the growth of a class of professional politicians who believe in the voice of the people only when they can make that voice echo their purposes. Little by little the legislature learned how defective our legislation was, and some of the worst evils were cured after the persistent opposition of one of the great parties. The democratic party of the past reaped the fruit of the inefficient registration and canvassing laws, and to-day the democratic party is the chief beneficiary in the state of the absence of legal guarantees as to the right to nominate, as to the printing and distribution of the ballots, and as to the enforced secrecy of the ballot. Like the democratic party of the past, which was the party of Tweed, the democratic party of to-day, which is the party of Hill, is opposed to any reform that shall make the declaration of the law that all men are politically equal something more than a mischievous lie.

[Note: a later handwritten/stamped owner’s mark (“[1]04 Dr Walter Mendelson 167 / 179 W 74th st”) overlies five lines of this paragraph, and the type beneath it is lost; the gaps are marked [illegible].]

In a representative government the citizen cannot govern at all. He and his fellows can issue their commission through the ballot, and there their power ends. Thenceforth, as a body and as individuals, except those of them who have been chosen or elected, none can take any official part in the government. But the whole government springs from the election. The election is the greatest and only act of government performed directly by the people, and yet it is the only act of government which has not been placed in its entirety under the control of the law, and the whole of the machinery for which is not provided for or protected by statute. The result of this anomaly is not the practical disfranchisement of the minority by the majority, but of the majority by the minority, so that in the city of New York its quarter of a million of voters, unless they are prepared to submit to the terms of an unequal and hopeless contest, are powerless to do more than select between the candidates nominated by the few thousand persons who form the active nucleus of the three local machines. This is not disfranchisement. It is worse. It is enfranchisement only on condition that we use our franchise to vote ourselves into political servitude by electing those who do not, can not and will not represent us.

Is it any wonder, then, that our legislatures are venal and that our governor is corrupt—that our so-called representatives know only three motives, hope of gain, fear of punishment, and political prestige and power? Is it any wonder, then, the law prescribing no sufficient limitations to dishonest and fraudulent practices, and so offering a high premium on those practices through the possession of office and influence—is it any wonder, I say, that the offices of the people should in so many cases be in the hands of the enemies of the people, and that the rum power and the money power should take possession of the machinery of election which the law does not guarantee to the people themselves? Is it any wonder that our legislature is no longer a deliberative body? Is it any wonder that no great reform is possible of accomplishment, not only, but that even a plain letter of the constitution, like the requirement for a census, or a clear and unmistakable mandate of the people, like that for a constitutional convention, is disregarded with the most shameless impunity?

Now, whatever we want in the way of reform, whether it be tax reform, or land

p. 1, col. 3 reform, or reform of the law governing corporations, or municipal reform, or reform of the liquor law, there is one reform which we all want, and which we must all have before there is any hope of any of these other reforms, or any practical use, even, of their discussion, and that is electoral reform, whereby the whole machinery of elections shall be surrounded by the safeguards of law; whereby the ballots shall be printed and distributed at public expense; whereby all nominations for the same office shall be printed on the same ticket, and any respectable and representative number of citizens shall have the right to nominate; whereby an end shall be put to the assessment of candidates and the use of money in elections, and whereby the secrecy of the ballot shall be compulsory.

When we get that we shall have true representative government, and we may then abide by the consequences. To-day our evils arise out of the fact that we have the ax without the handle; and while we strike with one hand we cut off the other, instead of the evil at which we aim. We must have the handle to the ax.

WILLIAM M. IVINS.

March of the Workers.

Tune: “John Brown’s Body.”

Ours are the voices that for ages were unheard, Ours are the voices of a future long deferred. Cry all together: we shall speak the final word, Let the Cause go marching on. Glory! glory! hallelujah! Glory! glory! hallelujah! Glory! glory! hallelujah! Let the Cause go marching on.

Ours are the votes that give us the weapons we can wield, Ours are the votes that make our proud opponents yield. Vote all together, and our charge shall clear the field, And the Cause go marching on. Glory! glory! hallelujah! Glory! glory! hallelujah! Glory! glory! hallelujah! Let the Cause go marching on.

Ours are the millions, though it may not be in gold, Ours are the millions who will right the wrongs of old. Move all together as the ocean waves are rolled, When the storm goes marching on. Glory! glory! hallelujah! Glory! glory! hallelujan^sic! Glory! glory! hallelujah! Let the Cause go marching on.

GERALD MASSEY.

The United Labor Party.

The state convention of the united labor party was held in Cooper union in this city on Wednesday, 19th, and Thursday, 20th. The largest number of delegates present was 276, mainly from New York and Brooklyn. The united labor party paper, The People, filled with articles in favor of protection, was distributed among the delegates. The presidential candidates, Messrs. Cowdrey and Wakefield, were present. The convention resolved that, in addition to the regular united labor electoral ticket, democratic and republican tickets should also be printed, with the substitution of the two united labor electors-at-large. Messrs. Redpath and Wilder, both protectionists, were chosen for electors-at-large. The convention also indorsed the republican canditate^sic for governor, Warner Miller, and nominated John H. Blakeney for lieutenant governor and Lawrence J. McParlin for judge of the court of appeals.

On Sunday night a meeting was held in Madison Square garden, where the anti-poverty fair is going on, at which Dr. McGlynn declared his intention of voting for the thirty-four republican electors and the two united labor electors-at-large. But at the meeting of the executive committee on Tuesday night Dr. McGlynn introduced a resolution, which was adopted, declaring that all officers of the party must support the whole united labor party electoral ticket.

In the Eighth Congressional District.

NEW YORK CITY, Sept. 21.—The Single tax club of the Eighth congressional district held its first public meeting in support of Cleveland and Thurman last evening at its headquarters, No. 412 Grand street. Owing to the stormy weather and short notice the attendance was not so large as might have been expected. But those who were present had no reason to regret having come out in the storm.

After a few introductory remarks by the chairman Mr. William J. Gorsuch was introduced. He delivered an exceedingly interesting and able speech on the subject of free trade. He had the closest attention of the audience, and received their hearty applause. Then came Mr. William McCabe, who spoke on the single land tax theory, interspersing his remarks with apt illustrations from his experience in the early golden days of California. Mr. John H. Docherty closed the meeting with a fiery attack on the principle of protection.

The club will hold public meetings at its headquarters every Thursday evening, and in order to cover the entire congressional district, will shortly arrange for one or two other meetings in the week for other parts of the district.

HERMAN G. LOEW, President.

Henry George in Newark.

The single tax Cleveland and Thurman meeting held in Newark on Thursday of last week, at which Henry George spoke, was a very large and successful one. Over 1,200 persons crowded into the rink, many being compelled to stand. Hugh O. Pentecost introduced Mr. George in a neat and appropriate address. There was much enthusiasm shown during Mr. George’s speech, especially near the close, when he explained the land tax. Many prominent members of both parties were present. A little balcony that had been used as a band stand when the hall was a skating rink, broke down during the speech, but it caused no excitement, and no one was seriously injured.

The Hot Place Left for the Other Fellows.

Detroit Free Press.

The earth is but a shallow crust, Around a core of heat and flame. Some people on it don’t ask much; The crust is good enough for them.

p. 1, col. 4

H. K. THURBER, SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE & CO., ATTENTION.

MR. JARRETT’S HARD ROAD.

A Significant Straw.

KANSAS CITY, Mo., September 15.—Last night Judge Chester H. Krum of St. Louis addressed a large gathering of democrats and others in Turner hall, this city, in favor of tariff reduction. Judge Krum, as you probably know, was until recently one of the prominent republicans of this state. His speech last night was one of exceeding ability—free from all pyrotechnical, spread-eagle tinsel, moderate in tone, dignified, solid, polished. It was the effort not merely of a strong man, but of a cultured scholar. It was listened to with the closest attention throughout. He made it plain that no man of the least independence of thought, familiar with the traditions of the republican party and the utterances of its great leaders, could consistently do otherwise than support Cleveland and Thurman. It was pre-eminently a speech to convince—and it did convince, for I know of at least one republican protectionist who at the end admitted that he had been wholly mistaken, and that protection is a fraud and a humbug.

In showing what the tariff is, and citing the definitions of various authorities, Judge Krum said, “I assume that there are working men here to-night. . . . Has Henry George lost his right to their confidence?” When he uttered the name of Henry George there was an instantaneous, vigorous, hearty applause from all parts of the hall. That this should have occurred at a democratic meeting is certainly a significant “straw.”

J. P. GILMER.

Organized in Detroit.

DETROIT, Mich., Sept. 21—There is now an association here founded for the purpose of pushing tariff reform in this campaign. The name (Tax reform association) invites the co-operation of all without respect to political creed. Weekly meetings will be held for discussion. There are among its membership men of all faiths, as may be seen from the officers: President, W. G. Brownlee, free trader; vice-president, H. A. Robinson, single tax; treasurer, P. Dee, free trader; secretary, J. F. Duncan, single tax.

A fine meeting room, very central, has been secured.

J. K. FINEHART^sic, 45 Waterloo street.

Twelfth Congressional District Organized.

The single tax men of the Twelfth congressional district, consisting of the Twentieth, Twenty-first and Twenty-second assembly districts, met last Monday evening, Sept. 24, at 1,621 Second avenue, and organized a Cleveland and Thurman single tax club of the Twelfth congressional district. The next meeting will be held Friday evening, Sept. 28, at the same place, at which all single tax men in the above district are requested to be present. Order of business, election of permanent officers. Regular meetings every Monday evening.

ARTHUR FIEGEL, Chairman pro tem.

Unity Congregation.

The first meeting of Unity congregation this fall was held last Sunday morning at Masonic temple. The hall was well filled. Mr. Pentecost described the objects of the congregation and declared the entire independence of his pulpit. Services will be held every Sunday morning at 11 o’clock.

On the Highway to Jerusalem.

TORONTO, Canada, Sept. 21.—With the English liberal party advocating taxation of ground rents and the “protection” party in the States on the eve of breaking up, I feel that we are already far on the highway to Jerusalem.

WILLIAM A. DOUGLASS.

p. 1, col. 6

EXPLAINING THINGS.

IN CHICAGO.

COMPARING THE TARIFFS.

THE BLACK COUNTRY.

THE NEW YORK FARMER AND THE TARIFF

The republican party in the ensuing presidential election confidently expects to come down to Harlem river with a majority of 65,000 or thereabouts, sufficient to overcome any possible democratic majority in the cities of New York and Brooklyn; and in this manner it is hoped that New York will cast her thirty-six electoral votes for Harrison and Morton, and thereby secure their election. This expectation is based upon the belief that the New York farmer will vote the republican ticket now, as in the past. But, however much the republican party may have reasonably felt confidence in the farmer vote hitherto, the great issue raised in this campaign renders it by no means certain that a continuance of this support will be maintained.

The tariff issue overshadows all others this year, since the question of taxation affects pecuniarily every voter in the state, and the farmer is quite as wide awake to his own interests as the mechanic.

What then is and has been the effect of the tariff upon the New York farmer?

The stock republican argument produced for the benefit of the farmer is that, while it is true that the farmer competes with the entire world on a free and equal basis, and that while the value of his products cannot be directly enhanced by a protective tariff, nevertheless his share of the benefits accruing from the blessed tariff arises from the great value of the home market thus produced. The vast superiority of the home market over that pernicious fallacy, the “foreign market,” will be found demonstrated in any issue of the Tribune or the Press, and requires no demonstration here.

What the New York farmer has gained under protection, as compared with the nearest approach this country has had to free trade, will be shown by the favorite protectionist method—that is, by a resort to statistics.

The decade from 1850 to 1860 was a low tariff period, and from 1860 to 1880 and since then the New York farmer, as well as the rest of us, have enjoyed the blessing of a high protective tariff.

The following tables are taken from the United States census reports:

TABLE I. Number of farmers in New York state: 1850………………..170,621 1870………………..216,253 1860………………..[196,990?] 1880………………..241,058

TABLE II. Average number of improved acres in each farm: 1850………………..72.7 1870………………..72.3 1860………………..72.5 1880………………..73.4

TABLE III. Total valuation of farm lands, buildings, improvements, agricultural implements, and live stock: 1850…………… $650,202,067 1870 (1)………$1,179,950,[536?] 1860…………… 936,366,584 1880………… 1,216,[637?],765

TABLE IV. Value of all farm products for the year prior to the census year: 1849……………not taken 1869 (1)…………202,82[0?],923 1859……………not taken 1879……………178,025,695

TABLE V. Average value of each farm: 1850……………….. $4,051 1860……………….. 4,749 Increase………… $698 1870……………….. 5,456 Increase………… 707 1880……………….. 5,047 Decrease………… 409

TABLE VI. Average value of products for each farm: 1870……………….. $937 1880……………….. 738 Decrease………… $199

TABLE VII. Average value of products for each acre under cultivation: 1870……………….. $12.96 1880……………….. 10.05 Decrease………… $2.91

The deductions from these tables are self-evident. According to table II, the number of acres under cultivation in each farm was substantially the same at each period. Under ten years of our nearest approach to free trade the value of each farm increased $698, or at the rate of almost $70 a year. Under twenty years of protection the increase in value of each farm was $398^sic, or at the rate of not quite $20 a year; while under the last ten years of protection, when its baneful effects had time to show themselves, each farm decreased in value at the rate of $41 a year. Instead of a gain of $70 a year, each farmer has lost $41 a year, so that his total annual loss as the result of protection has been $111. That is, each New York farmer is at the end of a year $111 worse off under protection than he would have been under a low tariff.

So much for the effect of protection upon the value of the farmer’s property. What has been to him the value of his home market, which was to reimburse and compensate him for the higher prices he is obliged to pay for everything he buys, owing to protective duties?

The only way the farmer can be compensated is by obtaining higher prices for products, which under the theory of protection he should obtain, since the protectionists agree that protection brings consumers to the farmer’s door and offers employment for men who otherwise would become farmers and enter into competition with them. But that the “home market” of the protectionist is a myth is shown by tables IV., V. and VI.

The aggregate value of the yearly products of the New York farmer was less in 1880 than in 1870 by over ten per cent. And, there being 30,000 more farms in 1880, the value of the products for each farm decreased in the same period $199, or over twenty per cent. No wonder that the value of each farm decreased over $400 in ten years’ time.

That this aggregate decrease is due to decrease values^sic of what the farmer has to sell, in spite of the home market, is shown by the increased production in 1880 over 1870. For example, the total number of bushels of wheat, corn, oats, barley, buckwheat, rye and potatoes in 1870, was 106,299,281, and in 1880, was [123,386,185?]. Pounds of tobacco in 1870 were 2,349,798; in 1880 were 6,481,431. And the number of milch cows in 1870 was 1,350,661, and in 1880 was [1,437,855?].

A perusal of these tables will show to the New York farmer that he is not a sharer in the benefits of protection, and will explain to him where the money comes from which enriches the millionaire beneficiaries of protective tariff extortion and robbery. An annual contribution of $111 from each New York farmer through the instrumentality of protection suffices to furnish tariff monopolists with castles in Scotland and the means to lobby bills through congress which weave closer fetters about the wealth producers of New York.

ARTHUR S. BROWNE.

1. The values given for 1870 in tables III, IV, V and VI are gold values, so that a uniform standard of value is given throughout the tables for the several periods. The census figures for 1870 are: Value of farms, improvements, buildings, implements and live stock, $1,474,938,910; value of products, $253,526,153. The average value of a gold dollar in the census year was $1.25, and the figures given in the tables are deduced from the census figures on this basis. If any protectionist farmer can get any comfort out of using the census figures he is at liberty to use them. He will thus find that the average value of a farm in New York was $6,820 in 1870, and its product was $1,171. Adopting these figures, each farm diminished in value in ten years $1,773, or $177 a year; and the annual product fell off $[433?]. He can make his choice between Scylla and Charybdis, and may be sure, while he intrusts his prosperity on the bark “Protection,” that shipwreck will be the inevitable result.

p. 3, col. 5

LITTLE HOMES AND LITTLE FARMS.

THE BEATING OF THE DRUMS.

Tariff trusts are right if the protective tariff is right.—[Wichita, Kan., Beacon.

Free trade is not intended this year, nor possibly next, but it is our “ultimate aim” to nibble at protection until there is nothing left.—[Pittsburg National Labor Tribune.

The wages of American labor are higher than those of Europe, not, as Mr. Blaine affects to believe, by reason of the duties levied in this country on foreign goods, but because the product of of^sic American labor is larger.—[San Francisco Examiner.

The great body of our people of Pennsylvania, especially the laboring people, know a great deal more about this tariff taxation system now than they did a year ago. They are not only ready out anxious^sic for a change. Their reasoning is: “If what we now have is free trade, then give us protection; but if what we now have is protection, then for God’s sake give us free trade and be very quick about it.—[Mauch Chunk, Pa., Democrat.

Probably the most specious plea that protectionists use to workingmen is their well known assertion that if the tariff is abolished and cheap goods are freely admitted wages in this country will have to be the same as wages abroad.—[Grand Rapids, Mich., Workman.

The value of wages consists, not in money, but in the articles which money buys; and the express object of a high tariff is to make these articles dear, thus decreasing the real reward of labor.—[Wichita, Kan., Beacon.

High tariffs, by making higher prices to manufacturers no doubt make it possible to pay higher wages. Yet the manufacturer pays only what he must pay, not what he can pay.—[Brockwayville, Pa., Record.

It is rather significant that the republicans of Minnesota, in order to elect their candidates, should have deemed it necessary to stand them on a democratic platform favoring tariff reform and tax reduction.—[Philadelphia Record.

It is cheaper raw material and not cheaper labor that enables England and other foreign countries to undersell America in the markets of the world.—[Cedar Rapids, Iowa, New Era.

The logic of protection is that we can protect ourselves from other nations only by submitting to over-taxation to the amount of $60,000,000 a year.—[Memphis Appeal.

They may rant and preach about protection and the beauties of our tariff system, but the truth and the whole truth in a nut shell was uttered by the “Old Roman” when he said, “The tariff taxes everybody, and is an intolerable burden.”—[Fulton, Ill., Journal.

Indirect taxation acts on the same principle as the sneak thief, and yet it finds defenders among those who suffer by it the most keenly.—[Naugatuck, Conn., Agitator.

It is to be doubted if any depth of poverty in christendom cannot find its counterpart in this young country, where we are free from the poverty producing cause of a standing army and navy, and the long accumulation and possession of the land by a comparative few. The suffering in England’s mines can be matched in Pennsylvania. The “sweating” system of East London finds its counterpart in New York and Chicago.—[Indianapolis News (Rep.).

We have no right to interfere with the vote of any man—and yet it riles us that men should vote to compel us to turn over a portion of our earnings to benefit some manufacturer in the east who would not chip in a nickel to save us from the poor house, or to buy us a coffin if we should die.—[Cedar County, Neb., Nonpareil.

Through the insolence and greed of many highly protected employers there is a rapidly growing sentiment among workingmen in favor of free trade. There is a strong industrial element following Henry George.—[Johnstown, N. Y., Democrat.

A country can’t get rich by taxation any more than a man can lift himself by pulling on the straps of his boots. Rather less, for here the action and reaction are the same—but in a tariff tax you are taking from the consumers (all the people) and giving to the manufacturer (the few). The pretense is wages. Wages were higher in this country than in Europe before we had a tariff, and they will remain higher after we shall not have it, if that time should ever come, and would continue to remain till density of population, the burden of standing armies and the crushing weight of national debt should do their work here as there. The tariff so far as the workingman is concerned is mostly a fraud.—[Indianapolis News (Rep.)

People have learned that it is the most surprising folly that 65,000,000 hard working people should consent to be taxed for the purpose of enriching 1,000,000 people who have made up their minds to live on the fat of the land.—[Pittsburg Trades Journal.

The greatest enemy of the greenback doctrine has been the republican party. It is no less the enemy of that doctrine to-day than it was in former years. Its hatred of greenbackism is emphasized by the nomination of a man who declared the greenbackers were idiots and should be confined in an idiot asylum. The greenbacker who favors in any way the election of Harrison and Merton^sic deserves a straight jacket and confinement on account of idiocy.—[Grand Rapids, Mich., Leader.

The tariff baron is a corsair who pillages farmers, mechanics and laborers just as the buccaneers once pillaged the islands in the Spanish main.—[St. Paul Globe.

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[HENRY?] GEORGE, Editor and [Proprietor?].

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SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1888.

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THE STANDARD advocates the abolition of all taxes upon industry and the products of industry, and the taking, by taxation upon land values irrespective of improvements, of the annual rental value of all those various forms of natural opportunities embraced under the general term, Land.

We hold that to tax labor or its products is to discourage industry.

We hold that to tax land values to their full amount will render it impossible for any man to exact from others a price for the privilege of using those bounties of nature in which all living men have an equal right of use; that it will compel every individual controlling natural opportunities to either utilize them by the employment of labor, or abandon them to others; that it will thus provide opportunities of work for all men and secure to each the full reward of his labor; and that as a result involuntary poverty will be abolished, and the greed, intemperance and vice that spring from poverty and the dread of poverty will be swept away.

GOODS FOR GOLD.

Protectionists are ostentatiously parading what they call the “goods for gold” theory in support of their doctrine. The theory, like the doctrine, is both antique and grotesque. Before political economy was seriously studied there was a current delusion, now known as the mercantile theory, that profitable commerce consists in the importation of precious metals in return for the exportation of other commodities; but since the time of Adam Smith it has been gradually conceded by serious students of the subject that it consists in the importation of goods of high home value in return for the exportation of goods of low home value. The latter idea is the “goods for goods” theory, though it is an axiom rather than a theory, and it is to it that protectionists oppose the old mercantile delusion of “goods for gold.”

The form in which the “goods for gold” theory is stated holds out a temptation to dismiss it with the self evident proposition that a trade of goods for gold is a trade of goods for goods, inasmuch as gold, being a labor product, is goods. But such summary treatment of the “goods for gold” theory would not be fair; it would be taking advantage of a habit the protectionist has of saying what he doesn’t mean, and meaning what he doesn’t say. By this use here of the term “gold” he does not intend to describe a product of labor—goods; but something that, according to his philosophy, is the employer of labor, namely, money. Gold being generally regarded as in itself money, the term is wholly dissociated in his mind from the material which human labor extracts from quartz, and relates exclusively to the money function of that material. The “goods for gold” theory is, therefore, a “goods for money” theory, inculcating that goods are not exchanged for goods, but for money.

What is money? It is not the employer of labor, but a common measure of values and medium of trading labor products. It is not goods, but something by means of which goods may be conveniently bartered. It is not what men work for or consume, but an evidence in their hands that they have worked, and a draft upon the store houses of the world for the value of their work in forms to suit their desires. It bears the same relation to goods that bank checks bear to it. It has no function but that of a medium and measure to facilitate the trade of goods for goods. And unless there be such trade money is nothing. The material of which it is composed, gold, for instance, is something; but as material it is not money, but goods. While, therefore, trading goods for the material of which money is composed is trading goods for goods, trading which ends with the exchange of goods for money—for a mere medium of trade—is trading goods for nothing. Hence the “goods for gold,” or more correctly, the “goods for money” theory may be formulated as follows:

Goods—money—nothing;

or, eliminating the common medium,

Goods—nothing,

which expresses precisely what happens when goods are lost, burned, stolen, given away, or exchanged for counterfeit money or the bills of a broken bank.

But if the transaction involves not only the selling of goods for money by one party, but also his purchase of other goods with that money, both of which are [essential?]

p. 4, col. 2

to trade—no trade being complete without them—the formula is as follows:

Goods—money—goods;

or,

Goods—goods.

Mr George White^sic of Brooklyn illustrates the same point in this way:

Gold may be called international money, provided it be used as money. Just as long as it is used as money, however, it is nothing more than a counter, a ticket, good anywhere for a certain amount of goods. Regarding it as money, let the outlines in the diagram

[Diagram: two dotted-rule boxes (“fences”). Labels: “X—A Man.” over box containing “GOODS.”; “Y—The World.” over box containing “GOLD.”]

represent a fence around a man and another around the rest of the world. X has goods, Y gold. If an exchange is made the case stands thus:

[Diagram: two dotted-rule boxes. Labels: “X.” over box containing “GOLD.” (with a short rule above the word); “Y.” over box containing “GOODS.” (with a short rule above the word)]

It is all very fine for X to exchange goods for gold, but is he not poorer until he lets the gold go outside his fence in exchange for other goods? Certainly he is. Then let X represent the United States and examine whether the case is any different:

[Diagram: two dotted-rule boxes. Labels: “X—U. S.” over box containing “GOLD.”; “Y—The World.” over box containing “GOODS.” (each word with a short rule above it)]

The gold is a mere counter of exchange while used as money, and its receipt within the X fence does not add to the wealth inclosed by it, while the fence Y has gained in wealth by receipt of goods.

Therefore, when Americans buy of the world commodities for gold, the United States and not the world has most profited by the the transaction^sic; the very opposite of the protectionist idea. And when Americans sell commodities for foreign gold, the foreigners get the best of the transaction; the very opposite of the protectionist’s claim. To part with good things for gold is to be put exactly in the position of the boy who trades a rosy apple for a circus ticket; and for us to keep the gold here is just as nonsensical as for the boy to keep his ticket. To get pay for his apple, he must go to the show; to get real pay for our goods we must import good things.

Of course, it is not disputed that gold, unlike the circus ticket, has intrinsic value; but when goods are traded for gold for its own sake, as to make it into jewelry, the trade is a trade of goods for goods.

The demonstration could stop here, but if it did protectionists might say, “That may be as between man and man, but as between nation and nation it is different,” for the protectionist has not yet learned that trade is nowhere carried on between nation and nation, but everywhere between man and man.

To protectionists there is an esoteric meaning in the phrase “goods for gold,” which, if brought to light, could be fairly stated as follows:

“When one man trades with another in the same country, the transaction is in effect a trade of goods for goods; but when the people of one country trade with the people of another country, balances occur which are settled by the delivery by the debtor country to the creditor country of the common medium of trade—gold, and to the extent of such deliveries the trade is not a trade of goods for goods but of goods for gold. If, then, one of these countries long continues to be the creditor country its receipts of money will so facilitate its production and domestic trade as to make it more prosperous than the debtor country.”

Consider, first, the proposition that in trade between nations balances are paid with money, and therefore, to the extent of those balances, is a trade of goods for gold, and not of goods for goods.

How can trade between nations differ from trade between individuals? Are there not balances between individuals, and are not those balances settled with money? Does not the farmer sell to the storekeeper and buy from the storekeeper, and upon the adjustment of their accounts does not the debtor pay his balance in money? But can it, therefore, be said of this storekeeper and that farmer that the balance represents a trade of goods for money? If the creditor lost the money, it would; and in that case he, to the extent of the balance, would be giving goods for nothing. So, if the farmer and the storekeeper traded only with each other, and one of them was continuously the creditor, the settlement of balances between them would represent a trade of goods for money, and would be as unprofitable to the creditor as if he lost the money; for if they traded only with each other he would be compelled in future to sell less or buy more, thereby becoming the debtor when balances were settled. If he did neither his money would be useless.

But the trade of the farmer and the storekeeper is not confined to each other. The money paid one of them in settlement of balances in his favor goes to settle balances in favor of others, so that in the long run every balance is settled with goods; and when a surplus of money remains in the hands of any man in the circle of trade, he promptly seeks what he calls an “investment,” which, when analyzed, is an opportunity to exchange his money for something else.

As with individuals, so with nations. One country may import more from another than it exports to the other, thus leaving a balance between those countries. But the trade of nations is no more confined to two nations than the trade of individuals is confined to a farmer and a storekeeper. A nation which is debtor to one country is creditor to another, and the mutual [debits?] and credits are, in the [long run?], balanced off with goods. This

p. 4, col. 3

is not to say that international balances are never settled with gold; but when they are, the countries that export gold are the countries which, either by production from their mines or in consequence of their extensive commerce, have a relative oversupply of gold, and therefore find profit in exporting it. Gold exported in such circumstances is not money, but goods.

The formula as to individuals holds between nations,

Goods — money — goods;

therefore, goods — goods.

Settlements of so-called balances, equally with the trading out of which the balances arise, are ultimately exchanges of goods for goods. Until that ultimate is attained the trade is incomplete; and if in any case it be never attained, the creditor, be he an individual or a nation, has, to the extent of his balance, given his goods away; for, when trade terminates with the receipts of money:

Goods — money — nothing;

therefore, goods — nothing.

But, as already stated, nations do not trade. Brown, Jones and Robinson trade, and whether they live in different countries or are compatriots can in no wise affect the principles governing their trade. In neither case can any trade between them be complete until the money which one receives for goods he does not want has been expended in the purchase of goods he does want.

Now, consider the proposition to which the “goods for gold” theory is as the mythical turtle was to the earth in the physical science of the ancients—the proposition that as the settlement of balances in international trade consists of the exchange of goods for money, the receipt of money by the country which long continues a creditor country will so facilitate its production and domestic trade as to make it more prosperous than the debtor country. This proposition falls with the “goods for gold” theory; but waiving that, examine the proposition by itself. Its core is the exploded notion that capital employs labor, together with the notion, also exploded, that money, instead of being a medium of trading different forms of capital, is itself capital; and around this core the thread of protection philosophy is wound. If, in the course of the trade of goods for goods between nations, so the argument runs, one nation is a creditor nation, that is, exports more goods than it imports, the difference will be paid in money; the money so received increases its capital fund; and its larger capital fund enables it to employ more of its citizens, and thereby to augment its production. Also, by having more capital, that is, more money, at home and supplying its wants as far as nature permits from its own commodities, it will be a richer nation than if it sent away its money in exchange for imported commodities.

Now, capital does not employ labor. Labor both employs and makes capital. If, therefore, capital is needed in any country the labor of that country has but to be applied to its land to produce all the capital required; and if the country is not adapted to the production of some forms of required capital, forms to the production of which it is adapted may be produced by its labor and traded in foreign parts for the required forms.

But even if capital employed labor, and labor were helpless without it, a flow of money into a country without any flow out would not provide the capital. Money can give the advantages of capital only as it is traded for capital. Goods—and capital consists of goods—can be bought with money, but they cannot be made of money without putting an end to its function as money and turning it into goods. If a country wants capital it is better that its imports should exceed its exports, for in that case its capital is increased; whereas, if its exports exceed its imports, its capital is diminished and its money is increased.

To this, however, a protectionist might say, exchange your money at home for goods of your own production, thereby at once augmenting your goods and retaining your gold, instead of exchanging the money for foreign productions which, though it may augment your goods, will diminish your gold. But he forgets that if the money be sent abroad for goods the goods received cost the buying country no present labor, but only that past labor of which the money is the representative; and, therefore, that the labor of the buying country may be devoted to new productions instead of wasting its energies in the production of goods which can be imported for past instead of present labor. The notion that this expenditure of money abroad will limit employment at home is transparently fallacious. The goods imported are in greater or less degree raw material for domestic workmen; the importation, by exciting foreign industry, enhances exportation, the goods for which must be produced by labor; and it is not money, but demand for goods, that makes employment—a demand that is made effective by means of checks, drafts, notes, paper currency and book accounts in a degree to which gold bears an infinitesimal proportion. These and other reasons make it impossible that the exportation of money should diminish employment.

The conclusion that the aggregate wealth of a country is augmented by making exports exceed imports and keeping gold at home is equally fallacious. Gold is not more valuable than goods of equal value; and if the gold be exchanged for foreign goods the wealth of the country is as great, plus the profit of the trade, as it would be if the trade were not made.

This corollary of the “goods for [gold”?]

p. 4, col. 4

theory is illustrated by Mr. Robert P. Porter, when he says that if we pay $32.50 per ton to American manufacturers for steel rails we have the rails and the $32.50, while if we send $22.50 abroad for steel rails, we have only the rails! Even Mr. Porter must have smiled at his joke when he asked whether it is not cheaper for us to buy the rails of an American manufacturer for the higher price than to buy them of England for the lower.

There are several ways of looking at that joke.

If we look at it from the point of view of the American steel rail manufacturer who is empowered by the government to charge his fellow citizen $10 more for rails than they are worth, it is no doubt entertaining.

If we look at it from the point of view of the fellow citizen, however, the humor is not so apparent; for though he may habitually accept the “goods for gold” theory, and realize the importance of keeping money in the country, he will be apt in lucid intervals to remember that the extra $10 he pays for those rails is received from the sale of goods which he is at considerable pains to produce, and to wonder why the country wouldn’t be as rich if himself, instead of^sic the American steel rail manufacturer, were the custodian of the extra ten dollars.

If we look at it from the point of view of the steel rail employe we shall be tempted to inquire whether his share of the extra ten dollars is deducted from his wages or added to his expenses!

But supposing for the moment that the exportation of gold is a national calamity, let us see what happens when an American buys a ton of steel rails from an English manufacturer for $22.50. Does he put $22.50 into a package and express it across the water? No. He does $22.50 worth of work, with the proceeds of which he buys a draft on England from a New York bank and mails that draft—a mere piece of paper, the loss of which does not diminish our wealth, for any of our paper mills can reproduce it in an instant—to the English manufacturer. The English manufacturer deposits this draft in his bank, from which it finds its way to the English bank on which it is drawn, where it is paid, not with American gold—God forbid!—but with English money, probably a Bank of England note. The bank on which it is drawn then charges the New York bank with its amount. Does the New York bank pay this debt by shipping gold? No. It is paid by a counter entry in the books of both banks, caused by a draft drawn in England on New York, or a draft drawn in France, Germany, Brazil, or some other country, on New York, and which has found its way into the English banks. And what does this counter draft mean? It means, no matter what country draws it, that some American has produced $22.50 worth of goods which he has sold to somebody in that country. Then, so far as this country is concerned, an exchange of goods for goods has been made and the American consumer of steel rails gets his rails at an expenditure of $22.50 worth of labor, while we have in the country both the rails and the money.

“But,” says the protectionist, “while this may be true of one transaction, the result of the multitude of transactions is a balance which we owe and must pay by a shipment of money.” As the balance does not run that way the criticism is without foundation. But aside from that, the real trade balance never can run that way. When it appears to, and we are shipping gold to settle balances, it is either because it is then profitable to export gold as goods, or because we are paying rents, bonds, corporation dividends, or donations to foreigners, for none of which do we receive either money or goods.

And now let us see what happens when an American buys a ton of steel rails of an American manufacturer for $32.50. First, he must do $32.50 worth of work, instead of $22.50, and that $32.50 he forwards to the American manufacturer, who returns the rails. Here, too, there is an exchange of goods for goods; but whereas before it was an exchange of $22.50 worth of goods for $22.50 worth, it is now an exchange of $32.50 worth for $22.50 worth. The American consumer pays $10 more for his rails, and, just as in the case of the foreign trade, we have in the country both the rails and the money. The only difference between the two transactions is the bonus our consumers are in the latter case compelled to pay to our monopoly manufacturers, a bonus which the manufacturer is disposed to distribute among his workmen, but never does, as his workmen well know.

Is it cheaper for us to buy of an American manufacturer for the higher price than to buy of England for the lower? Assuming that this is not a joke, after all, let us inquire. It might be, if it were not for the fact that our labor must be diverted from other and more profitable pursuits to make the rails. If, by rubbing money between our thumb and forefinger and saying “presto,” we could conjure up steel rails, then, indeed, would it be cheaper for the country, as a whole, to keep the money at home than to send it to England, even though it circulated at home at the rate of $32.50 per ton of rails, when the covetous Englishman was willing to give a ton for [$22.50?]. It would be cheaper for the country, as a whole, mind you, but not for the buyer of rails, if he had to drop $32.50 of his magical money into Mr. Carnegie’s hat every time he did the trick, when an Englishman would do the trick for him for $22.50.

But since money does not conjure up steel rails in any such way, and has no more to do with steel rails than to bring

p. 4, col. 5

about trades between the man who makes them and men who make other things, it is not cheaper either for the country or for the rail consumer to pay an American manufacturer more than the English price. For if we buy rails abroad we must pay for them in goods of our own production or (in deference to the “goods for gold” theory) with money. If we pay for them in goods the country has the rails, while its supply of money is undiminished; if we pay for them in money the labor released from rail making produces for us other goods equal in value to the money exported, and in such case the country has the rails and the other goods. In either event the country, without considering how much richer it may be, is fully as rich as if an exorbitant price were paid to the American manufacturer.

If it were cheaper by the amount of money kept in the country, to buy rails of an American manufacturer at a high price than to buy them abroad at a low price, we should save $22.50 if that were the English price, and $10 if the English price fell to that sum; while we should strike an equilibrium if the Englishman should give them to us for nothing. I suggest, therefore, that Mr. Porter vary his question. Instead of asking if it is not cheaper for us to buy rails of American manufacturers for $32.50 than to buy them of England for $22.50, let him ask if it is not just as cheap to buy them of American manufacturers for $32.50 as to get them of England for nothing. The answer to one question answers the other.

Could anything be more absurd than this “goods for gold” theory, unless it be its favored corollary that it is more profitable for a citizen and cheaper for his country to pay a fellow citizen high prices for domestic goods than to pay a foreigner low prices for the same quantity and quality of goods?

By the “goods for gold” theory, receiving without giving impoverishes, and giving without receiving enriches; while its corollary makes greater labor for a less result preferable to less labor for a greater result.

LOUIS F. POST.

A POSER FOR PROTECTIONISTS.

Senator George’s proposed amendments to Senator Sherman’s anti-trust bill have scarcely received from the press, and especially from the protectionist press, the attention they deserve. Mr. George proposes:

That when any action or suit in law or equity shall be commenced or shall be pending in any court of the Uuited States^sic, it shall be lawful for any defendant therein to except to the jurisdiction of such court upon the ground that the cause of action or suit is for the enforcement of a right based on a contract for the sale, exchange, or transportation, or on any damage arising from any wrong committed in respect to any article of merchandise manufactured, transported, imported, or sold in violation of the provisions of the first section of this act, and if such ground of exception shall be proven to the satisfaction of the court, judgment of dismissal shall be entered with double costs to the defendant, and with such reasonable sum for the attorney’s fees for the defense thereof as may be allowed by the court.

That when the president of the United States shall be satisfied that any arrangement, trnst^sic, contract, agreement, or combination, as described in the first section of this act, has been formed and that in consequence thereof there has been a rise in the price of any article of merchandise, he shall have power and it is hereby made his duty to issue his proclamation suspending the collection of all customs duties or import taxes on similar articles when imported into the United States from any foreign country. Such suspension shall continue for ninety days after the president, upon being satisfied that such enhancement in prices no longer exists, shall issue his proclamation withdrawing his former proclamation of suspension, and the president of the United States may from time to time, as may in his judgment be proper, reissue or withdraw any proclamation he may have issued.

That when any article of merchandise shall have been raised in price, by reason of the unlawful means described in the first section of this act, such article, when owned by any of the persons, companies or corporations mentioned in the first section of this act, or by any person, corporation or company claiming or holding, either directly or through any number of successive transfers under any of the first named persons, companies or corporations, shall not be the lawful subjects of interstate or foreign commerce, and such commerce or transportation is hereby prohibited. It shall be the duty of the president of the United States, through the interstate commerce commission and such other agencies as he may see proper to employ, to make such investigations as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of this section. To tha end^sic every officer of the United States who may be employed in such investigation is hereby authorized to summon witnesses and to examine them under oath, and the said interstate commerce commission shall make all such needful rules and regulations as may be deemed proper to carry out the provisions of this section, which rules and regulations shall, before they go into effect, be approved by the president of the United States. When such commerce and transportation as to any article of merchandise shall have become unlawful under the provisions of this act, the aforesaid interdict on the same may be removed whenever the president of the United States shall so proclaim, upon his being satisfied that the enhanced price, as herein provided against, shall no longer exist, and that commerce in such article is free, and not restrained or affected in any way by reason of the matters mentioned in the first section of this act.

That whenever it shall appear to the president of the United States that the manufacturers or producers of any article of merchandise or a majority of them in the United States shall not pay in regular weekly wages, in lawful money, to the workmen, artisans, and laborers, excluding superintendents and officials engaged in such manufacture or production, the full sum realized by them in excess of the wholesale price in the city of New York of similar and competing articles manufactured or produced in any foreign country, such wholesale price being diminished by a reduction therefrom of the customs duties on said foreign articles, it shall be his duty to issue his proclamation suspending all duties on such similar articles when imported in excess of [30?] per cent ad valorem, and such suspension shall continue till otherwise ordered by congress, but no act of congress shall have the effect to allow the collection of the suspended

p. 4, col. 6

duties on articles which shall have been imported during the time of such suspension under the proclamation of the president of the United States. He shall also have in respect to the matters of this section all the powers of investigation through officers of the United States provided for in section 6 of this act.

Here is a splendid opportunity for our protectionist statesmen to demonstrate to the whole country, beyond possibility of doubt or cavil, the sincerity of the professions made in the platform of their party. They have placed on record their unalterable hostility “to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens.” They have affirmed, from platform and from stump, their eager affection for labor, and have asserted, again and again, that they love the protective tariff only in so far as it secures higher wages for American workingmen. Of these professions wicked free traders have dared to speak in terms of doubt and even of derision. The more blasphemous have gone so far as to say that protectionists don’t really hate the trusts, and only pretend to attack them because they think that the best way^sic to really defend them. They have quoted Mr. Blaine’s unfortunate slip of the tongue—made when the poor man had just come from Europe and before he had grasped the situation—and pretended that it expressed the real protectionist view of the trust question. They have not scrupled to cast doubts on the protectionist affection for the workingman, saying openly that it was all humbug, and that protectionists loved protection because it enabled them to rob the workingman. They have said these things, and have even gone so far as to support them with facts and figures, to say nothing of arguments ingeniously contrived to appear founded on common sense and justice. All this has hurt the good protectionists, and may injure them still more before the campaign is over.

But now, at last, the enemies of protection have made a fatal blunder. Senator George has proposed legislation to secure the doing of the very things that protectionist are^sic most anxious to see done. All that the protectionist friends of high wages and no trusts have to do is to enact Mr. George’s amendments into law, and the dearest wishes of their hearts will be fulfilled, and the wretched assailants of the great protective system be forever put to shame.

Will not Mr. George’s amendments do all that we have claimed? Just look and see. The sugar trust, for instance—we name the sugar trust because it is the one that the protectionist leaders are attacking with most especial sound and fury. How long could the sugar trust survive such legislation? A vessel arrives here from Cuba with a cargo of raw sugar for, say, the Havemeyer refinery. The master can enter the sugar as his own property, sell it, and pocket the proceeds, and the Havemeyers cannot say him nay. The refinery sells a hundred barrels of sugar to a Philadelphia grocer. The sugar cannot go to Philadelphia; the railroads are forbidden to transport it. And as if all this were not enough, out comes an emancipation proclamation by the president of the United States, granting everybody in the country permission to buy refined sugar in France, in Germany, anywhere he pleases, without let or hindrance. And as if even this were not enough, along comes an officer, under the provisions of Mr. Sherman’s original bill, and claps the Havemeyers and all the other members of the sugar trust into jail, there to languish till they shall have paid each a fine not exceeding $10,000, or suffered imprisonment for not more than five years, or both. The man who could continue to operate a sugar trust in the face of such obstacles as these, must have more than mortal powers of action and endurance.

So, too, with regard to wages in protected industries. The good protectionist says to the worker in the sugar refinery: “Son, all this protection is imposed for your benefit. The extra three or four cents that the fainting sewing woman pays for the weekly half pound of sugar that sweetens her tea, is yours.” And when, at the end of the week, the worker goes to get his pay, if the sewing woman’s pennies are not in his envelope, Mr. George’s legislation gives him satisfaction, if not positive relief. If he doesn’t get the three cents, the sewing woman needn’t pay them. This, at all events, will be an indirect benefit to him, especially if, as is very apt to be the case, the sewing woman happens to be his wife or sister.

It is strange that the protectionists should have left it for one of their opponents to suggest these simple methods of removing the biemishes^sic that still mar the symmetry and smoothness of the protective system. Now, however, that Senator George has thoughtlessly pointed them out they will of course adopt them promptly. Otherwise people will be apt to say that the protective system is a humbug.

News item from the Age of Steel:

The snath and cradle makers’ union, comprising all of the manufacturers in the United States, held their annual meeting at Rochester, N. Y., Aug. 17. Ten concerns were represented, and W. H. Withington presided. After a thorough discussion of the situation it was determined to organize the Central snath and cradle company, with H. P. Sullivan, commissioner. Each factory becomes an agent of the Central company, a considerable amount of money being deposited with the commissioner as a guarantee of good faith. Prices were advanced to fifty per cent discount off the standard list. The terms are sixty days, or two per cent discount for cash in ten days.

Certainly. The manufacturers have con- continued on p. 5 →

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THE STANDARD, Vol. 4, No. 13 (Whole No. 91), Saturday, September 29, 1888 — page 5

THE STANDARD, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1888. 5

p. 5, col. 1 [continued from previous page]

← continued from p. 4 cluded to stop competing with each other and put the prices up. Why shouldn’t they? The duty is forty-five per cent, and the farmer who has wheat to cradle, or grain to mow, must buy from them, because he isn’t allowed to buy from anybody else.

By the way, though, wasn’t there somebody who said the tariff was invented for the benefit of the American farmer?

In the free trade scheme, the revenue necessary to pay the expenses of the government, economically administered, will be raised from internal revenue taxes, and these will fall principally upon whisky and tobacco. Both of these articles, however, will then need to be protected by duties levied upon their foreign competitors. It will be impracticable, for instance, for the free trade statesmen, in that time of bliss and perfection, to admit French brandy free of duty when they are heavily taxing the products of Bourbon, Monongahela and Robertson county. It will be equally impracticable for them to [exult?] in the delights of free trade in Sumatra tobacco, when they are heavily taxing the tobacco of Kentucky, Virginia and Pennsylvania.—[New York Sun.

Let the Sun possess its soul in patience. When the system of robbing labor by tariff taxes is swept away, the system of robbery by internal revenue taxes will soon follow. And the revenue for the payment of public expenses will be raised, not by fines imposed on industry, but by taking for the common use the ever-growing fund which, produced by common effort, attaches itself to that element which Thomas Jefferson declared the Creator has intended for common use.

Mr. S. E. Jennison of Saratoga Springs, writes from Brushton, N. Y., to THE STANDARD, saying that our opposition to the re-election of Governor Hill will have a tendency to increase the trading of votes in Hill’s interest and against Cleveland, and asking if we think we ought to continue our fight against Hill. In the course of his letter Mr. Jennison speaks of the “Harrison, Morton and Hill” banners in different towns in the northern part of the state, reminds us that Cleveland’s election is the most important consideration in this campaign, verifies the rumors that Hill’s supporters are already offering democratic votes for Harrison in exchange for republican votes for Hill, repeats the governor’s plea that the ballot bill he vetoed would not have accomplished the object aimed at, and urges us to “press forward and elect all the democrats we can,” assuring us that “then we shall have a better chance to make good democratic laws.”

Mr. Jennison’s letter reads more like an appeal from a thick and thin democratic partisan, than an advisory message from a single tax advocate. Assuming, however, that he supports Cleveland and Thurman for the same reason THE STANDARD does, because they represent a powerful political movement in the direction of “free trade, free land and free men,” his fear of hurting Cleveland by opposing Hill [is?] quite a natural feeling. But the danger is not so great as he supposes.

There are, it is true, “Harrison, Morton and Hill” banners in different parts of the state, and behind them there are Harrison, Morton, and Hill voters and whippers in. But banners, voters, and whippers in were at work long before Hill’s nomination. They do not serve Hill because large bodies of Cleveland’s supporters oppose him, but because Hill, as governor, has served the barroom interest, which they represent.

It is no doubt true also that Hill’s henchmen are engaged in trading off Cleveland, but this they would do quite as energetically, though possibly less openly and therefore more dangerously, if Cleveland’s non-partisan supporters were weak enough to submit to the dictation of Governor Hill’s state convention.

But against Hill’s treachery to the national ticket must be considered the independent democrats, of whom George Foster Peabody of Brooklyn is a type; the independent republicans, and the single tax men. All these will support Cleveland, and but few of them will support Hill. To offset this unfavorable difference between his own vote and Cleveland’s, Hill must have more “Morton, Harrison and Hill” banners than he has, and do more trading than even his dexterity in that line is equal to.

On the question of mere expediency, there is not enough in the threats of Hill’s followers against the national ticket to silence opposition to Hill.

But even if his threats were dangerous to the national ticket, no independent voter—much less a single tax voter—who is withholding his allegiance from the democratic party until he can see it as he hopes to see it, unequivocally committed to principles of real democracy, would either vote for Hill or, by silence, promote his election. Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Thurman are giving a character to the democratic party which is attracting to it the progressive elements of the community, and once established, assures it an enviable record of victory at elections and advances toward freedom in government. Governor Hill represents opposition to this, and his defeat is as important to reformers in New York as is Cleveland’s election to national reformers.

It is not by electing, as Mr. Jennison says, “all the democrats we can that we shall have a better chance to make good democratic laws,” but by distinguishing between the real democrat and the sham democrat—electing the one and beating the other. And especially, if we want a really democratic government and really democratic laws, must we insist upon that electoral reform which Governor Hill [prevented?], and which [can alone?] [illegible]

p. 5, col. 2 of bribery, intimidation and boss rule which render our nominal democracy a sham and a disgrace, and for the rule of the people substitutes the rule of “bosses” and “machines.”

The governor says the ballot bill he vetoed would not have accomplished the object aimed at. It was not for that reason he vetoed the bill. He vetoed it because it would have accomplished the object aimed at. It would have prevented bribery, and therefore he vetoed it. It would have prevented intimidation, and therefore he vetoed it. It would have enforced and secured secrecy in voting, and therefore he vetoed it. Above all, it would have made political machines powerless is respect^sic both to nominations and elections, and therefore he vetoed it. His opposition to the details of the bill was a superfluous pretense, as his opposition to it on constitutional grounds was a transparent sham. In his veto memorandum he placed himself on record as opposed to the very spirit and purpose of the bill, and it is there that the true reasons for his veto stand out.

We shall support Cleveland and Thurman because they represent in part what we proclaim in full. And we shall oppose Hill because he represents the worst phases of American politics, and is personally responsible for delaying electoral reform. And in doing this we have no fear of injuring the national ticket either by confusing issues or by causing trades that would not be otherwise made.

A. M. Warner, a merchant of Lispenard street, prefers a specific and formidable indictment against the protection party. He has been a republican for twenty years and has never voted any other ticket, and for this fidelity to his party, so he charges, he is rewarded by being made the victim of various forms of oppression, extortion and robbery. In a letter and interview in the Herald he says he is a manufacturer of table covers, piano covers and so forth. His raw material is wool felt, which is taxed from 100 to 125 per cent, and even more. This tax is heavy enough to prevent Mr. Warner from importing wool felt, and compels him to buy of domestic producers, of whom there are not more than five or six. These producers have formed a trust among themselves, and for three years have fixed prices at about 100 per cent above the market in other countries—just enough below the tariff rate to prevent importing.

The tariff which permits this outrage upon men in Mr. Warner’s business and their customers is said to be imposed for the benefit of workingmen. Yet the number of men employed in making wool felt in this country Mr. Warner puts at less than 400, who are but little better paid than the same kind of labor abroad and not so well paid as car and truck drivers here. It is, as he says, “a lie and a fraud” to say that this felt trust is in the nature of protection to American industry.

And Mr. Warner is evidently no mere tariff tinker. In supposing that the Mills bill will enable us to buy in a natural market, he gives it greater credit than it deserves; but it will bring us nearer to a natural market than we are at present, and for that reason, in supporting this bill Mr. Warner is logically reaching out toward the business methods in which he believes. “I am an American,” he says, “and favor American industry; but I am not fool enough to imagine that supporting this trust helps my fellow countrymen or the workers in the wool felt industry. It only sets aside natural laws, or rather makes unnatural that which is natural. A divine providence gives this country many great advantages which other countries have not. There are many things we can produce better and cheaper than any other nation. I say, then, let us produce all we can within our advantages. But don’t let us attempt to produce that which we cannot do according to the common understanding of profit and loss—to make our people pay a fancy price for an article simply because it is produced here at a cost of a hundred per cent more than it can be produced for elsewhere.”

George Foster Peabody, who has always been a democrat and a supporter of the democratic party, and who, as a free trader as well as a democrat, is now earnestly supporting Cleveland and Thurman, declares himself without any indistinctness both on the tariff issue and the Hill issue. Having been invited to serve as vice-president of a mass meeting in Brooklyn, he said, replying to [the?] chairman of the democratic campaign committee:

I recognize the compliment you tender me, and as a life long democrat and free trader I am most reluctant to ask you to drop my name from the list; but as you propose to ratify among the nominations the name of David B. Hill for governor I have no other alternative. I am from personal observation and knowledge firmly persuaded of the unfitness of Mr. Hill for the high office which, to my mind, he has disgraced as no other man ever did during the four years of his incumbency, and thereby brought more discredit upon the democratic party than any man since the days of Tweed (who was also renominated and re-elected, I recall, notwithstanding his crimes). I count it the first duty of an honest democrat to try to secure the defeat of any candidate named by delegates in the face of open and undeniable charges of betraying his public obligations. As witness the aqueduct deal, and the high license and other vetoes. As I am proposing to do all I can for the election of Mr. Cleveland and the rest of the democratic ticket except Mr. Hill, for whose defeat I shall work equally hard (I think it more necessary for the [permanent?] [welfare?] of the democratic party [illegible] [last line of column illegible]

p. 5, col. 3 than the election of any one), I shall have to work outside of your organization, which I very much regret.

Thomas G. Shearman will be back from Europe on the 2d or 3d, and will at once throw himself into the single tax Cleveland and Thurman campaign. His first speech will be at the next big single tax meeting at Cooper union, Friday, October 5th, and after that he will enter actively upon campaign work, and speak through New York and New Jersey, as the committee may arrange.

The Vision.

[…]f the Dreamer is dying; […]n is about to be born! […]t Old Time is untying […]rrow’s Crown of Thorn; […]with its shadows is flying, […]hall see clearer at morn: […] first airs that come sighing, […]ly to waken, and warn […]in which tears shall be drying, […]fires no longer can burn; […]th shall cease from her crying, […]y to heaven will yearn— […]which mortals are vying […] the fall’n and forlorn. […]midst the dawning and dying, […]de the verge and their bourne— […] his shroud shadow, trying […]s face, tortured and torn; […]before us outlying […] of the Millennial Morn. […]f the Dreamer is dying; […]n is about to be born.

GERALD MASSEY.

[AU]STRALIAN “UNCLE TOM’S CABIN.”

[…]y in Cassell’s Family Magazine. […]om! Uncle Tom!” […]ssie; me here.” […]longa house, tell plenty Mary […] […]ceremony[?], missie?” […] dim dim master want to see […]“—and Uncle Tom departed, […]th a smile that reached from […]f his black, shining face. […]d to question my hostess on […] strange sounding appellation […]stowed upon me. […] replied laughingly,”dim dim […]ite man. And now tell me, […]u think of our plantation […] […]e from the far south to spend […] the sugar plantation of my […]Jack Hamblin. I do not care […] many years had passed since, […]ys in the old country, we […] each on his separate path in […]t to Australia to make my for- […]y one in those days was sup- […] who exiled himself to “the […]golden fleece.” It has yet to […] […]s afterwards I heard indirect- […]one-time chum had taken the […]t he went to Queensland, the […]r and eternal summer, whilst […]down in far-distant Sydney. […]we met at the house of a mu- […]and renewed our friendship. […] his way to England to bring […]e. When he returned I must […]This was my visit. And Jack’s […]d expected to meet a staid, […]n—for the rascal was forty if […]ay—but imagine my surprise […]urse, my delight (one being […]d to enjoy the society of a […]n), when I found, dressed in […]ft Indian silk with the tint […] in it, a beautiful girl, who […]ave been more than twenty, […]r the cool green shade of the […]sh to greet us. […],” said Jack, “the first thing […]o, old fellow, is to get out of […]nd city togs into something […]e to the climate. We’ll soon […]lar of you.” […], on my return, clad in spot- […] […]heon in a dark, cool room, […]ed “niggers” waiting at your […] the fruit! Delicious pine- […]mangoes, if you liked them, […] curry. Back to the veran- […]ious cane-chair and a well- […]r. I felt that I was going to […]good time.” […]. Hamblin, if all plantation […]is, I am afraid I shall be un- […] of adjectives, to express my […] Whew! Think of the […]y old city! I’m afraid you […]e as a permanent lodger.” […]ll like this, as you will learn. […]e has its dark as well as its […] […] side, I suppose, is the ‘nig- […] […] afraid he is one of the very […]Do you know, that is the only […]usband and I have quarreled […]not like this—” […]le?” […]s an unpleasant name, but […]what it means. You are, my […]me, a very old—” […] […]very good friend of his, and […] quite freely to you. Well, […] been here—and that is not […]—I have seen enough of the […]as they call it, to make me […]positively hate it. Oh, if you […]ut here is Uncle Tom. What […]ys! I believe he has hunted […]on the plantation.” […]he want speak some, missie,” […]Tom, having marshaled the […]e. […]? Liza, I may tell you, is a […] afraid it was very much a […]onvenience. Sam, her hus- […]ry full box.” […] no like Sammy,” said Liza, […]oung wench, whose personal […]re accentuated by a long […]into a hole drilled in the tip […] “Sammy he no speaks me. […]p. He always sleep.” […]d to the ranks, and her tem- […] doubt ruffled through the […] somnolent Sammy, fell out […]mother by her side. […]u g’ long, woman; you no […]me. ’Cos you got little fel- […]y, you plenty proud. You!” […]rb scorn. […] picturesque group, clad in […]f bed chintz, with bright […] kerchiefs bound around […]r background a clump of […]es. There is a great show […]white teeth, and the black, […]ear an expression that is a […]idity and curiosity. The pic- […]he quaintest little creatures […]l out of a bric-a-brac shop. […]es done in ebony with head […] weak moment I venture […]f the babes with my hand. […]e with a hearty laugh that […]ound, or there would be a […]ng the mothers. There was […]der of excitement all about [The bottom of column 1 is lost to paper damage (curled/torn corner in the scan); probably a few lines missing here.]

p. 6, col. 2 the youngsters which did not add to the delight of the task, but it had to be done; and this duty concluded, Uncle Tom headed the procession and marched the women away. The moment the last petticoat vanished round the corner of the house, we heard the women break into an animated “gabble.” I was being criticised, no doubt.

“That is the more pleasant side of slave life, I suppose.”

“Yes, but you must not call it ‘slave life.’ This is a British colony, you know, and people would be very much offended if you called their laborers slaves. If you wait a moment till I put on my hat, we will go round the quarters. I have some sick calls to make.”

We know what a lady’s “moment” means. Whilst we wait for “missie” to return let me briefly describe to you a planter’s home. Picture to yourself a large, low roofed house, with broad verandah shut in by creepers which trail their length along the side walls, and even interlace across the roof itself. It is a home in a nest of foliage. Seated upon the verandah, you can see rising from a gully not far distant the graceful crests of a group of palms, and the porcupine like cluster of sword shaped leaves that crown the twisted stem of the pandanus. In among the dense foliage of semi tropical plants the brilliant scarlet blossoms of the hibiscus glow like lamps among dark leaves. The sun pours its rays from a cloudless sky, and but for the motion of a few fluttering butterflies and the monotonous sound of the water as it plashes over the miniature falls in the fern valley below, you might think you were in some enchanted land of sleep. There is a drowsy air upon everything; Sancho, the big Newfoundland, his mistress’s pet, sleeps peacefully at the side of her chair. I feel that I shall follow his example if I do not rouse myself. A book—ah, happy idea! Let me take you with me into the cool, matted dining room. No stuffy padded chairs; all are of cane. No heavy hangings, but green Indian mats sloped outside the windows to exclude the sun. My friend Jack has a capital library, and from the pile of literature, just received by the weekly mail, I see that he keeps himself well abreast of the times—a couple of months behind, say; no more. Here are many familiar “mags.” That is a very old friend, and so is this yellow one; no need to look at the title—“Cassell’s Magazine,” of course; and newspapers, too, both English and colonial. No lack of reading matter, anyhow.

“I hope I haven’t wearied you waiting.”

“Oh, dear, no!” Folk fib with equal glibness in Australia as in England.

A few minutes’ walk through an avenue of lovely tree ferns, and we reach a little village of neat huts, or ,’humpies^sic,” as they are termed. The “boys” are away in the corn fields, so we may enter.

“These are quite model houses,” my hostess says. “The hardest task we have is to train the boys to anything approaching the ways of civilised life. Presently I shall take you to a very different class of village.”

Uncle Tom, all smiles, meets us.

“Boy longa hut, he plenty better to-day. Doctor say he go home next ship. He stay no more moons.”

“How many more moons [months] have you to stay, Tom?”

“Me stay—ten fellow, one fellow moon,” referring to a piece of notched stick in the corner of the cabin.

“How is it he is not out in the field with the others?”

“Oh, we keep him and Liza about the house. He is not strong, poor fellow. So many of them die. In the wet season there are deaths every day. One year twenty-five per cent—it seems heartless, does it not, to calculate one’s fellow creatures in that way, like—”

“Colored mechanical figures, so much per gross?”

“Just so. Well, one year twenty-five per cent of the boys died on the next plantation. The kanaka hospital was full that year, and boys and women, crowded together, died like sheep. They took them away by the drayful of a morning. Some masters treat their kanakas worse than cattle—a horse is worth something, a boy or two is, or used to be, of less consequence. I have seen boys sent into the field when they could scarcely stand, and forced to work with an overseer watching them. I have seen them knocked down, kicked and lashed with a whip. And yet”—this with a bitterness that should have been foreign to lips so young —“this is an English land, where there is no slave. Poor Uncle Tom—I called him so from some fancied resemblance to the Uncle Tom—he will never see his home again. Before eleven moons are past he will have gone to a land of real freedom.”

There is little use of moralising. and so^sic I make no reply. We go into one of the huts, Tom leading the way. The place is dingy and dark, but there is an air of tidiness about it; the bed clothing is not of the cleanest, but the floor is well swept. On the walls are some rude attempts at decoration, a scrap of broken looking-glass and a gaudy print. Uncle Tom eyes us closely as we make our inspection. This is his “humpie.”

“Boccus plenty full, Tom?”

With great care he raised the lid of a wooden chest, and lifting off a piece of old newspaper, showed us the most heterogeneous collection of treasures it has ever been my lot to see—bits of crockery, hoop iron, scraps of colored flannel and cloth, some brass buttons, a worn out table knife, a “thunder and lightning” shirt, a pair of old boots, and a paper bag full of colored beads.

“That is Tom’s wealth,” said “missie.” “He is quite a capitalist.”

“Ten fellow, one fellow moon, take boccus all along island. My people cry me go Queensland, no cry me go home, show boccus.”

“Do you get plenty kai kai (food)?”

“Oh, yes, me get plenty kai kai; bulamakow (beef), taro, sweet potator^sic, rice, bocca[?]. Oh, yes, me plenty. Some fellow boy no like bulamakow; he get sick, die.”

“How did you come here, Tom?”

“Oh, white man come island longa ship. He say, ‘You go Queensland, three yams?’ Me no like go. White man pull me and Wanukata, all same brother, in boat. White man no look, we jump in water. I

p. 6, col. 3 swim strong. I hear two shots. I stop quiet, white man pull me in boat Wanukata^sic he swim strong long way. White man pull boat, catchem Wanukata. He fight very much and try pull me. White man jump in water with knife. I no see any more; I ‘fraid, shut my eyes. Wanukata he cry very strong, ’Towewa! Towewa!’—then him stop, me look—”

“That will do, Tom.” I was thankful “missie” had gone ahead. A shudder I could not restrain passed through me as I stepped out of the dark close cabin into the bright sunlight. A short walk across a cleared paddock brings us to a clump of bananas, where another village has been established. This is the home of the new recruits, wild, timid creatures, who cannot be prevailed upon to adopt the habits of their less uncivilized fellows. The “homes” are “detached villas” built of thatchwood, old kerosene tins, pieces of sacking, and the like. As I pull aside the mat that serves for the door of one of the humpies a cloud of smoke rolls out. The evening is closing, and warm as the air is to me, it must, I suppose, be cold to the group of “sick boys” clustered round the pan of wood burning on the earthen floor. Dull eyed, dejected, inert, some but living skeletons, they present a piteous sight. Squatted on their hams, some lean over the handful of burning embers, thinking perhaps of the far away island, and the many moons which must rise and wane before they see the cocoa palms of their coral home again.

We walk silently home. The evening bell is ringing. In the distance rises the sharply sloped roof of the mill, and along the roadway cut between the high walls of cane “the boys” return from work, some running and playing, others linked hand-in-hand—a tribal custom. The drays and plow horses go rumbling and jingling by. The sinking sun sends its rays of crimson and orange across the fields of rustling cane. A very lovely scene!

The last of my holidays has come, and to-morrow I shall set out for my southern home, not without regret, not without a confusion of idea that somehow it has all been a dream, in which I have recalled some half forgotten pictures of a planter’s home in Kentucky, or “way down in ole Virginny.”

It is after dinner, and I stand on the verandah contemplating the perfect night and enjoying a quiet smoke. Jack has returned to the mill for an hour.

A rustle at my side, and I see my friend’s young wife with her hat on and a basket in her hand.

“I am going to the huts. You have heard the new rule to be enforced. Uncle Tom has been ordered to go into the field, and of course we all know what that means. He sent Eliza, our house girl—they have driven her into the field also—to ask me to see him. Would you like to come?”

Of course I go, though I feel loth to leave the glorious moonlight for that stifling humpie.

Uncle Tom is in his bunk, his big eyes bright, his head hot as a coal of fire. Eliza sits on the floor, her hands clasped round her knees.

“Uncle Tom he go die; he say, send missie.”

“Well, Uncle Tom?”

“Missie! plenty good, all a same missionary man.”

She held up the rude light burning in a pannikin of fat. Uncle Tom had adorned himself for the end—it is their custom—he had on a gaudy shirt; in his ears were great shell earrings, round his neck a string of shark’s teeth—a strange picture, the slight, girlish, white clad figure, the compassionate face bent over the dying boy in his barbaric trappings. She put her hand in his black palm and let it rest there.

“Boccus? boccus?”

Liza rose and drew the clumsy box to the bedside, and opened it for him to look upon his treasure.

“Ten fellow moon no come. People cry, ‘Towewa!’ all same Uncle Tom. He no come; no go home.” Then his mind wandered, and he muttered, “Nea, Tacomala, Iela all along a beach, plenty my people. My mother she say, ‘Where Wanukata?’ Uncle Tom say, ‘Wanukata he no come any more.’ She cry very strong, ‘Oh, Towewa! Towewa!’”

When he awoke he turned to his mistress. “Missie, all same missionary fellow say God.”

With broken voice she murmured, “Our Father, which art in heaven”—the familiar words of the prayer fell with little meaning on the ears of this poor dying creature, but he had heard them on his island, and had been told they were good words, a sort of white man’s fetish against the evil one—“God bless Uncle Tom.”

“God, He good master?”

“Very good.”

“I go work along His plantation.” He moved weakly and gazed with fast glazing eyes on his box of treasure trove. “Missie she have boccus. Now I go die.”

I lifted her from the bunk at the side of which, sobbing, she had knelt. No more moons need pass for Uncle Tom. He is free. He has gone home, home to an island that lies beyond the canebreak, beyond sun, moon and stars.

Prince Schwarzenburg^sic.

New York Staatszeitung.

The cable brought the brief statement that the deceased Prince Adolph von Schwarzenburg left behind him a fortune estimated at $50,000,000. This may be very interesting to some readers, the more so as they may rest assured that this estimate is a very moderate one, being based perhaps only on the inheritance tax which was paid. But it is not the most interesting information about the head of the house of Schwarzenburg. This man, who could call more than the thirtieth part of the whole kingdom of Bohemia his private property, ruled his possessions with the terrorism of an absolute monarch. Not only the worldly goods, but also the religious and political opinions of the people who lived on “his” territory were at the disposal of the arbitrary decision of the “lord,” as if the law had not long ago abolished the feudal relation. The enormous army of employes on his colossal estates and in his industrial enterprises were at the same an elite corps^sic of political agitators; whole election districts were governed in the same autocratic way in which English barons parceled out their “rotten boroughs.” Germans and liberals were “boycotted” by the prince, and persecuted till they gave place to others or changed their views. Year after year new landed estates were added to the [patrimony?], partly by acts for which only a [Schwarzenburg?] could escape unpunished.

p. 6, col. 4

NEW IDEAS, METHODS AND INVENTIONS.

The fifteen great American inventions of world wide adoption are: 1. The cotton gin; 2. The planting[?] machine; 3. The grass mower and reaper; 4. The rotary printing press; 5. Navigation by steam; 6. Hot air engine; 7. The sewing machine; 8. The utilization on a large scale of india rubber; 9. The machine manufacture of horseshoes; 10. The sand-blast for carving; 11. The gauge lathe; 12. The grain elevator; 13. Artificial ice making on a large scale; 14. The electric magnet and its practical application; 15. The telephone.

The following method of burnishing iron and steel by means of the electric current was recently communicated to the International electric society of Paris by M. A. de Meritens. The metal to be covered is placed in a bath of water at about 170 degrees Fahr. and is connected to a source of electricity just strong enough to decompose the water. Under these conditions the plate becomes coated with a layer of the magnetic oxide, which is firmly adherent and which will take a high polish. If too strong a current is employed, the layer of oxide will not adhere to the metal.—[American Machinest^sic.

It is reported in a Scotch newspaper that a Professor Henry Fried of New York had for several years and up to the time of his death in March of this year been experimenting with utmost secrecy upon the manufacture of sugar, and it is claimed that he made a great discovery relative to refining sugar by electricity. No details of the new process are given, but it is declared that it renders the boiling of sugar no longer necessary, and thus saves much that is now wasted. The raw sugar is put into his machine and the first batch is converted into refined product in four hours. After that the process is continuous, the machine working as long as raw sugar is supplied and turning it into refined sugar in an hour and three-quarters from the time it is put in. Ninety-nine per cent of the saccharine matter in the raw sugar is secured, it is asserted, and the total cost is only about eighty cents a ton. An English syndicate with a capital of $15,000,009^sic will use the process providing experiments prove its utility.

Many attempts (says Engineering) have recently been made to employ the electric light as a means of attracting fish to a particular place so as to facilitate their capture. The arrangement generally adopted has been to plunge an incandescent lamp in the water, connection being made by leads with some source of electricity on board the fishing craft. When, however. this arrangement^sic is adopted in deep-sea fishing, it is found that the mains to the lamp are very liable to foul the fishing appliances or the cable of the vessel. In short, it has been found impossible to maintain a permanent communication with a lamp plunged to a considerable depth below the surface of the water. M. Paul Regnard has got over this difficulty by adopting a lamp worked by a primary battery, the whole of which can be tossed overboard and reclaimed at some future time. The battery used consists of six Bunsen cells, in which, however, the nitric acid is replaced by chromic acid. These cells are connected in tension with a twelve-volt Edison lamp.

The contrast between English and American ingenuity and inventiveness in the art of minimizing friction and reducing dead-weight is forcibly illustrated by the American bogie truck freight cars which were exhibited yesterday at St. Pancras railway station. These cars are built of tubular steel, are supported on two four-wheeled bogies, and weigh eight tons for goods and ten tons for coal. The English car weighs five tons and carries eight. The American, which weighs eight or ten, carries thirty. The result is that if the American superseded the English truck on the Midland (according to an interesting calculation by Mr. Roberts in the Railway Herald), all the goods traffic could be carried at a saving of 19[8?],735 tons of dead weight on every 681,368[?] tons carried. The following figures are instructive:

[Table figures are heavily inked; several digits were read with the help of the row arithmetic (English − American = Saving), which checks in every row.]

—[Pall Mall Gazette.

The enormous increase in the price of jute bagging for cotton, which the protected jute bagging trust brought about, has led to the utilization of substitutes. A planter in the neighborhood of Columbia, S. C., is reported to have cbviated^sic the necessity of using bagging by packing bales in thin sheets of wood cut by machinery from timber grown in the vicinity. By this, risk of fire is obviated to a great extent. The wood bagging can be sold at a profit at five cents a yard. Another substitute is a fine wire gauze, which has been, it is claimed, subjected to all kinds of tests, including books^sic and compression, and it has proved to be equal to jute bagging in every respect. A great advantage claimed for it is that it is almost or quite fire proof. One experimenter states that he has built fires under a bale of cotton encased in this wrapper and heaped live coals of fire on top of it, without even scorching the cotton. The price of the new material is at present about the same as that charged for jute bagging under ordinary competition, but it is thought it might be made considerable lower^sic by a large demand. Cotton cloth has also been used to some extent.

In the recent electric light convention Mr. Leonard read a paper on the use of oil as a fuel. He said that the best burner for the oil is one that thoroughly vaporizes it before it is burnt, steam and hot air being used with it. As to economy over coal, there is a saving of from twenty to twenty-five per cent in fuel, and from forty to fifty per cent in labor. From tests recently made, the cost of oil was 70 cents per 100 horse-power per hour; of coal, at the rate of 86 cents per 100 horse-power per hour. Another test gave the cost as 80 cents for coal and 62 cents for oil. As for labor, one man can attend from seven to ten 150-horse-power boilers, while there is no dirt or ashes to haul away. Mr. Wheeler described the plan of burying wires now being carried out in New York city. Parallel iron tubes, four or five inches in diameter, are embedded in concrete. There are water-tight man holes at intervals. The electric wires are drawn into the tubes and the circuits for the lamps, etc., are taken off at the man holes. Conduits constructed in this manner seem perfectly water tight. There are in New York to-day 420 miles of single duct, containing some 4,000 miles of telephone and telegraph wire, and some hundreds of miles of incandescent electric light conductors. The conduits for high potential wires are separated from those for telephone and telegraph wires. Summing up, Mr. Wheeler stated that the telegraph and telephone problems were practically solved; 4,000 miles of their wires were already under ground, and 12,000 more were to go this fall. The saving in the cost of maintenance is estimated at $100,000 per year. The laying of electric light wires is not so fully developed; but when the initiative is once taken, the difficulties will be overcome and the undergrounding will become a settled and accomplished fact.

A new car, driven by the Julien electric storage batteries, is now running on the Fourth avenue surface railway. The car has several structural peculiarities, one of which is the mounting of the body of the vehicle on two four wheeled trucks. This prevents the teetering movement noticeable in the ordinary four wheeled horse car. The problem to be solved in making this improvement was to build the trucks so that the car might round corners where the curves have ordinarily the small radius of twenty-five feet, or even less. This was accomplished by two devices never before employed in car building. The “wheel base,” the distance between the two axles attached to a truck, has always heretofore been the same as the gauge of the truck. On the Fourth avenue road this is four feet eight and a half inches. In the new car the wheel base was reduced to three feet. The other peculiarity was in placing the pivots of the

p. 6, col. 5 trucks on the ends nearest the platforms instead of in the center. Both these devices had been pronounced impracticable by experienced railroad men. John Brill, the Philadelphia car builder, at whose works the new car was constructed, said it would never go around the short curves of a street railway. But the operation of the car has shown it to be a great success, experts to the contrary. It runs as smoothly as a Pullman car. A number of the cars on this line will be equipped with electrical apparatus, and if they run satisfactorily all of the cars of the company will be similarly altered, and horses will be dispensed with. A recent improvement in the machinery for manufacturing the plates for the batteries for these cars enables two girls to do the work formerly accomplished by fifty men, and has reduced the price of each cell from $15 to $4.50. It is estimated that the cost of operating a street railway by the Julien system will be about equal to that of operating it by horse power.

The Protectionist’s Prayer.

O. H. W. in Tax Reform Advocate.

Grant, Uncle Sam, blue laws, I pray, To keep competitors at bay; Put locks upon the nation’s doors, Stifle its breath and stop its pores.

Grant, Uncle Sam, to me the cheek To tell the thoughtless and the weak That bees, imprisoned in a hive, Are sure to make their calling thrive.

Grant, Uncle Sam, to me, I pray, The power to prove, the gall to say, That burdens to a weary man Are welcome blessiugs—if you can.

Grant, Uncle Sam, that I may show, The malcontents who howl to know, Why A should claim paternal care At B’s expense and wear and tear.

Grant, Uncle Sam, thy servant skill To sugar coat the bitter pill— That millionaires and tramps abound Where trade restricting laws are found.

Grant, Uncle Sam, thy loving smiles Till we, thy pets, rake in our piles, And clinch our grip with trusts and pools, That we may bleed the dupes and fools.

ECONOMY OF HUMAN LIFE.

Edwin Chadwick in The Sanitarian.

Sir Robert Kane, in his work on the “Industrial Resources of Ireland,” declares that the cultivable land of that country is capable of a threefold production greater than is now obtained from it, but that the landlords of Ireland are generally incompetent from want of skill to obtain it by labor saving machinery. In England it is in evidence that the labor saving machinery in use in agriculture is not so productive by one-half as the like machinery in use in the United States. And yet in England the yield, say, of wheat, is double what it is in France or in Germany, and according to the examinations of the late Mr. Jenkins, the owner of land in petite culture works twice as hard for this reduced produce and for half the wages of a well paid laborer in England. German authorities have declared that the produce there of every sort is one-half what it is in England. In England, however, more than half the land that would be largely improved for profitable production by drainage is as yet undrained. Of the possible augmentation of production in England by high culture it may be stated that, while the common production is as one, the high production of market garden culture is as three and a half, while the liquefied manure culture, as set forth by De Candolle as the future of agriculture, by giving food and water at the same time, is as five. And yet in the metropolis, prepared plans for the distribution of fresh sewage have been set aside, and the fresh sewage which would yield the milk of 200,000 cows is thrown into the river Thames in a condition of putridity, to its gross pollution.

It may be mentioned as an incident in analogy with the course of population in Lancashire, that in Norfolk, where the greatest amount of labor saving machinery has yet been introduced, the agricultural population appears rather to have increased.

Now, in regard to the doctrine of the assumed natural check of pestilence to increase of population. In the investigation on the subject of poor law relief, I found that in the healthy agricultural districts the intervals of births, where the mothers suckled their own children, was about two years, and that where there was a family of eight children, the eldest would be sixteen years of age, the second fourteen and the third twelve, capable of earning their own subsistence. In the depressed districts, on the other hand—the slums of the metropolis, more heavily ravaged by epidemics—the intervals of births were only one year. Extended experience shows that, except in such extraordinary pestilences as the black death, ordinary pestilences do not diminish population, but only leave it weakened. This may be exemplified from India and elsewhere. As health and the duration of life is advanced, the proportion of births appears to be rather diminished, as with the well to do classes. To sum up: It is shown that where wages increase, the pressure of population on the means of subsistence is diminished; that, instead of the cost of the production of land being fixed, it is generally reducible largely by science and machinery, while the amount of produce may be everywhere augmented, and that mostly in the regions of petite culture; that, instead of pestilence being the natural check to population, it does not diminish that pressure, but serves to weaken population and diminish its productive power, and increase the pressure of population on the means of subsistence.

I cannot descry the limits of a further advance of prosperity in this country with a further increase of population. I expect it will be found with a fifth or a fourth more of population. And then as to external relief. It is declared by a French authority that only one-sixth part is yet inhabited of the cultivable parts of the world. Mr. Justice Cunningham declares that in India “there are still seventy-nine millions cf^sicsic cultivable acres not utilized, and that the rate of produce might be increased so as to provide for an additional population of 400,000,000.” Mr. Bence Jones succeeded to an estate in Ireland when the wages were threepence a day and the rental ten shillings an acre. He advanced the wages to two shillings a day, and the valued rental to forty shillings an acre and was proceeding to advance it still further at the time of his death. But scarcely an instance was known of a similar advance in all Ireland. In France and Germany a similar augmentation of production is proved to be practicable.

Experiences show that, with science, the biggest farm, as well as the biggest manufactory and the biggest ship, are the cheapest to work and the best for the workers and for the prevention of the pressure of the population on the means of subsistence. Large families, with the middle classes, as a rule, stimulated exertion and enterprise and in the districts in which there are the largest birth rates, there is the greatest amount of prosperity and the least pressure on the means of subsistence.

Just So.

Textile Record.

Napoleon’s best tactics were to divide his enemy and to beat him in detail. These are the tactics of our free trade contingent. They strike a deadly blow at one industry, and then try to quiet the popular fear by talking about the small aggregate percentage of reduction proposed by their scheme. But, if you take from a house the corner stone, which is but a small percentage of the building, you will probably tumble the edifice in ruins. The wool industry is one of the foundation industries of the country. It occupies the attention of two million Americans. It is pursued in every county in the land but thirty-seven. Wipe it out, as it will be wiped out by removal of the wool duties, and you make every man who is hurt a free trader.

They Prefer to “Meet” the Free Traders at a Distance.

Rockville Ind., Tribune^sic.

The advocates of freedom have never been found backing out of a fight. As Garrison and Lovejoy, and Beecher and Curtis sought

p. 6, col. 6 to defend the principle of free men against all its enemies, so now do the advocates of commercial freedom seek to meet the protectionists on equal terms. Everywhere the challenges are refused acceptance by the protectionists. Nearly a month ago the New York free trade club sent a challenge to the American tariff league offering to put Henry George against Colonel Ingersoll, or any other man of national reputation. The champions of high taxes were apparently not spoiling for a fight, for it was not until last Friday that a reply was received by the chairman of the free trade club, declining to accept the challenge.

Quite as Sensible.

Boston Globe.

It costs American “infant industries” $60,000,000 a year to pay dividends on American stocks owned by Englishmen. Why not impose a duty on imported foreign capital in order to protect American capital? That would be quite as sensible as some other things in the tariff system.

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MRS. AGATHA MUNIER ATKINS WILL continue to receive pupils in solo singing and vocal sight reading at her residence. 223 E. 32d street, New York.

SINGLE TAX CLUB MEETINGS.

TO THE SINGLE TAX MEN OF WEST VIRGINIA: Will the single tax men in West Virgina^sic please send their addresses to me at this point. Send the names of all the George men you know of in your neighborhood and be particular to give post office address. A state organization is proposed and any suggestions or information will be carefully considered. W. I. BOREMAN, Parkersburg, Wood county, West Virginia.

THE ST. LOUIS SINGLE TAX LEAGUE meets every Sunday evening at 7:30 p. m., at Ninth street and Franklin avenue. Secretary, B. E. Bloom, 3925 Lucky street.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

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As a work of art nothing so costly, so faithful and so profuse in illustrations has ever been done for any county in California. Of the eighty-four pages of reading matter, historical, topographical, statistical and descriptive, it is sufficient to say it is the work of one of the best known and ablest writers in the state, and one who, from a journalistic experience of nearly a quarter cf a century, has the history of the coast almost at his fingers’ ends. Altogether the work is one deserving of the highest praise.—San Francisco Examiner, June 20.

A large number of pamphlets describing and pictorially illustrating the beauties of different counties of the state have been issued from time to time. The latest, completest and ablest which has been issued for some time past is that which describes Sonoma county’s fertile soil, energetic people and beauteous scenery. The pamphlet, or more properly speaking, the volume, is a perfect encyclopedia in its particular line, treating the county geographically, geologically and historically. The illustrations of the scenes in the Sonoma valley are very faithful and have been prepared with great care and attention to detail. Different sections of the valley have been selected, and their suitability for the production of all classes of fruit is carefully pointed out.—San Francisco Chronicle, June 19.

Bell & Heymans have issued another of their magnificently illustrated descriptions of a central California county. Their work on Marin was acknowledged by the daily press to be the finest of the kind ever published in California. Yet in their “Sonoma County and Russian River Valley Illustrated” they have outdone themselves and published a work that would do credit to any author or publishing house in the United States. The views, tinted and chromo, and plain lithographs and vignettes, over seventy in number, are worth five times the money. The historical, statistical and descriptive portion of the work is full, correct, and complete, and when the reader lays it down after perusal and examining the views, even though he never was in California, he will be better acquainted with the topography, products and condition of the county and its many towns than many people who have lived in Sonoma for years. It is a model book, for it gives in a concise and complete form the very information that an intelligent home seeker, who is a stranger to California, could wish to have.—San Francisco Herald of Trade, June 21.

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SINGLE TAX DOCTRINES IN A NUTSHELL.

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QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

AN OPEN LETTER.

BROOKLYN SINGLE TAX CLUB, 44 COURT STREET, Sept. 15, 1888.

To the Clergy of the City of Brooklyn—

REVEREND SIRS: Believing that no legislation that affects the well being of the masses can be matter of indifference to you, we feel assured of a courteous hearing. We trust you will also accord careful and earnest thought to the weighty question to which we invite your attention.

The moral tendency of legislation on economic matters depends largely on the underlying principles recognized by that legislation. We think that an unbiased study of the moral tendency of protective tariffs as opposed to unrestricted trade will lead you to the conviction at which we have arrived. The central thought of the protective system is selfish. Its inquiry is, “How shall we keep

p. 7, col. 2 all the advantages of position to ourselves, preventing our fellows of other nationalities from reaping any benefit from the overflowing abundance with which God has crowned our national life?” The protectionist replies, “By excluding as far as possible all the produce and manufactures of other lands and selling them only our superfluity in exchange for ready cash.” This ignoble proposition is but the outgrowth of the evil thought that because we are the richest, strongest, most intelligent nation on earth we are entitled to make all contribute to our welfare, while we ourselves contribute to the welfare of none. It is true that no nation can carry out such a shameful programme in its entirety, and if they could it would yield only bitter disappointment; yet if it is in our heart to do so, it will react on us as a people and prove a prolific source of evil. It is in deadly antagon ism to the law of Christ. Its recognition constitutes a malign and unholy education to our children and young men, teaching them that man’s chief end is to accumulate wealth at whatever cost. We have already reaped the first fruits of the harvest in the alarming increase of defaulters among our business men, in the corruption of our legislatures and municipal authorities, and in the rapid development of a passion for gambling.

One result aimed at by protective tariffs is to sweep out of existence a divinely ordained agency by which God would knit all nations into one holy commmunity^sic by the bond of mutual dependence and mutual helpfulness. This holy thing protective legislation teaches us to regard as common and unclean, while it elevates to the dignity of patriot hero the man who most efficiently overreaches his brother of a different race. International jealousies are cherished by protective tariffs; commerce itself is reduced to a conflict of sharpers; the peace of nations is threatened, or changed into an ignoble and precarious truce.

Nor are the tendencies of protective systems less dangerous to our social and mate rial well being. The system itself is a deliberate violation of the constitution of the United States, inasmuch as it is founded on class legislation. It gives exclusive privileges to a small but favored class of the community. It not only taxes directly the whole community for the benefit of a few, but its reflex action gives them the power to collect blackmail to a much larger amount than the revenue which goes into the national treasury. It as distinctly calls into existence a privileged class as did William the Conqueror when he divided England among his followers. It is generally claimed that it benefits the working man, and some, we doubt not, sincerely believe it. Such a claim we believe to be unfounded, and to be distinctly contradicted by the facts. While the tariff accords to the employer a bonus equal to three or four times the entire sum spent in wages, it makes no provision for any part of that sum going to the employe. On the contrary, it leaves the manufacturer at liberty not only to beat down the price of labor, but to substitute foreign labor for native whenever it is available. It thus tends to widen the breach between capital and labor instead of healing it.

A high tariff directly encourages the formation of trusts by excluding foreign competition, the only efficient means of breaking them down. It ties the hands of the nation and delivers it thus bound to the mercies of unscrupulous and greedy monopolists. It compels the farmer to buy in a protected market whatever he can not produce on his farm, enhancing the cost of his building, machinery, clothing, furniture and stock, but leaves him to compete in a free trade market with the cheap agricultural products of Russia and India and Egypt. It causes wealth to gravitate toward the great land monopolist, who has laid his grip on mines and railways, on millions of acres of fertile land, and the sites of rising cities, enabling him to crush out all competitors and to tap all the channels of the nation’s wealth to increase his own vast accumulations. It even compels the protected manufacturer himself eventually to disgorge the lion’s share of the extra profit it professes to give him. The ruinous result to the agricultural interest was strongly brought out by Congressman McKinley in his Atlanta speech, where he quoted statistics to show that, while the rental or selling value of farms has increased 300 per cent., the produce of those farms has certainly not increased 100 per cent.

Finally, we call your attention to the fact that the conflict now agitating the nation does not turn on the question of protection or free trade, but on the question whether a small portion of the burden that is straining the springs of national prosperity shall be lifted from our shoulders or whether that burden shall be indefinitely increased, even at the cost of flooding the country with cheap liquor and untaxed tobacco, if necessary to secure that end.

As worthy successors of the heroic men who hesitated not, when the cries of the oppressed negro reached their ears, to step forth amid obloquy and misrepresentation, and range themselves on the side of truth, we doubt not that in this great conflict your voices will be heard in behalf of what you believe to be the cause of truth and equity—the cause of God.

This is pre-eminently the cause of the weak against the strong, of the simple minded against the crafty, of the struggling artisan against the wealthy monopolist. The men of brawn and muscle and manual skill are already beginning to suspect that they have been deluded by false pretenses into the sup

p. 7, col. 3 port of a system which enriches the capitalist at their cost. Stand by their side in the struggle which is imminent. Help them to arrive at a wise decision and you will secure the confidence of thousands who have strayed far from the sanctuary because they have been trained to believe that they have little share in your interest or regard.

We ask you, then, to approach this question with unbiased minds and an earnest desire to know what is true. May the God of truth guide you to a decision that shall be for the welfare of the nation and for His glory.

On behalf of the club,

WM. A. SMITH, Vice-President. J. T. O’NEILL, Secretary.

BALLOT REFORM IN RHODE ISLAND.

The Rhode Island ballot reform association is circulating a petition to the general assembly of the state, asking for the passage of an electoral reform bill. The following circular accompanies the petition:

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

[Advertisement] THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.

THE LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY.—We are now publishing under the title of “The Land and Labor Library” a series of short tracts on various phases of the social problem. These pamphlets contain facts, figures and arguments expressed in concise, vigorous language easily understood. As a means of propaganda we recommend them to all who desire to help on the movement for social reform. Those who wish to have these tracts placed where they will do good but who are unable personally to attend to their distribution, can remit the price to us, as we have every facility for sending them where they are needed and will be read.

The following have already appeared:

No. 1. “First Principles.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 2. “Land and Taxation.” A conversation between David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages. No. 3. “The Right to the Use of the Earth.” By Herbert Spencer. 4 pages. No. 4. “A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty.” A sermon by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost of Newark, N. J. 2 pages. No. 5. “A Sum in Proportion.” By T. L. McCready. 2 pages. No. 6. “The Settler’s Nightmare.” By Louis F. Post. 4 pages. No. 7. “New York’s Docks: The True Mode of Raising Revenue.” By J. W. Sullivan. 4 pages. No. 8. “Unemployed Labor.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 9. “Voices for Reform.” 2 pages. No. 10. “A Mysterious Disappearance.” By Lewis Freeland. 6 pages. No. 11. “How to Increase Profits.” By A. J. Steers. 2 pages. No. 12. “The American Farmer.” By Henry George. 4 pages. No. 13. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 14. “The Collegiate Church and the Shoemaker’s Field.” By W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 15. “Only a Dream.” By Abner C. Thomas. [6?] pages. No. 16. “The Anti-Poverty Society.” Dr. McGlynn’s address at the first meeting. 8 pages. No. 17. “The Cross of the New Crusade.” A poem. By David Rorty. 2 pages. No. 18. “It is the Law of Christ.” By Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages. No. 19. “My Landlord. By John Jones^sic. 4 pages. No. 20.”Thou Shalt Not Steal.” An address by Henry George before the Anti-Poverty Society. 8 pages. No. 21. “Christianity and Poverty.” An address by Father Huntington before the Anti-poverty society. 4 pages. No. 22. “Poverty and Christianity.” An address by Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the Anti-poverty society. 8 pages. No. 23. “The Single Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 24. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 1. 4 pages. No. 25. “Hymns of the New Crusade”—No. 2. 4 pages. No. 26. “Religion vs. Robbery.” Address by Rev. Dr McGlynn before the New York Anti-poverty society June 12, 1887. 8 pages. No. 27. “Back to the Land.” Bishop Nulty’s letter to the clergy and laity of his diocese. 16 pages. Price, 5 cents. No. 28. “Anti-Slavery and Anti-Poverty.” An address by the Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost before the New York Anti-Poverty Society, June 19. 8 pages. No. 29. “Tenement House Morality.” Rev. J. O. S. Huntington in the Forum. 4 pages. No. 30. “The Case Plainly Stated.” A speech by H. F. Ring before the Knights of Labor at Houston, Texas. 8 pages. No. 31. “Questions and Answers.” Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson of the Sixty-first street M. E. church of New York; with answers by Henry George. 2 pages. No. 32. “Objections to the Land Tax.” By Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 33. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 34. “Horse Sense.” W. C. Woods. 2 pages. No. 35. The Syracuse Platform. 2 pages. No. 36. “Citycus and Rusticus.” Tudor S. Jenks. 4 pages. No. 37. “Taxing Land Values.” Henry George. 8 pp. No. 38. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 39. “What We Want.” Everett Glackin, president Typographical Union No. 6. 2 pages. No. 40. “Protection or Free Trade.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 41. The Syracuse Platform. (German^sic.) 2 pages. No. 42. “First Principles.” (German.) Henry George 4 pages. No. 43. “Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. (German.] Henry George. 4 pages. No. 44.”How John’s Father Saw the Light.” W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages. 45. Platform of the United Labor Party. 2 pages. No. 46. “Taxing Land Values.” (German.) Henry George. 8 pages. No. 47. “It is the Law of Christ.” (German.) Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pages. No. 48. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (German). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 49. “The Distribution of Wealth.” Thomas G. Shearman. 16 pages. No. 50. “Progress and Poverty.” (German.) Henry George. No. 51. “Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers.” Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages. No. 52. “The Case Plainly Stated.” (Swedish). H. F. Ring. 8 pages. No. 53. “Sailors’ Snug Harbor.” (German.) Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. No. 54. “What the United Labor Party Want.” Henry George. 2 pages. No. 55. “Stories for Farmers.” 4 pages. No. 56. “Electoral Reform.” A. T. Rice. 4 pages. No. 57. “Protection as a Universal Need.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 58. “To a College Professor.” Bartholomew Appleby. 4 pages. No. 59. “Before a Royal Commission.” W. A. Douglass. 4 pages. No. 60. “The Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 61, “A Practical Illustration.” Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages. No. 62. “Progress and Poverty.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 63, “American Protection and British Free Trade.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 64. “Hints as to What You Can Do.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 65. “To a Bookkeeper.” Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages. No. 66. “A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms.” Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages. No. 67. “A Piece of Land” By the late Francis^sic G Shaw. 2 pages. No. 68. “The Tax on Buildings,” William T. Croasdale. 8 pages. No. 69^sic. “Protection and Wages.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 70. “The Common Sense of the Tariff Question^sic. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 71.”My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man^sic. William McCabe. 4 pages. No. 72. “Protection the Friend of Labor?” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 73. “Property in Land.” Henry George. Price, 15 cents. No. 74. “Social Problems.” Henry George. Price, 35 cents. No. 75. “A Short Tariff History.” Thomas G. Shearman. 2 pages. No. 76. “Plain Talk to Protectionists.” Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 77. An Address to Workingmen on the Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages. No. 78. “Election Reform.” Louis F. Post. 10 pages. No. 79. “A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland.” Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages.

[Advertisement] THE DEMOCRAT.

THE DEMOCRAT.

A RADICAL REVIEW MONTHLY.

The Democrat advocates Land Resumption and those reforms which are necessary to make the English people a free people. It asks “compensation” not for those who have benefited by unjust legislation, but for those who have suffered thereby.

For one dollar the Democrat is supplied for 18 months to any address in the United States or Canada.

Address 5 New Bridge street, London, E. C.

p. 7, col. 5

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Edited by Donn Piatt.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE, published monthly, is devoted to politics, fiction, poetry, general literature, science and art.

In politics the new magazine will give an independent support to the democratic party and to the present administration. It will advocate the extinguishment of the surplus by a reform of the present iniquitous and burdensome tariff in the direction of free trade, or of a tariff for revenue only.

The department of fiction will be exceptionally full. Instead of a serial story, dragging its length through several months, and exhausting the patience of the reader, a complete novel will be published in each number; and each issue will also contain one or more short stories complete.

Colonel Donn Piatt is assisted by a staff of sub-editors, and also by a large number of able contributors, among whom are

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In sympathy with every movement toward the realization of the Lord’s kingdom on earth, and having no desire to build up a sect or to interfere with any one’s church relation, it opens its columns to all religious, moral and social questions, guided by one principle alone—the thought and love of USE.

Editors, B. F. Barrett and S. H. Spencer. Price, [$2?] a year. Sample copies free. Address NEW CHRISTIANITY, Germantown, Pa.

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OWN A SINGLE TAX PAPER. MUCH effective work in and after the campaign can be done by the publication cf^sic a local paper. We can furnish 500 30-column papers, containing much free trade single tax matter, for $2.50 per issue. These will be headed and dated at any village or city. At a little extra expense items of local interest, making points against local opponents, will be inserted. The publisher will have complete control over his own paper; he can insert in it any reading matter or advertisements he pleases, collecting his own pay for subscriptions, sales and advertising. All we have to do with the plan is to furnish the work from a central office and divide the expense among the publishers. These papers can be entered at local post offices as second class matter, and can then be mailed at a cost of four cents per 100 copies for postage. This is a very important item for clubs and groups to consider. Samples free. Write for fuller information to

TAX REFORM COMPANY, 52 Concord street, Brooklyn, N. Y.

[Advertisement] HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

[Advertisement] TARIFF TRACTS.

The following Tracts on the Tariff Question are published in the Land and Labor Library:

No. 57. “Protection as a Universal Need.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 60. “The Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 63. “American Protection and British Free Trade.” Henry George. 4 pages. No. 69, “Protection and Wages.” Henry George. 8 pages. No. 70. “The Common Sense of the Tariff Question.” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 72. “Protection the Friend of Labor?” Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. No. 75. “A Short Tariff History.” Thomas G. Shearman. 2 pages. No. 76. “Plain Talk tc^sic Protectionists.” Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages. No. 77. “An Address to Workingmen on the Tariff Question.” Henry George. 4 pages.

A set of these Tracts will be sent to any address for ten cents.

Prices in quantities free by mail. Two-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $4.25.

Four-page tracts—25 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 25 cents; 1,000 copies, $2; 5,000 copies, $8.50.

Eight-page tracts—25 copies, 20 cents; 100 copies, 50 cents; 1,000 copies, $4; 5,000 copies, $17.

Address PUBLISHER STANDARD, 12 Union Square, New York.

[Advertisement] THE TARIFF QUESTION.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE? by Henry George; paper, 35 cents.

THE EXISTING TARIFF fully indexed so that the rate on each article can readily be found, 25 cents.

LEADING SPEECHES ON THE MILLS BILL, containing the speeches of Mills of Texas, McMillan of Tennessee^sic, Wilson of West Virginia, Scott of Pennsylvania, Cox of New York and Carlisle of Kentucky on the democratic side, and Reed of Maine, McKinley of Ohio, Burrows of Michigan, Butterworth of Ohio and Kelley of Pennsylvania on the republican side: 50 cents.

Sent, postage paid, on receipt of price, or

THE THREE BOOKS FOR ONE DOLLAR.

PUBLISHER STANDARD 12 Union Square, New York.

[Advertisement] BOUND VOLUMES OF THE STANDARD.

BOUND VOLUMES

OF

THE STANDARD.

A limited number of bound volumes of THE STANDARD, in heavy boards, are offered for sale at the following prices:

Volumes 1, 2, and 3, bound in single volumes,….$3 50 The three volumes…. 9 00

(Expressage extra.)

Address THE STANDARD, 12 Union square, east, New York.

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