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Contents The Standard February 4, 1891Feb 4, 1891

Henry George’s weekly · New York · transcribed edition

February 4, 1891 Vol. IX, No. 5Whole No. 214

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Contents

144 articles and notices

114 notes: 114 misprints. Uncertain readings are in [brackets?]. Original spelling and misprints are kept as printed.

Page 1

  1. col. 1★ IN BERMUDA.
  2. col. 1CLEVELAND AND HILL.
  3. col. 1THE "GET TOGETHER" IDEA.
  4. col. 1SENATOR VILAS.
  5. col. 1OPPOSING LICENSE TAXES.
  6. col. 2SUFFERING IN NEBRASKA.
  7. col. 2TOWN LIGHTING.
  8. col. 2SEPARATE ASSESSMENTS.
  9. col. 2AN EXCLUSIVE PARTY.

Page 2

  1. col. 1[An Exclusive Party, continued]
  2. col. 1HONOR TO WHOM, ETC.—
  3. col. 1POOR PENNSYLVANIA.—
  4. col. 1MR. BRADLAUGH'S CAREER.—
  5. col. 1A SINGLE TAX ALLIANCE MAN.—
  6. col. 2LET US HAVE PEACE.—

Page 3

  1. col. 1[Let Us Have Peace, continued]
  2. col. 1THE NEW KANSAS SENATOR.
  3. col. 2THE CONNECTICUT FRAUD.
  4. col. 2★ SINGLE TAX AND SOCIALISM.

Page 4

  1. col. 1[Single Tax and Socialism, continued]
  2. col. 1RAPID TRANSIT.—
  3. col. 2THE CONTRACT LABOR LAW.—

Page 5

  1. col. 1[The Contract Labor Law, continued]
  2. col. 1SECRETARY WINDOM'S SUCCESSOR.
  3. col. 1ANSWERING MAYOR SARGENT.
  4. col. 2FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES.

Page 6

  1. col. 1[Foreign Conquests and Alliances, continued]
  2. col. 1TAXATION A TORMENT.—
  3. col. 1★ A BOOMERANG.—
  4. col. 2THE PEOPLE'S "SUPERB CONDITION." Ralph E. Hoyt

Page 7

  1. col. 1[The People's "Superb Condition," continued] Ralph E. Hoyt
  2. col. 2★ THE "KOCH CURE" AND THE "GEORGE CURE." Walter Mendelson

Page 8

  1. col. 1★ [The "Koch Cure" and the "George Cure," continued] Walter Mendelson
  2. col. 2★ THE RECENT CONTEST IN KANSAS. Louis F. Post

Page 9

  1. col. 1★ [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] Louis F. Post

Page 10

  1. col. 1★ [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] Louis F. Post
  2. col. 2AN INDIAN WOMAN'S PROTEST. Princess Viroqua
  3. col. 2VACANT LAND IN NEW YORK.

Page 11

  1. col. 1NOTES AND QUERIES.
  2. col. 1[Notes and Queries: Correction to the poem "The Single Tax Club"]
  3. col. 1[Notes and Queries: The Daily Continent's first number]
  4. col. 1★ [Notes and Queries: The Virginia State Chronicle on Henry George]
  5. col. 1[Notes and Queries: Lackawanna coal mines idled]
  6. col. 1[Notes and Queries: Ballot reform in the legislatures]
  7. col. 1[Notes and Queries: Tammany managed from Germany]
  8. col. 2[Notes and Queries: People's Municipal League organizes]
  9. col. 2[Notes and Queries: The Great Statesman and the Single Tax Woman]
  10. col. 2[Notes and Queries: New York assessments, 1867-1890]
  11. col. 2[Notes and Queries: Value of the produce of the soil, 1890]
  12. col. 2[Notes and Queries: Childless wives in Massachusetts]
  13. col. 2[Notes and Queries: Jones and Brown on Woodlawn Cemetery]
  14. col. 2[Notes and Queries: A third party at a lovers' tryst]

Page 12

  1. col. 1★ THE TARIFF QUESTION IN GERMANY. William Wolff
  2. col. 1THE ONTARIO RESOLUTIONS. J. M. Norton
  3. col. 1WHO WILL OFFER THE PRIZE? H. G. Seaver
  4. col. 1THE RAILWAY PROBLEM. C. J. Buell
  5. col. 2WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS?
  6. col. 2SINGLE TAX LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.

Page 13

  1. col. 1INDUSTRIAL CONSPIRACIES.
  2. col. 1PUBLIC PROPERTY AND ITS BENEFITS.
  3. col. 2THE AMERICAN FARMER.
  4. col. 2ECONOMIC LECTURES.
  5. col. 2FOR OUR PROTECTION FRIENDS TO READ.

Page 14

  1. col. 1SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. Geo. St. John Leavens
  2. col. 1SINGLE TAX LETTER WRITERS.
  3. col. 1BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. W. E. Brokaw
  4. col. 2MR. HERNE TELLS OF HIS WESTERN TOUR.

Page 15

  1. col. 1[Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued]
  2. col. 2★ NEW YORK CITY.
  3. col. 2[Metropolitan Single Tax Association] Fred. C. Keller
  4. col. 2BROOKLYN. Mrs. E. A. Deverall
  5. col. 2NEW YORK STATE. George Noyes
  6. col. 2[Yonkers] Fielding Gower
  7. col. 2[West New Brighton] S. M. Gay
  8. col. 2VERMONT. G. W. Lowrey
  9. col. 2MASSACHUSETTS. Emily T. Turner

Page 16

  1. col. 1[Massachusetts, continued] Emily T. Turner
  2. col. 1[Boston: Garrison on taxation; Freight Handlers' Assembly]
  3. col. 1[West Medford] W. H. Hannaford
  4. col. 1[Cambridgeport] James E. Connell
  5. col. 1[Stoneham]
  6. col. 1RHODE ISLAND. George D. Liddell
  7. col. 1NEW JERSEY.
  8. col. 1PENNSYLVANIA.
  9. col. 1[Bryn Mawr: "Uncle Tom's" Wife]
  10. col. 1[Cochranton] J. M. Wilson
  11. col. 1DELAWARE. J. M. Dorney
  12. col. 1MARYLAND. Wm. N. Hill
  13. col. 2GEORGIA. F. Warden
  14. col. 2TEXAS. G. E. Hubbard
  15. col. 2[Baird] Will M. Buell
  16. col. 2[Dallas] J. F. Swinnerton
  17. col. 2[Shiner] R. B. Hollingsworth
  18. col. 2OHIO.
  19. col. 2[Hemlock] James G. Hayden
  20. col. 2ILLINOIS. Warren Worth Bailey
  21. col. 2★ [Bloomington] Edward H. Bailey

Page 17

  1. col. 1[Bloomington, continued] Edward H. Bailey
  2. col. 1[Elgin] J. H. Risdon
  3. col. 1WISCONSIN. Martin Johnson
  4. col. 1MISSOURI. T. J. Smith
  5. col. 1KANSAS. E. Z. Butcher
  6. col. 1[Olathe] J. L. Voorhes
  7. col. 1COLORADO. J. W. Breutlinger
  8. col. 1NEBRASKA. Edwin Welch
  9. col. 1[Murray] George Boeck
  10. col. 2MINNESOTA. A. M. Goodrich
  11. col. 2WYOMING. F. W. Williams
  12. col. 2SOUTH DAKOTA. W. E. Brokaw
  13. col. 2[Redfield] Isaac Howe
  14. col. 2CALIFORNIA. A. W. Kennedy
  15. col. 2CALIFORNIA. E. Hodkins
  16. col. 2[San Jose] O. L. Long
  17. col. 2CANADA.
  18. col. 2BRITISH COLUMBIA. W. A. Wilson

Page 18

  1. col. 1★ [British Columbia, continued] W. A. Wilson
  2. col. 1★ "PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?" FOR TEN CENTS.
  3. col. 2PERSONAL.
  4. col. 2[Personal: Chauncey F. Black]
  5. col. 2[Personal: Governor Burke of North Dakota]
  6. col. 2[Personal: R. G. Brown's articles]
  7. col. 2[Personal: Norton and Freund debate]
  8. col. 2[Personal: Eva J. Turner answers Ida Van Etten]
  9. col. 2HUNTING FOR A CURIOSITY. Joseph Dana Miller
  10. col. 2A TENDER PLANT.

Page 19

  1. col. 1"AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD." Frances M. Milne
  2. col. 2THE INDIANS AND THE LAND. Mr. Murray
  3. col. 2SOME OF OUR SENATORIAL MATERIAL.
  4. col. 2DEMPSEY'S PERSONAL TAX BILL.
  5. col. 2CANADIAN SINGLE TAXERS GOING INTO POLITICS.
  6. col. 2THE EXTREMES HAVE MET.

Page 20

  1. col. 1A SERIES OF JOKES.
  2. col. 1★ A COMFORTABLE CREED, FOR SOME. Ambrose Bierce
  3. col. 1A BILL HE UNDERSTANDS.
  4. col. 1RIGHT!
  5. col. 2THE PRESIDENT DOUBTS PENNSYLVANIA.
  6. col. 2REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION.
  7. col. 2LOBBY INSOLENCE.
  8. col. 2THE QUESTION WAS RESPECTFULLY REFERRED.
  9. col. 3SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES.

Page 21

  1. col. 1[Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizations, continued]
  2. col. 3★ THE SINGLE TAX PLATFORM.

Advertisements (2): The Single Tax Library. · Van Houten's Cocoa

Page 22

    Advertisements (5): Pears' Soap · Ely's Cream Balm · The Single Tax of Hygiene. · Morris R. George, jeweler · HENRY GEORGE & CO., PUBLISHERS,

    Page 23

    1. col. 1★ CONTENTS.

    Advertisements (1): AS AN ADVERTISING MEDIUM

    Page 24

    1. col. 1THE STANDARD.

    Advertisements (9): Forty-Three Dollars Worth of Music · The Watertown Journal · Handy Binders for The Standard. · A Single Tax Button in Gold. · Holland's Coffee and Dining Rooms · Glenn's Sulphur Soap · Concord Co-operative Printing Co. · Scott's Emulsion · Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Development Company

    Full table with types and authors · About this text · PDF

    Page 1 of 24contents

    THE STANDARD

    PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, BY WM. T. CROASDALE, AT NO. 42 UNIVERSITY PLACE.

    VOL. IX. | NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1891. | NO. 5.

    p. 1, col. 1

    IN BERMUDA.

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    —Mr and sic. Henry George arrived safely in Bermuda. In a note to the editor of THE STANDARD, dated January 27, Mr. George writes, “We are having a pleasant time, and, save when asleep, I have been continuously in the open air and am getting along famously.”

    CLEVELAND AND HILL.

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    —State Senator Wm. L. Brown gave a dinner last Saturday night, in honor of the governors of the Manhattan Club, and among the special guests invited for the occasion were ex-President Cleveland and Governor Hill. The daily newspapers are disposed to regard the presence together of these two men at a private dinner as highly significant, and the New York Sun is writhing in agony over a report that Mr. Cleveland congratulated Mr. Hill on his election to the Senate, and that Mr. Hill courteously responded to the congratulations. The Sun doubtless thinks that the two men should have thrown dishes at one another during the feast and engaged in a rough and tumble fight on the dining room floor as soon as the table no longer separated them. What a hopeless blackguard the Sun is !

    THE “GET TOGETHER” IDEA.

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    —The Kansas City Midland Mechanic would like to see the Single Tax men, tariff reformers, greenbackers, farmers’ alliances, Knights of Labor, trades unionists and socialists of the United States brought together in convention, where they could draft a platform on which all could stand. The platform could contain but one plank, and it would read :

    Whereas, we do not like things as they are,

    Resolved, that we want the offices, so that we can run things ourselves.

    SENATOR VILAS.

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    —Hon. William F. Vilas, just elected United States Senator by the Wisconsin Legislature, was the president of the Democratic National Convention that nominated Mr. Cleveland at Chicago in 1884. He was subsequently appointed Postmaster-General by President Cleveland and served in that place till he became Secretary of the Interior. He is a man of fine presence, considerable oratorical ability, and appears to have made a good administrative officer. Thus far in public life he has given no evidence that he is a man of original ideas or a Democrat in the broader sense of the term. Of course it has required considerable vigor of mind and moral courage to remain even a nominal Democrat in Wisconsin, during the long period of that party’s exclusion from power in the State, and it is quite natural, now that the Democrats have a majority on joint ballot, that a man who had shown these qualities should be chosen to succeed. Senator Spooner, who is one of the many millionaires who of late years have bought seats in the Senate.

    OPPOSING LICENSE TAXES.

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    —The city of Portland in September last levied a license tax of five dollars per month on real estate men doing business in the city. The victims at first proposed to test the constitutionality of the ordinance in the courts, but consultation with counsel caused them to abandon such a plan. They have now organized a society composed of all the licensed callings in the city, keepers of saloons and disreputable houses excepted, to make an organized appeal to the people to elect councilmen who will repeal such legislation. Though the real estate men took the

    p. 1, col. 2 lead in the movement they declare that they “believe that the real estate of the city, if properly assessed, would yield a sufficient sum through taxation to defray all the city expenses,” while they declare that license taxes hamper and suppress business. This society, which manifestly possesses some clear ideas on the subject of taxation, was organized by Mr. J. P. Kohler, formerly of Brooklyn, and an active Single Tax man, who undertook the work at the special request of the prominent real estate dealers of Portland. “It goes.”

    SUFFERING IN NEBRASKA.

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    —The Senate of Nebraska has adopted a memorial to Congress asking for an appropriation of one million dollars for the relief of sufferers in that State. This may be taken as conclusive evidence that there is suffering in the Northwest, despite the fact that land boomers in both the Dakotas and Nebraska have indignantly denied the fact. The whole difficulty is that these Western States have been settled to a great extent prematurely, through the unnatural processes attendant on land speculation, and many people who are now suffering for actual lack of food and clothing have paid high prices for land on which they cannot make a living, from year to year And sic in the face of the fact that there is a great abundance of good land held out of use in all parts of the great Mississippi Valley.

    TOWN LIGHTING.

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    —The Supreme Court of Massachusetts has handed down a decision restraining the town of Peabody from proceeding to establish an electric light plant for the use of the town. The court practically declares that the Legislature by statute can confer upon towns authority to contract and maintain such works, but that this can only be done by a special statute, which has not been passed by the Legislature. Considering the antiquated constitution of Massachusetts it is astonishing that the court found that the Legislature had power to authorize towns to take such action.

    SEPARATE ASSESSMENTS.

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    —The bill introduced into Congress by Representative Butterworth to regulate the assessment of real estate in the District of Columbia is chiefly important from the fact that it requires the separation of the value of improvements from that of the land. While the bill was in the hands of the committee, Mr. C. B. Hemingway delivered an address in favor of the reforms proposed on behalf of organized labor and the citizens of Washington.

    AN EXCLUSIVE PARTY.

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    —The National Farmers’ Alliance, at its recent meeting at Omaha, decided to put a full national ticket in the field, including candidates for President and Vice-President in 1892. It also resolved to have nothing to do with either of the old political parties. The same body, however, defeated, by a large majority, an amendment to its constitution making all laboring men sic to membership in the organization. It appears that this particular branch of the Farmers’ Alliance is disposed to be very exclusive. The great majority of the people in the country are now divided between the two great parties, and the largest body of men who have shown any disposition to ignore party lines is probably the organized workingmen. With all these, however, this Northwestern Farmers’ Alliance wants nothing to do, and it evidently, if we continued on p. 2 →

    [continued on page 2]

    Page 2 of 24contents

    2 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 82.

    p. 2, col. 1 [continued from page 1]

    ← continued from p. 1 may draw an inference from telegraphic reports of its proceedings, intends to flock by itself and “have fun” in voting for some farmers for President and Vice-President. This action will complicate politics, obscure the one important issue of the time, that of taxation, and tend to continue in power the party that has become the paid tool of monopoly.

    HONOR TO WHOM, ETC.—Mr. J. M. Norton, of East Bloomfield, in a letter to the editor, printed elsewhere, disclaims the honor awarded him in THE STANDARD as the author of the resolutions adopted by the Ontario and Livingston wool growers, and ascribes it to Mr. Sanford W. Abbey. We are glad to make the correction. It is a most hopeful thing indeed that two such Free Traders as Messrs. Norton and Abbey should be found amongst the sheep growers of northern New York.

    POOR PENNSYLVANIA.—The Pennsylvania Legislature, by a strict party vote in both Houses, has passed a resolution instructing the Senators of that State to vote for the Force bill. This, of course, is intended for a blow at Senator Cameron for voting against that monstrous measure. It will certainly fail to have any effect other than to once more put Pennsylvania on record as a State hopelessly Bourbon, wrongheaded and stupid, to whom redemption does not come completely even during such periods of tidal wave as that of last November. Poor, stupid old State!

    MR. BRADLAUGH’S CAREER.—As a type of the political reformer, whose aims are to purify and liberalize the outward forms of government, Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, who died last week, was a most remarkable figure in English politics. His name is inseparably connected with the struggle for free thought, free speech and democratic institutions, not merely in Great Britain but all over the world. The religious bigotry that would have prevented his taking a seat in Parliament he overcame, and, once seated, he became the champion of popular rights. He fought for Ireland when the Irish cause was not a popular one; he was on the side of the North in our civil war, when public sentiment in England was very much the other way; he was so active on behalf of the people of India that he was called “the member for India.” He was not a profound thinker on economic questions, his ideas being biased by a belief in the over population theory, but he warmly advocated all those measures, such as factory legislation laws to secure the rights of organized labor, which represented very advanced views a few years ago. Throughout his career he seemed to stand for the right as far as he saw it.

    A SINGLE TAX ALLIANCE MAN.—Mr. Walter Muir, President of the North Dakota Farmers’ Alliance, and recently a delegate to the Ocala Convention, in a personal letter to a friend concerning the latter convention, said that there were a goodly number of Single Tax men present as delegates, but that they did not think it prudent to attempt to commit the Alliance to their ideas. Mr. Muir says: “I am a Single Tax man and recommend it to our people in this State.” This is a fact doubtless well known to all of the members of the North Dakota Legislature, yet Mr. Muir was voted for for United States Senator during the recent contest by five men who stood for him from the beginning to the end, and on the fifth ballot twenty-three Democrats changed their votes from McCormick, their own candidate, to Muir, giving the latter, with some other accessions, thirty-one votes. This was the largest vote given to any candidate up to the fifteenth ballot, when the break began which finally elected

    p. 2, col. 2 Hansbrough over Pierce, the regular Republican caucus candidate.

    Mr. Muir is a man so situated as to do a great work for the Single Tax cause in the Northwest, if so inclined. It is to be hoped that Single Tax men in North Dakota will proffer him their assistance in any effort he may make to educate the Farmers’ Alliance of his State into a comprehension of the Single Tax idea. His residence is at Hunter, N. D. Singularly enough, he is one of the thousands of active Single Tax men found in various parts of the country who have never connected themselves with the organized Single Tax movement.

    LET US HAVE PEACE.—Though the small body of malignant partisans who sought to introduce a temporary measure of gag law in the United States Senate for the purpose of passing the Force bill, are still snarling at, and denouncing as traitors the Republican Senators who defeated their purpose, the advocates of these revolutionary schemes seem to have bowed to the inevitable, and to have given up all hope of passing the bill that would have struck a deadly blow at local self-government and the control by the people over the conduct of their own elections. Watchfulness against any attempt to revive the scheme should not be relaxed, but the intense feeling that it inspired has already begun to subside.

    No paper in the country has a better right than THE STANDARD to rejoice in the defeat of the effort to sic up new election machinery, under centralized Federal control, in the several States. We have denounced it, from the time that it made its first appearance in the House, as a dangerous blow at civil liberty and a nefarious device to enable the agents of monopoly to continue in power against the expressed will of the people. Some few of our friends have objected to the course of THE STANDARD on this question, and insisted that it was blind partisanship for the Democratic party that led us to denounce a bill having the ostensible object of securing a free election and a fair count in the South. Do these people think it was Democratic partisanship that led half a dozen Republican Senators to defy their party leaders and vote against the bill? Do they think it was Democratic partisanship that led many Republican Senators who voted for the bill through fear of the party lash to denounce it in private, and to rejoice in the failure of the attempt to change the rule with a view to securing its enactment into law? We hope such men will reconsider the matter, and come to understand the motives that prompted such determined opposition to the Force bill.

    Now that it is seemingly dead there is some ground for hope that Congress will devote itself to the pressing public business so long delayed, and cease its efforts to stir up strife between our people. The Republican party was overwhelmingly beaten last November. Its most intelligent leaders know that it owes so overwhelming a defeat to the insolence of Reed and recklessness of McKinley in defying a growing public sentiment against a cruel and needless increase in tariff taxation. It is its duty as a body of American citizens to accept the verdict at the polls, and either change its policy or appeal to the people for a reversal of their judgment on its old policy. Now that revolt in its own ranks has compelled the abandonment of its attempt to hold power by revolutionary methods, there is reason to hope that it will return to American methods. Whenever it shall do so it will become once more entitled to courteous treatment from its opponents, and we shall once more see Americans who are divided in political opinion engaged in a campaign of continued on p. 3 → [continued on page 3]

    Page 3 of 24contents

    VOL. IX., 83. | THE STANDARD. | 3

    p. 3, col. 1 [continued from page 2: LET US HAVE PEACE.]

    ← continued from p. 2 argument and persuasion, with a view to a settlement of their differences by a peaceful appeal to the ballot box. Let us hope that such men as Hoar and Aldrich will speedily cease to be factors in public affairs, and that they will be replaced by others who will take sides on living issues instead of beating belated war drums in an era of economic debate and peaceful legislation.

    THE NEW KANSAS SENATOR.

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    —Whatever Peffer may be, the defeat of Ingalls is a good thing in itself, since his triumph could have only been due to the bribery of the representatives of the new People’s party in Kansas, while his presence in public station merely served to keep alive old issues. The letter of Mr. Post, printed elsewhere, gives a graphic description of the contest, and brings out strongly the stupidity and folly of the old soldier movement that has played so important a part in the West, and which was worked for all it was worth in behalf of Ingalls. It has been a queer combination of shouters against monopoly and supporters of high tariffs and trusts, while the strident chorus, “vote-as-you-shot,” came constantly from the would-be pensioners who have done all that lies in their power to bring the name of soldier into disgrace. We hope its breakdown in Kansas will put an end to the miserable humbuggery, and that hereafter the men who saved the Union shall show that they knew what they were about when they entered the army, and that they enlisted from motives of real patriotism instead of in the hope of so many dollars a month paid down, and of pensions for all their life thereafter. The blind, unreasoning prejudice of these soldiers, many of whom never smelt powder, has been the curse of Western politics and the convenient cloak under which the tools of monopoly misled the people.

    There is, doubtless, very much of the same prejudice in the new People’s movement, as was evidenced by the immediate overthrow of Mr. Harris, because he had been a sic officer, and the dropping of Mr. sic, because he had no war record, he having been but twelve years old when the war ended. Still, one cannot expect such folly to die out all at once, and we have no doubt that it is the continuance of this simulated and stimulated war feeling that has led to the formation of a new party rather than to coalition with the Democrats until the party of monopoly is destroyed. It is a great step forward, however, to have broken the superstition which held these people in the Republican ranks, and the man they have chosen is not likely to be in accord with the monopolists and the tools of monopoly who now govern the Senate. His views are muddled, and he was but recently what some one has called “a schoolboy protectionist.” Traces of this notion are seen in his address, reported in Mr. Post’s letter, in which he talks about doing all the good we can by a tariff for our own people, and declares that we are Americans, not Germans, etc., all of which shows that the notion that our Government is to take care of people and manage trade has not been eradicated from Mr. Peffer’s mind. He has, however, been making manifest progress in some directions. He declared with much emphasis that when he left the Republican party he had left it for good. Speaking for the People’s party he said:

    We are opposed to taxing one industry for the benefit of another.

    We are opposed to high tariff duties upon any article in use, no matter what.

    We believe that Free Trade absolute in many articles would ofttimes be the very best form of protection.

    Again, speaking of the performances of the present Congress, Mr. Peffer said: “We asked for a reduction of tariff duties and, in the M’Kinley bill, they piled them on heavier.” All of this shows that he has learned something in the past two years, and it encourages us to think that he will go on learning. His real

    p. 3, col. 2 difficulty will probably be that he cannot unlearn the theories to which he has committed himself in one or two books or pamphlets, and that he will constantly run off in that direction, instead of seeking to help an overburdened people by relieving them from the taxation that drags them down, and which, if continued, will absorb a large part of any money they receive, whether it be gold, silver or paper.

    THE CONNECTICUT FRAUD.

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    —The Democrats of Connecticut are quite jubilant over their discovery that, in violation of the Constitution, the Republicans of the House Committee on the Canvas of sic have deposited the returns with the hold-over Governor, instead of retaining them in the possession of the House. Why anybody should be jubilant over a little thing like this, in view of the general course of the Republicans in Connecticut, we cannot see. They have certainly violated the spirit and intent of the Constitution from the moment that they began to play tricks to avoid a joint session that should declare the result as it appeared from the reports of the local officers. From that time on, the course of the Republicans has been, step by step towards the setting up of a returning board at Hartford, for the specific purpose of preventing the declaration of the results of the election by the people.

    There is not a shadow of constitutional or legal warrant for any of the steps taken by the House. It has been the law and the custom in Connecticut for the Moderator to make up the returns of election in his own town, and to decide what ballots were to be rejected as illegal. No one pretends that there was any concerted effort in Connecticut on last election day to cook up or doctor the returns. There were numerous moderators who were Democrats and many more who were Republicans, and it appears that, exercising the legal power that they have exercised for years, these moderators threw out 1,289 votes in the whole State. The House Committee on the Canvass of the Votes, whose very name describes its functions, now refuses to declare elected the Democratic candidates for Governor, who had 26 majority; Lieutenant-Governor, who had 559; Treasurer, who had 290; Secretary of State, who had 544; and Comptroller, who had 1,662, every one of whom is shown to be elected by the compilation of the returns of the moderators, which is a fact that the Legislature was simply bound to ascertain and declare. What nonsense then to talk of the discovery of some technical violation of Connecticut’s constitution by the men who are engaged in a conspiracy to overthrow free government in that State.

    SINGLE TAX AND SOCIALISM.

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    —Commenting on Mr. Shearman’s article on “The Coming Billionaire,” the Galveston Daily News thinks that the inevitable corruption and inefficiency that would attend an attempt to raise all public revenues by a Single Tax on incomes would cause general disgust. After that, if the people still adhered to direct taxation, the News says they would necessarily be confronted “with the alternative plan of a Single Tax on land values.” We cannot quite make out whether or not the News thinks that such a consummation would be alarming to Mr. Shearman. It apparently would alarm our Galveston contemporary, for it thus continues:—

    And here, if the tax problem is to wax to this shape and complexion, the final struggle must come between the party of sic and the party of Socialism over the issue of taxation. The Individualists will insist that taxation on any kind of value shall be for no other purpose than to supply the fiscal needs of Government, limited to its primary and necessary functions of police authority. The Socialists will insist on using the Single Land Tax, if that is adopted, for the purpose of an all-round social readjustment. They will propose to tax away for the benefit of the community all value accruing from social wants, social congregations and industrial concentrations.

    If the News will familiarize itself with the theory and continued on p. 4 → [continued on page 4]

    Page 4 of 24contents

    4 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 84.

    p. 4, col. 1 [continued from page 3: editorial note on the Galveston News and the Single Tax, which begins on page 3]

    ← continued from p. 3 programme of the Single Tax movement it will dismiss all such fears. The Single Taxers are individualists, not Socialists. They are utterly opposed to the assumption by Government of the conduct of private business. Most of them, however, protest against the continuance of the practice that transfers to private individuals and corporations the transaction of public business and the performance of public functions, and they demand that the Government shall resume its proper functions and cease to farm out the taxing and other powers to private individuals to be used for their personal advantage and profit. On this general principle they are all agreed, though there may be differences as to detail. For instance, they are all agreed that the maintenance of public highways is a function of the State, but many insist that highways thus maintained shall be operated by private enterprise, while some, (mistakenly, we think,) regarding this as impracticable, insist that the State shall not only own the road bed, but that it shall operate its own rolling stock on railways. All are, however, agreed that the principle involved is that private parties shall not own and monopolize public highways. If the Galveston News calls this Socialism it ought to insist on the sale of the Mississippi and other rivers to private parties, who would doubtless pay the Federal Government an enormous sum for the privilege of exacting tribute from all craft sailing on their rivers.


    RAPID TRANSIT.—The Legislature of New York has passed, and the Governor has promptly signed, a bill authorizing and creating a commission empowered to make final provision for rapid transit in this city. People can hardly believe that so excellent a measure so easily became a law, in view of the past contentions at Albany over it. There appears to have been danger, this time, that it would be tied up in the House and made the agency for the blackmailing of the Elevated Railroad Companies by corrupt members; but, thanks to Mr. Sheehan, the tactics of delay were not successful, and the bill went through with a rush, and, practically, unanimously, while the greater portion of the members from New York City were absent from the House. The credit is due not only to Speaker Sheehan, but to Governor Hill for pressing forward the present bill, and if ex-Senator Platt was disposed to throw obstacles in the way, or Jay Gould to obtain some undue advantage for his elevated railroads, they failed to demonstrate any considerable obstructive power. The commissioners named in the bill are those recently appointed by Mayor Grant, and the Mayor has absolute power to fill vacancies. The Governor, in signing the bill, calls attention to its recognition of the principle of home rule, and declares that its enactment is a cause for congratulation to the people of New York.

    New Yorkers, of course, read over carefully the provisions of the bill in the daily papers, and there seems to be general satisfaction, and no criticism. The bill goes farther towards the recognition of one of the principles urged by Single Taxers than any other legislation yet passed in this State. The Rapid Transit Commission has not only absolute power to lay out routes, but it retains control over the construction of the railways and a limited power over their subsequent management. Private corporations are to be allowed to build the road, which is, of course, unfortunate, but the company which successfully bids for the privilege of building and operating a rapid transit road, either under ground or above ground, must bid for a definite term of years, since no franchise can be sold out and out. All must revert to the city sooner or later. The powers of the commission are ample, and there seems no longer any room to doubt that we shall speedily have real rapid transit in this city, carried on in tunnels or on viaducts, that will eventually belong to the people of the City of New York. The

    p. 4, col. 2 recognition of the principle that New York should own its own highways is almost as important as the assurance that we shall really have, and that before long, rapid transit.


    THE CONTRACT LABOR LAW.—The Contract Labor law was merely a tub thrown by the Protectionists to the labor whale. It was always worthless for any of the purposes sought by those who desire the restriction of immigration, and now it has been practically made a dead letter, if a decision rendered by Judge Thayer in the United States Circuit Court of St. Louis is sustained. The evidence in the case, as reported in the newspaper dispatches, shows that Selyin C. sic, of the Glendale Zinc Works, at Carondelet, Mo., had sent tickets to two men of Bristol, England, to use in coming to St. Louis. The men, on their arrival at Philadelphia, were sent back to England by order of the Collector of the Port, and a charge of violating the Contract Labor law was preferred against Edgar. It appeared that the men had applied to the defendant for work, and that in his letter agreeing to pay their passage he had said: “We can give you steady work, and have places for about six or eight more smelters if they want to come.” Edgar filed a demurrer, claiming that the correspondence did not constitue a sic. Judge Thayer, in sustaining the demurrer, said:

    In my judgment the letters do not constitute an express contract, and taken in connection with what has been done up to the time the transportation was paid are insufficient to establish an implied contract. The distinct proposition conveyed by the first letter is merely a proposition to “come out,” which may be interpreted “come to the United States.” No promise, however, was made to do work of any kind. The defendant did not say, “If you will come to the United States we will give you steady work.” The language is, “We can give you steady work.” The suit is dismissed.

    To the lay mind Judge Thayer’s reasoning is simple nonsense. If such correspondence does not constitute a contract, it is difficult to see how a contract could be made, without signing and sealing it in the presence of attesting witnesses. Whatever it constituted, it certainly offered a sufficient inducement to bring over here the workmen he desired to employ, but in the light of this decision the Collector of the Port of Philadelphia had no right to send them back. Such correspondence would be sufficient to bring over here all the workmen of Europe who might be disposed to take the place of strikers or be seeking to better their own condition. Under such circumstances the law would utterly fail of its object.

    The workingmen of America need shed no tears over such failure. Without this decision there were plenty of ways of bringing over foreigners, and those of them out of work inevitably became more dangerous competitors for places than those who came under contract to do specified work. The Contract Labor law is of no use to American workingmen, though we have heard of an instance in which imported workmen temporarily profited by it. It seems that a protected mill owner at Chattanooga, Tenn., imported from England some of that “pauper labor” against the competition of which the Protectionists are so anxious to protect the American workingmen. Having got his Englishmen, he concluded after a time to reduce their wages ten per cent. The workmen calmly notified him that they had come over here under contract, and that they had learned that in making such a contract he had subjected himself to severe legal penalties. Under the circumstances their employer was informed that if he did not withdraw the cut wages notice that there would be trouble. There the matter stands, unless the decision of Judge Thayer lets the employer out of his difficulty. The incident, however, merely serves to show that if the Contract Labor law has any value, it is not to American, but to imported workmen. The sooner it becomes a dead letter the better, since it continued on p. 5 →

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    VOL. IX., 85. | THE STANDARD | 5

    p. 5, col. 1 [continued from page 4]

    ← continued from p. 4 serves to prop the Protection superstition in the minds of some workingmen.


    SECRETARY WINDOM’S SUCCESSOR.

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    —The sudden death of Secretary Windom has called forth numerous tributes to the many excellent qualities of the deceased. Mr. Windom appears to have been a man of popular manners and genial temperament, naturally attracting all who came within the sphere of his influence, and hence it comes easy for all who ever met him to obey the rule to speak no ill of the dead. Nominally a Minnesotan, he was to all intents and purposes a New Yorker, closely connected with the great financial interests of this city, and his selection by President Harrison for the most important place in the Cabinet was regarded as a happy compromise of conflicting interests, through securing a Western man with Eastern ideas of finance.

    Speculation is rife as to Mr. Windom’s successor. Among the names prominently mentioned is that of the Hon. William McKinley, whose term in Congress will end in less than a month. Hon. John Sherman would probably be the man that would best suit the demand for a Western man with Eastern ideas, but Republicans are unwilling that he should leave the Senate, since their majority in that body, after the 4th of March, will be a very narrow one, in spite of the fact that they have stolen New Hampshire. So far as the House is concerned, Mr. McKinley can readily be spared, and it is to be hoped that the rumor which assigns him to the place is well founded. It is very convenient to have an issue personified, and McKinley, as Secretary of the Treasury, would constantly be before the eyes of the people as the author of the bill that needlessly increased the prices of living without enabling men to earn any more money. Furthermore, though a fanatic on the tariff question who will probably never have any rational ideas on political economy, Mr. McKinley is personally an honest man, and, if he can be taught anything, he would be likely to learn a needed lesson in the administration of the treasury department. He will be an infinitely more respectable figure there than ex-Governor Foster, of Ohio, who is also spoken of in connection with the place.


    ANSWERING MAYOR SARGENT.

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    —The New Haven Standard has undertaken to answer Mayor Sargent’s recent message, and it declares that “thousands of mechanics and laboring men throughout the State own their little homes, with a small plot of ground which they can call their own, and which they have secured through thrift, industry and strict economy.” The people, it thinks, will resist Mayor Sargent’s proposal to release capital and labor from taxation, because, under the system of the Single Tax, “labor would pay heaviest on the only thing it ordinarily acquires—the land.” Land, it says, “is the only thing that labor acquires in nine cases out of ten,” and it asks “if that is to be the only thing taxed, where is the benefit to successful and ambitious labor?” It clinches its supposed argument with the declaration that under such a system as that proposed, “no one will care to own land at all, and all will desire to be tenants and not proprietors.”

    A correspondent at Bridgeport asks us to answer this foolish argument for the benefit of some who have been deluded by it. It would seem that anybody who had ever read a Single Tax tract might answer it for himself. In the first place, it is not true that land is the first thing that labor acquires; in nine cases out of ten it is the last thing that labor acquires, and very few acquire it at all, except enough for a grave. As to no one caring to own land, merely for the sake of owning it, what could labor ask better ? Under such circumstances any laborer wanting to build a home would be p. 5, col. 2 able to take any lot that suited him, without the payment of a purchase price, and he would merely pay to the Government, from year to year, a smaller amount than he now pays as interest on a mortgage, or as ground rent. Under such circumstances it is probable that the first thing that an ambitious working man acquired would be a home.

    It is manifest to any one, who will think, that a proposal to tax land values only would reduce the taxation on mechanics and laboring men owning little homes. To say nothing of the enormous relief that such men would experience through the abolition of tariff taxes on all they consume or wear, local taxes would be less. Every man owning a small home, who will look about him, will find that his property is assessed at a higher price than other property equally well situated, but not improved. As soon as taxes are levied on land values, alone, his house and other improvements would cease to be assessed, and he would pay no more taxes on the plot of land he holds than his rich neighbor would pay on any similar plot that he is now holding out of use for speculation. The result of this would be the proportionate decrease of the poor man’s taxes, through the addition to the general fund of the taxes that speculative holders would thus pay.


    FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES.

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    —The World does not understand why the United States should enter into an agreement with England and Germany to establish a protectorate over the Samoan Islands. It says:

    Why the United States should have entered into any triple-alliance business as against this simple people does not appear. There is no land to be had, England and Germany having long since appropriated all sic the totally valueless portions which have been kindly left the natives for burial, nor are there any harbors to covet, unless we desire as permanent institutions such ship-submerging affairs as Apia appears to be.

    If there was any land to be stolen by some enterprising American citizen, so that the protection of our glorious flag of freedom was needed in order to enforce their “rights,” then the World might see some reason for a tripartite agreement.

    The World has in these few words stated the whole and the only reason for any protectorate or foreign conquest ever established or accomplished by a civilized nation over a savage race. It has always been for the purpose of giving to a few landgrabbers the privilege of driving the natives off their lands—or robbing them of their products; or to secure a monopoly of certain trading and commercial privileges which the natives would gladly give to all nations and individuals alike. It always means the enslavement, sometimes the destruction of the natives, as in the case of New Zealand, where, under the civilized and beneficent English rule, the native population has decreased to about two-fifths of what it once amounted to.

    The spirit of American political institutions is against all foreign protectorates or conquests : but in this particular instance the interference of our Government was in the interest of the natives and against the aggressors, the Germans. Whether wisely or not, there were already treaty relations between our Government and the Samoan King. The Germans not only outraged the rights of the natives, but insulted the American Consul and behaved like brutes generally. They finally kidnapped the King and set up a creature of their own on his petty throne. It was the aggressive protest of the American representatives that caused the Germans to back down and send back the King they had deposed, and in this instance, at least, diplomacy was on the side of justice and popular government, since the elective King, kidnapped by the Germans, was only a King in name.

    Nevertheless our relations with Samoa offer no exception to the rule. They began with an attempt to continued on p. 6 →

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    Page 6 of 24contents

    [Running head:] 6 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 86.

    p. 6, col. 1 [continued from page 5]

    ← continued from p. 5 bolster up an American land speculation many years ago, and it was a similar interest that aroused first England’s and then Germany’s interest in Samoa. The various land companies having claims on the islands of the Samoan group actually can show duly executed titles to three times as many acres as there are in the Islands. Up to the arrival of the whites no idea of private property in land had ever entered a Samoan heart. Hence any native freely sold any land that a stranger wanted with as little hesitation as he would have given the air, the sunshine or the sea in exchange for a gun or any other article he coveted. That civilized governments should engage in bolstering up such contracts is shameful.


    TAXATION A TORMENT.—

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    “Taxation is tormenting,” says the Troy Press. “Like a malignant boil, there seems to be no suitable place for it.” These are the opening sentences of a somewhat inconclusive article agreeing with the Chicago Herald’s criticism of Governor Hill’s recent message and demanding that the State shall cease “to attempt to tax anything but tangible property that the assessor and collector can find without offensive intrusion into private affairs.” Our Trojan seems to partially grasp the alternative that must follow the abolition of taxes on personal property, but it still hopes to retain a little at least of the old system. It says:

    Land bears by far the heaviest share of direct taxation of any kind, and obviously must continue to do so. It cannot be removed or hidden, and conditions have adjusted themselves to the tax. In buying real estate the purchaser takes into consideration the rate of taxation, and in turn when he can assecses it upon his tenants. Society is organized upon this plan of taxation, and any sudden and material change would be to a great extent demoralizing. Perhaps in certain ways, especially in regard to corporations and estates, personal property can be identified and taxed somewhat more extensively than now, but probably not so largely as to greatly relieve real estate.

    The Press does not follow the matter further, but devotes the remainder of its article to insisting that expenditures shall be reduced, while admitting that this cannot be done until the people are educated to demand reduction. If the Press could only be induced to study the problem further it would cease to desire the reduction of any taxes on the products of labor, and it would discover to its surprise that “taxation is tormenting,” only because the “suitable place for it” has not been discovered by the people who frame tax laws. A corner-stone would be tormenting if it were hung about a man’s neck or strapped on his shoulders, but placed where it belongs it becomes the foundation of his habitation and a source of pleasure to him. Taxation, placed where it belongs, will burden no one, and will be the fruitful source of all the blessings of good government to men. Let the Press look further into the matter.


    A BOOMERANG.—

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    The Protective Tariff League is sending out in patent inside Republican papers a reproduction of a cartoon that appeared in the Judge shortly after the November elections. It represents the Republican elephant bearing on his back a rather dissipated looking person, wearing a plug hat, and labeled “Harrison.” The elephant has a big black patch labeled “90” over his left eye, and deeply imbedded in his rump are arrows labeled Illinois, Massachusetts, New York and Pennsylvania. The infuriated animal is standing guard over the United States Treasury, and from his trunk, which is labeled “protection,” because it is a sucker, we presume, issue the words, “Stay there.” The Treasury is represented by an iron safe, which it is the object of those surrounding the elephant to get at. A typical hay-seed, labeled “Alliance,” is trying to pull it away with a rake. Southern Democracy, armed with a shotgun and two bowie knives, is stealthily creeping toward it. Governor Hill, in the guise of an Indian, is doing likewise. Mr. Cleveland, carrying a shield bearing

    p. 6, col. 2 the inscription, “Free Trade,” and armed with a mighty cutlass, is evidently advancing to attack the beast, while back of him comes Henry George, armed with a spiked club of enormous proportions and labeled “The Single Tax.”

    We suppose the Republican papers are printing this thing with a good deal of enjoyment, but the more their readers study it the less will it incline them toward restoring that party to power. So long as it was attacked only by the Southern Democracy and the Northern Democratic machine, typified here by the two figures already described, it had an uphill fight at best, but with the Farmers’ Alliance taking a hand in the fight, with Cleveland aiming his sword at the very vitals of the overgrown beast, and George bringing up the rear with the spiked club of The Single Tax, it looks as though the artist had seen that the contest is between the people on one side, claiming their treasury as their own, and the Republican party on the other, continuing to assert its claim that all sic moneys belong to the Republican party, to be used for its own maintenance in power.

    THE PEOPLE’S “SUPERB CONDITION.”

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    A few months ago Mr. Chauncey M. Depew, while hobnobbing with other nabobs in Europe, publicly declared that the condition of the American people is “superb.” From the standpoint of a money king who knows little and cares less about the real condition of the masses in this country, it doubtless does look that way. Such men never probe below the surface of society and try to find out how the people live, what are their resources, their prospects, their opportunities, their struggles for existence. With the railroad kings, the Wall street gamblers, and the great land monopolists, the condition is generally “superb.” But how is it with the toiling, struggling millions? Let us, for example, consider the condition of the poorer classes in the large cities of the United States. I mean those who are honest, sober and willing to work for a living. Mr. Depew must know, or he ought to know, that ten or a dozen of our largest cities contain hundreds of thousands of such persons who live from hand to mouth, and are constantly struggling with all their might to keep starvation at bay, and whose best efforts bring results only sufficient to prevent them from becoming absolute paupers. The New York Tribune says that in certain districts of that overcrowded metropolis, hundreds of human beings are slowly dying from lack of sufficient nourishing food. The Sun says that 40,000 working women in that city are trying to exist on wages so small that they will in all probability soon be driven by necessity to crime or lives of shame. In the tenement house districts, 290,000 persons to the square mile are crowded into tenements and compelled to exist in conditions that are not conducive to physical health, moral culture nor intellectual development. In every one of our large cities, and in most of the smaller ones, thousands who have labor to sell find the labor market glutted. In a land of plenty there is want; in a land of industry there is enforced idleness; in a land of prosperity there is misery; in a land of glittering wealth there is pinching poverty; in a land of boastful freedom there is abject slavery. And especially marked are these contrasts in our large cities.

    And what is the condition of the farmers—a very numerous class, and a class whose interests are at the bottom of all national prosperity? A few facts and statistics, gathered from trustworthy sources, will tend to indicate the “superb condition” of the American farmers.

    The Banker’s Magazine is authority for the statement that the farm mortgages of Kansas amount to $235,000,- continued on p. 7 →

    [continued on page 7]

    Page 7 of 24contents

    VOL. IX., 87. THE STANDARD.

    p. 7, col. 1 [continued from a previous page; article begins mid-sentence]

    ← continued from p. 6 000; those of Indiana, $640,000,000; of Iowa, $567,000,000; of Michigan, $500,000,000; of Ohio, $1,431,000,000. At 6 per cent., $200,000,000 would be required to pay the interest on these mortgages, as the total in the five States is $3,431,000,000. By a little figuring I find that this grand total of mortgage indebtedness on farm property in only five States exceeds by $1,846,000,000 the entire national debt, principal and interest, as reported at the close of the fiscal year ending the 30th of last June. What a “superb condition,” and what a glorious outlook for the farmers of those States! And their circumstances are a fair sample of what prevails in nearly all the other agricultural States. Statistics of the agricultural bureau of sic show a decrease in the value of farms and farm property in that State during the past year of $4,000,000. Governor Campbell, of Ohio, who is a farmer, says the depreciation of the same kind of property in his State, in the past ten years, aggregates $80,000,000. The tenth census showed that the United States contained one million and twenty-five thousand tenant farmers; and surely the number has increased rather than decreased since 1880. Hugh McCulloch, the great Republican financier, who was Secretary of the Treasury under two administratrations, declares that while rents in cities and large towns are steadily increasing, agriculture has become so depressed that good farms offer no inducements to tenants to hire them at a rental of 6 per cent. on one-third of their assessed value.

    And in this connection it is pertinent to inquire, who owns and controls most of the available land which rightfully belongs to all the people? Largely it is in the hands of wealthy landlords, greedy speculators and grasping syndicates. The Schenley estate owns 2,000 acres within the limits of Pittsburgh and Allegheny cities, from which the heirs draw $1,000,000 rent annually. Vanderbilt owns 2,000,000 acres. Murphy, of California, 4,000,000 (equal in area to the State of Massachusetts); Disston, of Pennsylvania, 4,000,000; the Standard Oil Company 1,000,000, and railroad companies own 211,000,000. Then there are 21,000,000 acres owned by foreign noblemen, who are not citizens of the United States, owe no allegiance to our government and spend their money elsewhere. A striking instance of this kind is “Lord” Scully, of Ireland, who owns (according to our laws) 90,000 acres of farm lands in Illinois. These lands he parcels out to small tenants, who work like slaves for a bare living, and turn over the bulk of their earnings to their foreign landlord, his income from that source being $200,000 per annum. In 1860 the producers in the United States owned 43 per cent. of the wealth; in 1870, 36 per cent.; in 1880, only 20 per cent.; in 1890—don’t mention it! More land is owned by railroad companies than would make six States as large as Iowa. Since 1861 no less than 181,000,000 acres of land have been given to railroad companies—of which the Illinois Central got a subsidy of 2,500,000 acres. Facts like these could be multiplied almost indefinitely, but enough have been presented to show what a “superb condition” the American farmers are in, and why they are in it. When we consider that such conditions have recently been supplemented by the McKinley tariff bill, we wonder that any farmer should fail to feel not only “superb” but absolutely hilarious.

    But if the farmer’s condition is not really “superb,” perhaps that of the average business man is. I hardly think so, however. The average annual profit of legitimate business is only two and a half per cent., and the newspapers are constantly teeming with reports of business failures in every line, while landlords who hold tightly to natural opportunities are fattening on “unearned increment.”

    But perhaps it is the American wage-worker whose

    p. 7, col. 2 condition is “superb.” Let us look into his condition a little, and see. I have been doing a little figuring in that direction and the result is as follows: Over against the popular fallacy that the wage-worker can, if he will, by his own efforts, become a millionaire, and thus be able to purchase a seat in the United State sic, we find the cold fact that the average pay of the American wage-worker is only one dollar a day. On this basis, if he lives like a Chinaman, is never ill, indulges in no holidays, and works 313 days in the year for 100 years, he can accumulate the princely sum of $7,800. To become a millionaire he would have to live, and toil, and economize in the same way for 1,500 years. Is not the outlook glorious? With the wage-workers of the country in such a “superb condition” it was hardly necessary to pass a McKinley Tariff Bill, which was gotten up specially in the interest of the wage-worker, and to insure to him “better wages.” But notwithstanding his already “superb condition” he is sufficiently greedy and selfish, it seems, to accept this special advantage offered him in the shape of tariff legislation. It is to be feared that with such special “protection” thrown around him the modest wage-worker of yesterday may become the bloated aristocrat of to-morrow.

    But perhaps Mr. Depew, in characterizing the condition of the “the American sic,” did not really refer to the masses. He must have had in mind only a select few “superb” souls, like Gould, whose income is $7,000 a day; Vanderbilt, whose daily revenue is $15,000 a day; Rockefeller, whose personal receipts are $18,000 a day; Astor, whose “earnings” are $23,000 a day. And very likely he also included the twenty-four United States Senators, whose wealth aggregates $153,000,000; and a few other moneyed aristocrats who, in becoming immensely rich, have compelled thousands to become wretchedly poor. Men who, taking advantage of a bad social system, have trampled on human rights, subsidized the press, corrupted the courts, put justice in irons and crowded industry to the wall. Yes, I see! The condition of those men is “superb”—viewed without reference to the great hereafter. But they are not “the American people,” Mr. Depew, and you know it. And when you told your European cronies that the people of this country were in a “superb condition,” you were either ignorant of the facts or you deliberately lied. Such talk is a cruel mockery, for which you ought to hide your face in shame.

    In conclusion I would add this prediction: There must be a change for the better in our social system, and that soon. We all hope the change may come through peaceful methods: but come it must.

    Los Angeles, Cal.

    RALPH E. HOYT.


    THE “KOCH CURE” AND THE “GEORGE CURE.”

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    Since Jenner banished small-pox from civilized communities, no medical discovery has been received with such enthusiasm, or been followed with such absorbing interest by the whole world, as that comprised in the announcement of Robert Koch that he had been able to produce a substance capable of exerting a marked influence upon the changes which the tuberculosis bacillus causes in the tissues of the body. Coming from so eminent an authority, men felt that one of those great discoveries, calculated to exert a profoundly modifying influence upon humanity, had at least been outlined. For the true importance of Koch’s discovery lies not so much in its application to tuberculosis alone, as in the fact that it is pregnant with suggestive possibilities of the cure of all infectious diseases by analogous methods.

    It is true, the great hopes of a cure for consumption in all its stages, that perhaps the majority of laymen, at least, allowed themselves to entertain, continued on p. 8 →

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    8 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 8 8.

    p. 8, col. 1 [continued from page 7]

    ← continued from p. 7 have as yet by no means been realized. The number of actual cures is, in fact, so exceedingly limited, that at this early stage, we are hardly justified in admitting their existence at all. Nevertheless, all mankind feels happier in the thought that a new way appears to be opening for combating the greatest scourge of modern life. For the supreme interest of the discovery lies, after all, in its humane aspects: in the contemplation of the picture of its wide-reaching effects upon society, and in the thought that suffering is to become less, that at least one form of disease is to be banished, that life is thus to be made more sure, and that the sum of human happiness is so to be increased.

    But supposing that the “Koch cure” were really all that the most vivid hope imagined it, would all these results follow? In a certain measure they would, but the increase in general well-being would be insignificantly small when measured by the greatness of the discovery. Just as none of the great inventions for the saving of labor have really made toil any lighter or increased, for the masses, the ease of making a living, so this discovery would do practically nothing to make the lot of that greater portion of mankind, which forms the army of labor, any easier or sweeter. Indeed, the contrary would be the result, for that increase in population which results when mortality is from any cause checked, inevitably begets a fiercer competition among laborers for the chance to work, and, as a result, wages fall, while the value of land, upon which alone labor can be performed, necessarily rises. Hence the economic effects of Koch’s discovery, should it prove efficacious, would be to increase that poverty which is the lot of many—and which forms the hot-bed of all contagious disease—while it would, at the same time, add to the wealth of the relatively few who own the field of labor. It would, like all great inventions, but tend to make the poor poorer, and the rich richer: to impoverish the land user and enrich the landlord.

    It is a sad comment upon our civilization that the pestilence that walketh in darkness and the destruction that wasteth at noonday, by reducing the number of his competitors, are the friends of him who has but his labor to sell. Had we but Malthus to fall back upon the thought of this paradox—that the blessing of health is really a curse—would be horrible indeed, but the genius of the century has bid us not despair, and has shown that the direst of all diseases—poverty, itself the fruitful parent of disease—is not an ineradicable accompaniment of social growth, but is the outcome of social maladjustments inflicted by man upon himself.

    For it is to poverty, that in the last analysis, we must trace the most potent predisposing and maintaining cause of infectious disease. And if anything radical is ever to be done toward limiting the spread of those diseases, which, as every physician recognizes, are in their nature preventable, surely the remedy must be applied, not so much to the disease itself as it appears in the individual, as to the cause that engenders it. Of what real use would it be, for instance, to examine for diphtheria, as has been recently proposed by a well known physician of this city, the throats of all the public school children each morning, when the source of the evil stream—the crowded tenement house—still remains unchecked. And, measured by the immensity of the evil it seeks to lessen, what a pitiful waste of energy and money does it not seem—what a ridiculous contradiction does it not involve—to take little children in Summer from the slums to the seaside, in the hope of saving a few of the thousands that society annually kills, only to return them to the very conditions that cause their illness. Of what use, to tinker with the effects, and leave the cause untouched? Such measures are like attempting to dip out the ocean with a teaspoon.

    p. 8, col. 2 Boards of health may be vigilant, doctors may be faithful and learned, medical and other charities may be dealt out with a lavish hand; but in a city where three-quarters of the population live in tenements, where 290,000 people are packed upon one square mile, where but four per cent. occupy separate homes, it is folly to think of curing—in the sense of exterminating—any disease which is contagious.

    In looking toward the ultimate cure of tuberculosis, we thus inevitably arrive at a point where the medical aspect loses itself in the social; where it becomes a study of the economic problem of the distribution of wealth, of the abolition of involuntary poverty; in short, of the relation of man to the earth which he inhabits and from which alone he draws his being. And hand in hand with the great discoveries which the genius of Robert Koch has given to the world there must go those even greater discoveries which have emanated from the mind and from the heart of Henry George. Let us practice, if it shall seem best, the “Koch cure,” let every physician continue to strive to his utmost to relieve suffering, and, if possible, to exterminate contagious disease, but let us ever bear in mind that every cure, to be really and grandly successful, will ultimately have to be supplemented by the “George cure.”

    New York City.

    WALTER MENDELSON.

    THE RECENT CONTEST IN KANSAS.

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    TOPEKA, Kansas, January 28, 1891.—The advancing power of the People’s party of Kansas culminated to-day in the election of William Alfred Peffer as the successor of Senator Ingalls. This new party traces its ancestry through the Union Labor party of 1888 to the Greenback party of the seventies. Its origin as a distinct party, however, dates back only to last June, when a small gathering of delegates from the Farmers’ Alliance and other farmer organizations, the Knights of Labor and Single Tax clubs, arranged the details for a State convention of the People’s party. From this time forward the party grew with startling rapidity, swallowing the Union Labor party, which represented 11 per cent. of the vote of the State, and drawing recruits by the thousand from both the Republican and the Democratic parties. Candidates for Congress and for the lower house of the Legislature were nominated in every district, and so were candidates for county office. The campaign was aggressive on the part of the new party, and the Republican papers and speakers were venomous and violent in their personal attacks. The Democrats made a supporting campaign, refraining from attacks as to the People’s party State ticket, and openly supporting People’s party legislative candidates in most of the districts.

    The issue of the legislative campaign was the return of Senator Ingalls, the Republicans having formally nominated him and the People’s party candidates being pledged to vote against him. The issues in other respects involved various schemes for increasing the volume of currency. All parties favored free coinage of silver, and the State had been so completely revolutionized regarding the tariff question that Republican speakers dared not discuss it. Still, it was only in some localities that the People’s party recognized the tariff question as a monopoly issue; it was generally treated as a question of more or less taxation.

    As the campaign advanced the power of the new party obviously grew. Its supporters were confident, and the Republicans were disheartened. Senator Ingalls’ speeches amused, but curious words and fantastic phrases could not stem the tide. Military metaphors and reminiscences of the war had lost their power to charm. Nothing but Senator Plumb’s free coinage and reciprocity arguments had any effect. These saved all the State ticket to the Republicans, except the Attorney-General. The candidate of the People’s party was endorsed by the Democrats, and went in with nearly 50,000 majority. And aided by Democratic [endorsements?] the People’s party elected ninety-four representatives out of 125, and four Congressmen, while one of their candidates for Congress was elected against both Democrats and Republicans.

    If State Senators had been up for election this year the Republicans would have had less than half a dozen out of forty. As it was, they have thirty-eight. One Senator is a Democrat and one was elected by the People’s party to fill a vacancy. Thus on joint ballot the People’s party have ninety-five, or twelve more than a majority.

    Nevertheless, Ingalls and his henchmen prophesied his election as Senator. The politicians were dealing with strange political factors, but money had always been powerful in Kansas politics, and these blind partisans still pinned their faith to it. That the Legisla- continued on p. 9 →

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    ← continued from p. 8 ture was pledged against Ingalls counted nothing with them. Neither did the fact that he could be elected only by treacherous members of an opposite party. They declared that enough representatives could be drawn away from the People’s party to secure his election. That this would be accomplished by corrupt means was not denied; it was even broadly hinted. But to draw funds from Eastern monopoly interests and to afford a screen to those who might be bought, the machinery of the G. A. R. was set in motion and a fictitious old soldier sentiment was manufactured in favor of “the soldier’s friend.” When the Legislature convened, however, and the Representatives were seen to be far above the grade of purchasable cattle, such as they had been described, all disinterested observers foresaw Ingalls’ humiliation if he remained in the field. And when the People’s party voted solidly for their caucus candidate for State printer, it was apparent that the one solitary hope for Ingalls—the hope that the representatives of the new party would not stick together when factional passions were aroused—was an utterly unfounded hope. But Ingalls and his manager, Senator Buchan, were blind to the situation, and the G. A. R. kept on with its sic output of “old soldiers’” petitions.

    Though more than a month ago it was obvious to any disinterested observer that sic would be defeated, it was impossible until after midnight on the 26th to even make a reasonable guess as to the identity of his successor. At the State Convention of the People’s party Peffer’s name had been proposed as the party’s candidate for Senator, but the convention refused to express a preference. At many local conventions, however, and in many sub-Alliances resolutions instructing for Peffer were passed. His campaign was extensive and systematic. It was a leading principle of the party that “office must seek the man, and not the man the office.” But Peffer had the sagacity to recognize early what his competitors learned too late, that when an office seeks a man, even through the People’s party of Kansas, it combines the speed of the tortoise with the indolence of the hare. But he is chiefly indebted to a lucky combination of circumstances. While making his campaign no one else for Senator was thought of, and such instructions as were given were given for him. All the energies of the new party, as a whole, so far as Senator was concerned, were devoted to the defeat of Ingalls, without reference to his successor. When Ingalls was defeated at the polls, he pursued the policy of insisting that he would yet be elected, and as this could be accomplished only by. sic, an indefinable fear and distrust spread among the People’s party representatives, which forced them to adopt the hated caucus as a method of protection against “Hessian politics.” Then the “soldier racket” was played until many of the third party representatives were forced by fear to regard service in the Federal army as an essential qualification of a Kansas Senator. These things told for Peffer in the end. Though he was clearly in the lead a month ago on account of instructions, it was easily seen that he was losing ground and would probably be out of the race before the Senatorial election. This was confirmed when the Legislature assembled. Every day Peffer grew weaker, and representatives who were instructed for him were eager for the two-thirds rule in caucus, lest under the majority rule a mere complimentary vote might elect him. Thus there were many candidates, but the latter part of last week Colonel W. A. Harris was far ahead of all. He is an absolute Free Trader, a farmer, an educated man experienced in public affairs, the Chairman of the State Committee on Legislation of the Farmer’s Alliance, and altogether a candidate who would have been an honor to the State and his party. But as soon as his strength became threatening, the Republican press opened fire upon him, because more than a quarter of a century ago he was an officer in the rebel army. The People’s party trembled. They were afraid that his nomination would cause a bolt of old soldiers, which might open the way for Ingalls, who was still making mysterious claims. And in a twinkling Col. Harris’ candidacy disappeared in the shadow of the Confederate flag. Then Jerry Simpson loomed up. Simpson is not an ignorant boor as he has been represented. It is true, his common school education is defective. He does not spell with absolute accuracy, and his grammar sometimes plays him tricks. But he is a man of ready perception, sic mind and strong common sense, and his business experience as a captain in the great lakes, together with the historical and economical reading he has done, and his habits of considering and debating public questions, have given him a better education for public service than many men can boast of who are more particular about their nominatives and adjectives and less unique in orthography. Simpson is an absolute Free Trader and a pronounced Single Tax man, and in two joint debates in the late campaign, one with the most brilliant orator of the Republican party and the other with a staid Republican Senator, he completely worsted his antagonist in each debate. He is Congressman-elect from the Seventh Congressional District, and will early win recognition in the House as the ablest member from this State. Simpson did not allow himself to be a candidate for Senator, but he became so formidable that the other candidates propagated the idea that it

    p. 9, col. 2 would be bad politics to create a vacancy in the House by choosing a Congressman, and that idea soon bowled Simpson out. Meantime, Professor Canfield, an absolute Free Trader and Single Tax man, limited, the best equipped and ablest man of all who were mentioned, had been retired as a Republican, an accusation based upon the fact that in a lecture on journalism he had referred to the leading Republican paper of the State as the best type of journalism in Kansas.

    When the People’s party caucus met the only candidates were Speaker Elder, a man without clear political convictions, but a shrewd wire-puller; Willets, the defeated candidate for Governor, an absolute Free Trader and small farmer; Peffer, and Briedenthal, a bright, pushing business man, well educated, a good speaker, [a?] Free Trader, and in all respects the best man of the four. Instead of adopting the two-thirds rule it was agreed that after the tenth ballot the lowest man on each third ballot should be dropped. Briedenthal was the first to go. His sin of omission was his non-service as a soldier; he was but twelve years old when Lee surrendered. He was also guilty of having been secretary of a loan company. Following Briedenthal, Elder was dropped, and then the decisive ballot between Peffer and Willets was cast. Of course, the instructed men, in spite of their inclinations, were bound to Peffer to the end, for at every ballot he had a plurality; these, reinforced by the men whose timidity made them prefer a soldier, ultimately gave Peffer 54 votes against 39 for sic.

    Yesterday the two houses of the Legislature voted separately in their respective chambers. In the Senate one Republican (a member of the Farmers’ Alliance), and the People’s party Senator, voted for Peffer. With three exceptions all the others voted for Ingalls, giving him 35 votes.

    The House met at 9 in the morning. The galleries filled and all the lobbies were crowded. Ladies occupied members’ chairs, and members sat upon their desks. Even the aisles were invaded, and babies in arms were present to watch the proceedings.

    The Ingalls people brazenly predicted victory for him even while the clerk called the roll. Petitions from “old soldiers” had been showered upon the house all through the morning hours; the town had been invaded by veterans who came to serve the “soldiers’ friend,” and a claque was scattered in the galleries. The first Republican member to name Ingalls as his choice was applauded and cheered as if he had been a bought and paid for People’s party Judas, and every Republican vote was welcomed in the same boisterous manner. In obedience to the Speaker’s noisy gavel, the People’s party sympathizers remained quiet until it was announced that Peffer was the choice by 96, or 13 more than would be necessary in joint ballot. Then there came a piercing shriek from a thousand throats, followed by waving of handkerchiefs, cheers, clapping of hands, stamping of feet, whistling, and every conceivable demonstration of delight, including the dancing of a breakdown upon a member’s desk by an enthusiastic page. As the commotion began to subside, a Republican member, shouting at the top of his voice, was faintly heard to say, “Now that it is proved that the Decalogue and the Golden Rule have a place in politics, I move we adjourn.” The Speaker’s words were lost in the tumult of sound, but his gavel fell and the crowd dispersed.

    This morning the crowd again packed representative hall. When it was proposed to receive the Senate standing there were unpleasant murmurs, as if this might be a recognition of the superiority of the co-ordinate branch, but the proposition was accepted though it was not unanimously carried out. At noon the Senators filed in. The object of the joint convention was stated by the Lieutenant-Governor, and again the rolls were called. As the Senators, with hardly a break in the monotony, named John James Ingalls, there was profound silence, except for the clerk and the responses of the Senators. The silence continued until, in the call of the lower house, the name of Dr. Neeley, the Democratic leader, was reached. As he arose, holding in his hand a newspaper containing an interview with Peffer in which Peffer declared for a low tariff, he said: “Mr. President, as a Democrat I vote for the man whose principles are stated here—William Alfred Peffer.” At this there was a tremendous outburst of applause, and then an interval of silence until the result was announced: For Peffer (People’s party), 101; for Ingalls (Republican), 58; for Blair (Democrat), 3: for Baker (Republican), 1; and for Morrell (Republican), 6. Then the scene of the day before reappeared, and cries for Peffer came from all parts of the house. Mr. Peffer, coming from the room of the sergeant-at-arms, stepped upon the clerk’s platform. As the applause ceased and he was about to speak, a Senator moved that the joint convention dissolve. The motion was promptly put by the Lieutenant-Governor, and before the lower house knew what had happened the joint session had dissolved with cheers, proposed and led by a Senator, “for John J. Ingalls and the grand old Republican party.”

    Though Mr. Peffer was with scant courtesy prevented from addressing the joint session, he spoke to the house as follows:

    It will hardly be proper to address this assembly as the joint convention of the Legislature. However, I see before me representatives of Kansas. You are commissioned to do the people’s will, and I am continued on p. 10 →

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    [Running head:] 10 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 90.

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    ← continued from p. 9 here in response to your call simply as one of the people to say that we, the people, have commenced the building of a new, distinct and independent political organization. We have laid its principles broad and deep as humanity itself. Land is the common heritage of men. Labor is the common lot of mortals. Transportation is born of the common necessities of the people, while money is the oil to lubricate the machinery of civilization. Upon these four fundamental ideas we propose to build the grandest political structure ever erected among men. And upon these we have formulated a creed.

    We are opposed to government issuing money through banking corporations. (Applause.) We are opposed to the people’s money being freighted down with interest charges. We believe in the people making their own money and furnishing it to the people who have the right to use it. We are opposed to national banking institutions, for the reason that they can and do combine against the interests of the masses. We believe in the government, which is simply the agent of the people, issuing their money directly to them, without going around Robin Hood’s barn to find them. (Applause.)

    We believe in equal and just taxation. We are opposed to taxing one industry for the support of another. We are opposed to high tariff duties upon any article in use, no matter what. (Great applause). We believe that Free Trade absolute in many articles would oftentimes be the very best form of protection. (Applause). We believe in raising revenue to defray the expenses of government, and after that in the adjustment of duties so as to do all the good we can for our own people, remembering that we are Americans and not Germans, nor Scotchmen nor any other class of people. We believe in distributing the benefits of taxation equally among the people. In other words, we believe in the people ruling in this country.

    About three years ago it was written by a distinguished Senator that before the dawn of the twentieth century, the great middle class of this country would have disappeared. But I say, No, it cannot be so, and if my reason must be given my sole reply is that a just God in heaven (a voice—Amen) will not permit it. Oh, no, Senator, the great middle classes have no thought of disappearing. They are now asserting themselves. They are establishing recruiting stations in all parts of the country. Next year, 1892—praised be the Master—they will marshal the grand army of the people and prepare to take possession of the Government. And by the time that the nineteenth century closes upon us these United States of America will be governed by the people that live in them.

    Now, gentlemen and ladies—and those people will recognize the ladies, when that good time of which I have spoken comes—the women will vote and the men will quit driaking.

    I may have said too much. Will you pardon me now if in conclusion I express, in the name of the people of Kansas, the supreme gratitude to the Father of all Mercies, from whom all blessings flow, for this dispensation of His providence. I have but a word to say as to the gratitude part of the discourse. In this place I discover in the Capital this morning that the Kansas City Times, and other Democratic organs too numerous to mention, need not take any credit to themselves for the election of this man Peffer to the Senatorship. And the Capital speaks the truth, as it does sometimes. They need not. If I am permitted to take a seat at all in the Capitol it will be very much upon the plan of my little grandson when he proposed to go to heaven, and, upon being catechised, said: “I will go right in and sit down wherever God tells me to.” So, when I go to the Senate Chamber, if I do, I will probably take a seat just where they ask me to. But when it comes to voting, understand me now, I will vote for the principles of the People’s party. When I left the Republican party I left it for good. (Great applause.) Like the man who was seasick, do you suppose I have been doing all this work for fun? Had it been at all desirable that connection between that grand old party and myself should continue, there was no reason in the world why there should have been any compulsion, save on my own part. But it seems to me that that party with which I was associated so long, the one around whose history so many glorious memories of the American people cluster, is greatly burdened by the leadership of men who are obedient to the money power. We asked for relief and they laughed at us. When there was a flurry in the money market in New York City the President and the Secretary of the Treasury ran over to see what they could do to relieve the stringency there; while we in bright and beautiful Kansas are famishing for money the President passes through our capital thoroughfare and tells us we are the most magnificent people in the world. But they ask us no questions. We need a new party for this. We asked for free and unlimited coinage of silver and they gave us a silver bill that is a fraud. We asked for a reduction of tariff duties and in the McKinley bill they pile them on heavier.

    We have started to organize and represent ourselves, and thanks first to the Master and next to the people of Kansas we have succeeded, and here (indicating himself) is one of the fruits of it. Thanking you for this distinguished mark of your confidence and wishing you all manner of prosperity, promising here and now to consecrate a life work if necessary (holding up a glass of water) I drink to your good health and retire.

    Mr. Peffer is a Pennsylvanian by birth and in his sixtieth year. At fifteen he was a teacher, and in 1852, having married, he became a farmer in Indiana. Seven years later he removed to Missouri, and in 1862 went to Illinois, doing business as a farmer in both places. He had been in Illinois but a few months, however, when he enlisted in the Eighty-third Illinois. As a second lieutenant he was upon detached duty during the continuance of the war, and upon his discharge, in June, 1865, he began the practice of law at Clarksville, Tennessee. Four years later he removed to Wilson County, Kansas, where he resumed the vocation of a farmer, mingling his agricultural duties with the responsibilities of a law office and of a village newspaper. In 1874 he was sent to the State Senate as a Republican, and while holding that office served as Chairman of the Joint Committee on the Centennial Exposition. He was a Presidential elector in 1880, and in the following year became editor of

    p. 10, col. 2 the Kansas Farmer, an agricultural paper which is owned by influential Republicans, a position he has ever since retained. He is known as “Judge” Peffer, and in two pamphlets written by him, although he does not appear to have ever held a judicial office, he so describes himself. This, however, is rather an indication of Kansan provincialism, than of the poor taste of the Senator-elect, for never in the remotest back county of a Southern State were military and judicial titles more impartially bestowed or complacently worn than in the State of Kansas.

    Until about a year ago Peffer was a pronounced advocate of “protection to American industries,” both upon the Republican stump and in the paper of which he is editor; and he was regularly employed by the leading Republican daily paper of Topeka to write protective tariff editorials. Two years ago he published a “non-partisan” tariff manual, a dyspeptic pamphlet of undigested statistics, in which post hoc and propter hoc and the old balance of trade theory are distinguishable cases.

    His other pamphlet is entitled “The Way Out.” It is now jocularly alluded to as “Peffer’s Way In.” I shall describe it in a future letter.

    LOUIS F. POST.


    AN INDIAN WOMAN’S PROTEST.

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    Why the present trouble? Simply because the white man has never been known to keep a treaty when he has made it. There is not a single instance known where an Indian has been the first to break the treaty: no, not one. Professor Seelye, formerly Indian commissioner, said: “There has not been an Indian war for the past fifty years in which the whites have not been the aggressors.” Bishop Whipple, who has been a life long time among the Indians, says: “I have asked scores of brave officers who have grown gray in the service if they knew of a single instance when Indians have been the first to break the treaty, and they have always answered, no.” What Indian does not know there was a William Penn and Helen Hunt Jackson, who were truly friends to the Indians. I am a full-blooded Mohawk Indian, and have lived with them the best part of my life, and know their ways and know how they feel. The prevailing opinion is that the Indians are an ignorant, degraded and immoral people. I admit they are too ignorant to know how to cope with the white man’s law, which seems to be very elastic, to stretch at will to any length when required. But they are much more moral than the whites. In their language there is not a single profane word, neither can they take God’s name in vain. There never was known in the earlier wars a case where white women were taken captive that their chastity was violated; even at this late day I would have to see it to believe it. No Indian was ever known to manufacture alcoholic liquors to destroy body and soul, which shows conclusively they naturally are not immoral, yet all these things are practiced by the so-called civilized Christian people, “our teachers.” Yet the cry from General Miles is “savage fiends,” and one of the daily press says “exterminate them all.” Let no mercy be shown! Shame on such Christian civilization! The Indians have been made desperate by want and hunger. Not only have they been robbed right and left of rations, but their lands and homes have been taken from them, and they have been denied the right of franchise which belongs to every living human being. When they held their lands in common they were happy, because that system did not admit of excessive poverty. I have visited several reservations and always heard the same cry of cruel injustice practiced by those who have the management in charge. White people are employed where Indians ought to be. I believe it is a historical fact when the Indian is treated with kindness he never forgets it. Then why this cruel injustice, when kindness would do better and is much cheaper? I say educate them, give them a chance, and see the results. I am sure the Indians are just as capable of grasping an education as any other race.

    DR. PRINCESS VIROQUA.


    VACANT LAND IN NEW YORK.

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    In one of the tax reform letters printed in the Commercial Advertiser the statement was made that one-half of Manhattan Island was unoccupied land. To verify this estimate the Commercial interviewed Mr. George S. Lespinasse, the real estate dealer. Mr. Lespinasse said:

    Probably if all the vacant spaces and blocks up and down town were computed together the statement that one-half of the island is unoccupied would be largely verified. There are whole blocks here and there on the east side above Fifty-fourth street and on the river front that have not a building on them. But of all the vacant land on the island not more than one-third probably is available. This estimate, of course, includes the area reserved for parks. Really, then, taking into account only the land which is available for building, fully 65 per cent. of the island is occupied.

    He estimates the value of the unoccupied land in the upper districts at one-third to one-half the value of all the land in those districts. Seventy-five per cent. of the available building lots he thinks are for sale, 25 per cent. being held out of the market by large holders. The Pinckney and Astor estates are the largest owners of unoccupied land in New York. In saying that 75 per cent. of the lots are for sale, Mr. Lespinasse does not explain that they might as well not be for sale, which is the case, for they are held at prohibitory prices.

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    VOL. IX., 91. | THE STANDARD. | 11

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    NOTES AND QUERIES.

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    Public sic quotes approvingly the Commercial’s opinion on the question presented by Rev. Mr. McQueary. We know that our contemporary’s religious research is profound. The other day its editor was writing an article on temperance, in reply to a correspondent who had referred him to John II, x. “Please look that up and copy it,” he said to one of his subs. The sub accordingly pulled down the dusty old Bible from an upper shelf and looked in vain for the Gospel according to St. John. Then he reported his inability to find it, asking his chief where it was. “Why, of course, it is the next book to Luke,” was the reply. The sub found the next book to Luke and copied the tenth verse of the second chapter. The editor was about to send it out, when he took the precaution to glance at it and found that it read: “The Emims dwelt therein in times past, a people great and many, and tall as the Anakims.” “That seems to apply to the Stanley expedition.” he sic, “but I don’t see how it touches temperance. Won’t you hand me the Bible?” On turning over its leaves he discovered that some bookbinder in the early part of the century had carelessly sandwiched Deuteronomy into the New Testament and given St. John a place in the old, and the mistake had not hitherto been detected. The office Bible of the Commercial may become as proverbial as the office cat of the Sun.

    * * * *

    In the poem, entitled “The Single Tax Club, sic appeared on page 55 of this volume of THE STANDARD, in the eighth verse, the compound word”bread-want” was printed in place of the the two sic “dread want.” The difference is only one of one letter, but it plays the mischief with the sense all the same, and Mrs. Beck very naturally asks that the error be corrected.

    * * * *

    The first issue of the Daily Continent starts out with Volume XXII., No. 9009. That is surely “taking time by the forelock.”

    * * * *

    The Virginia State Chronicle in the course of an article on taxation recently remarked that “Henry George believes that land ought to bear all the burdens of taxation, so as to discourage people from holding land,” etc. A correspondent writing from Danville takes the editor to task for misrepresenting Mr. George’s views. The Chronicle publishes the letter and editorially remarks:

    If we wrote that Henry George favored the single land tax to discourage men from holding land, we did so by error. We knew his theory and the purpose aimed at. Mr. George is a patriot and a great man, but his single land tax is impracticable. At least, that is our conviction, formed after reading his able and masterly work. He is one of the greatest men of the age.

    The editor of the Chronicle should devote some of his leisure time to demonstrating the impracticability of the Single Tax. Virginia Single Taxers should acknowledge his courtesy and ask him to investigate the subject further.

    * * * *

    Orders to stop work in a majority of the coal mines of the Lackawanna Valley, Pa., were received a few days ago. The men think that the corporations have secretly resolved to keep the production so low from now until May 1 that the miners will not feel like striking for eight hours on that date, as it was reported they would do. As a matter of fact, however, the coal miners are in such a chronic condition of poverty and lack of work that there is very little danger of their striking for eight hours per day. As one of them said, “We are lucky if we get the chance to work twelve hours.”

    * * * *

    According to the Albany correspondent of the Evening Post, our Senator-Governor intends to close his gubernatorial career by sticking a knife into all the amendments now being offered in the Legislature to increase the efficiency of the Ballot bill adopted last year. The Governor’s Republican colleagues in Maine are trying, by indirection, to defeat an excellent ballot reform bill now before the Legislature of that State. The bill offered in the Pennsylvania Legislature is pronounced by the Harrisburg Patriot “defective and dangerous in some respects.” Altogether, the Australian ballot is not having as smooth a time at the hands of the politicians as last year. The only good news in this line comes from Oregon, where, the dispatches say, “the Australian ballot bill has passed the lower House.” It behooves ballot reformers to keep a sharp lookout on the various Legislatures, especially in this State, where an eye should be kept on Governor Hill and his Democratic workers.

    * * * *

    It would seem that Tammany Hall is now managed, as is the New York Herald, by cable from “abroad.” The old leader of the Fourteenth Assembly District of this city, John Reilly by name, is on the verge of being “disciplined” by the organization committee of Tammany. Naturally, it would be thought that the case could be settled here, where all the evidence is; but, no—the judgment is to come from sic, Germany, where Chief Croker is. He, and only he, says Commissioner Gilroy, can render the verdict. Thus we see the strange spectacles of the New York City Democratic

    p. 11, col. 2 party being managed from Germany, and the New York Herald being managed in sic or wherever its proprietor may happen to be.

    * * * *

    The Executive Committee of the People’s Municipal League met at Mr. Deming’s residence Tuesday week, to hear a report from a sub-committee which had been previously appointed to prepare a constitution and by-laws for a permanent organization of the league. The report was adopted and another committee appointed to carry out the plans outlined. The constitution provides for the creation of a temporary committee of seventy-five men, which shall form permanent district organizations. The bodies so formed will elect members of a permanent central or general committee of seventy-five, which will be the representative body of the People’s Municipal League, and, together with the district clubs, have charge of future campaign work. The general committee of the league will be called together shortly to ratify the plans adopted, and choose the temporary committee of seventy-five, whose duty it will be to attend to the formation of the district organizations. This general committee numbers some 1,400 or 1,800 persons.

    * * * *

    True report of a conversation, dedicated in deep dejection to him who thinks he should convert the leaders of opinion, and to him who thinks that men always listen to women, by one of the parties engaged.

    Great Statesman—The idea underlying the theory is that no man should own more land than he can use.

    Single Tax Woman (gently)—Excuse me, no.

    G. S. (urbanely)—O-o-oh! Take away the moral idea, which is the basis of your theory, and you have no foundation for your structure to rest upon.

    S. T. W.—Our structure has a moral idea for its foundation, but not precisely that one (bracing herself for a logical argument). Mr. Statesman, what constitutes use?

    G. S. (more urbanely)—A-a-ah, my young friend, when you begin to fire those practical questions at it the whole thing falls to the ground. The idea of tribunals to decide how much land each man shall hold is perfectly absurd.

    S. T. W. (gasping)—But—

    G. S. (most urbanely)—Now, I must go. Exit.

    * * * *

    The annual report of the New York State Assessors for 1890 shows the total assessed value of realty for the whole State to be $3,298,000,000, and of personal property $385,000,000, the personal being 11 per cent. of the total assessment. In 1867 the assessed value of real estate was $1,237,000,000, the increase in the twenty-three years being over $2,000,000,000, or 160 per sic. The assessed value of personalty in 1867 was $436,000,000, as against $385,000,000 in 1890, showing a decrease in twenty-three years of $51,000,000. In 1867 real estate paid about 74 per cent. of the total taxes; personal property, 26 per cent. In 1890 real estate paid 89 per cent.; personal property, 11 per cent.

    * * * *

    According to estimates furnished by Mr. J. C. Brown, statistician of the Produce Exchange of New York, the total value of the agricultural produce of the United States in 1890 was $4,199,000,000. Estimating the mineral products at $700,000,000, and those of the forests at $375,000,000, we have a total amount of produce taken direct from the soil of considerably over $5,000,000,000.

    * * * *

    A table compiled from the Massachusetts census shows that one-fifth of the native born married women of that State are childless. The Chicago Tribune, commenting on this says: “It is said that in no country save France can a similar condition of affairs be found. On the other hand, instead of over 20 per cent., only 13.27 per cent. of the foreign born women of Massachusetts are childless. What is true of this State is undoubtedly in a greater or less degree true throughout the country. The time has come when we must face the fact that the increase of population by birth is decreasing—that the tendency of the times among well-to-do Americans is to small families.”

    * * * *

    Jones—Smith has got a house overlooking Woodlawn Cemetery. Good place for a Single Tax man.

    Brown—Does he think, among other evils, the Single Tax will abolish death?

    Jones—No. But he looks out on a community of which not a single individual holds more land than he can profitably use.

    Jones and Brown—He! he! Haw! haw! (Exit thinking question sic.

    * * * *

    A philosophic exchange, whose editor evidently knows whereof he wots, has this to say of the third party hobby which some of our friends of the labor organizations are just now so anxious to ride:

    The organization of a third party to carry out a reform is very much like the introduction of a third party at a lovers’ tryst. While it may be mighty embarrassing to the two who have a reason for being there, it doesn’t do the interloper any good.

    Page 12 of 24contents

    p. 12, col. 1

    12 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 92.

    LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.

    THE TARIFF QUESTION IN GERMANY.

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    Editor of THE STANDARD—Sir: It will be interesting to the Single Tax free traders of America to learn that tariff question is sic occupying a large share of public attention in Germany and Austria. The German Government intends to make a new tariff with Austria, by which the latter shall have lower duties for manufactured articles and Germany lower duties for agricultural products. In both countries the various protected interests are protesting against a reduction in duties as vigorously as American protectionists clamored for an increase a year ago.

    I cannot refrain from calling attention to the great benefits our cause would gain if “Protection or Free Trade?” were translated into German, and I believe it would pay the translator and publisher well. There are in Germany and Austria over sixty millions of German speaking people, and the book would have an immense sale I am certain among all classes.

    Bruchsal, Baden, Germany.

    WILLIAM WOLFF.

    THE ONTARIO RESOLUTIONS.

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    Editor of THE STANDARD—SIR: I am always ready to accept all the credit I believe myself entitled to, but in THE STANDARD of January 21 you have bestowed upon me what rightfully belongs to others. While as much pleased as any one can be at the adoption of those glorious resolutions at Honeoye I had nothing to do with drafting or introducing them.

    They were drawn up by the secretary of the association, Mr. Sanford W. Abbey, without his knowing that I had prepared a paper to read at the meeting, while I had written the paper without the slightest idea that any such resolutions were to be offered there.

    It was merely a fortunate coincidence that they happened to come so nearly in line with each other.

    The paper served to start the discussion, and then the facts, arguments and statistics with which Mr. Abbey and others backed up the resolutions effectually did the business. I felt that it was honor enough for me to be there and witness their adoption.

    I regret that Mr. Abbey’s modesty prevented these facts from appearing in the report which, as secretary, he was required to furnish for publication.

    He has long been an able, earnest and untiring advocate of tariff reform principles, and to him and his co-laborers in the town of Richmond this triumph of common sense over old traditions is honestly due.

    Realizing how very little it has been in my power to do I cannot consent to accept for myself credit for the good accomplished by other and far more efficient workers in the field of tariff reform. Sincerely yours.

    East Bloomfield, N. Y.

    J. M. NORTON.

    WHO WILL OFFER THE PRIZE?

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    To the Editor of THE STANDARD—SIR: The Department of Political and Economic Science of the Brooklyn Institute, 502 Fulton street, offers first and second prizes for the best and second best essays, respectively, on each of the following subjects: I. “The United States—One and Inseparable.” II. “The Relative Merits of a ‘Protective Tariff’ and of a ‘Tariff for Revenue Only.’” The competitors for these prizes shall be residents of Brooklyn, who have attended the Brooklyn public schools for at least two years, and who shall not be more than twenty-five years of age. The offer is made in order “to stimulate the thoughtful study of political questions.”

    Where is the Single Tax Club which will offer a prize for the best essay under some similar conditions on “Protection: or, Principles not Schedules?”

    Flatbush, N sic.

    H. G. SEAVER.

    THE RAILWAY PROBLEM.

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    To the Editor of THE STANDARD—SIR: In his letter in your issue of January 21, Mr. Robert Scott seems to agree with me that the road beds of our railways should be restored to the people; but he thinks there is something more in connection with the railroads that should be restored to the people.

    Is there? Did the public ever possess or control the carrying trade, and is there any reason why it should now be assumed by the State? Does Mr. Scott think that it is either necessary or desirable that the State should assume the carrying trade over our rivers, lakes, free canals or county roads?

    Of course there would be a tendency to increase land values on the outskirts of civilization if the Government were to engage in the carrying trade and transport things from one place to another free, but there would be a corresponding diminution of land values at the centres of civilization. There would also be an increase in land values if the Government could find some means of furnishing potatoes and houses free to the people; but the Government has nothing and can distribute nothing but what it collects from certain of the people.

    So from one point of view the question is whether the Government

    p. 12, col. 2 can perform the duties of a common carrier cheaper and better than individuals working under free competition with equal opportunities: while, from another point of view, the question is, does the carrying trade naturally fall to the Government to do? This, to a Single Taxer, should be the vital question. I answer it emphatically “No.” The carrying trade is no more a part of the natural business of government than raising wheat or building houses. The carrying trade is a part of the ordinary process of production, and the production of wealth is in no sense a function of government.

    From the standpoint of the Single Tax philosophy, I think the attitude of government toward the production and distribution of wealth may be summed up as follows: “To secure to each an equal opportunity to use the earth, and an equal chance to use such public highways as the development of civilization may at any time have brought into use,” and this, to my mind, is all.

    C. J. BUELL.

    WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS?

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    Judge Young, of the Fourth Judicial Circuit of Florida, has decided that the State cannot demand a royalty of one dollar per ton on phosphates taken from the beds of the rivers of Florida. The Ocala Union, commenting on the decision, assumes that it may be warranted by precedent, but it declares that the people ultimately will repeal laws that deny them their just rights. It thus continues:

    It is the people after all that control. They endure much, but when they break through the “conservative restraints” kings tremble on their thrones and judges perform their duty. The processes through which it is done are slow, but the rights of the masses are being extended and the few restricted. The same processes that gave all the lands of England to so few of her population are at work in this country, and if not checked will produce the same results, and they are not likely to be checked by Judge Young’s decision.

    These phosphates have been forming in our soil and river bottoms in all the ages of the past, and in the formation of which we do not suppose that Mr. Albertus Vogt, Mr. George W. Scott and a few others were alone in the thoughts of the Divine mind, but we are orthodox or unorthodox enough to believe that the Divine worker intended these formations and deposits for the common enjoyment of all mankind.

    Owing to legislative action and judicial determinations, this has not been the case, and the only thing left whereby the people, in their collective capacity, could derive the least benefit from these gifts of a wise and beneficent Creator, was in the riparian rights left to the State, whereby the State, for the benefit of all the people thereof, could levy a tax of one dollar a ton on all phosphates taken from the bottom of navigable streams, and even this the decision of Judge Young denies them. And the Times-Union says that all the people will hail with delight this timely decision. The exaction of this small tariff, the Times-Union says, would have crippled and perhaps stifled this industry and would have proven a great detriment to the State. How much do these men, who have gobbled up all the river bottoms of the State, want to make anyway! Do they want all the earth and the fulness thereof?

    The cost of gathering the phosphate from the river bottoms is merely nominal, and delivered at any shipping point is worth $12 to $15 per ton, and in the interest of this class cf sic, the Times-Union whines that the payment of the pitiable sum of a dollar a ton into the treasury of the State would ruin them all and kill the industry. This is sheer nonsense and cannot deceive a blind man. The people make and unmake the laws and they should see that all the people derive some of the benefits of these immense deposits, which can only be regarded as a divine gift.

    SINGLE TAX LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA.

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    There has just been submitted to the Minnesota Legislature a bill providing for an amendment to the Constitution, which will permit the people of the State, or of any county or city thereof, by majority vote, to remove the burden of taxation now assessed against personal property, or improvements, or both. On petition of 1,000 voters the State Auditor is directed to make the necessary provision for taking a ballot of the sic of removing the personal property tax, or the tax on improvement, or both, for such term of years only as the petitioners may designate.

    The presentation of this bill is the result of the work of Single Tax men. It is, in fact, a Single Tax measure, and the support it has shows the great strength of the Single Tax movement in Minnesota. With the Board of Trade of Minneapolis declaring time and again for the exemption of manufacturing industries from taxation, and the local democracy of that city demanding “lighter taxes on the homes and industries of the people and heavier taxes on the holders of idle land,” as they did in their last platform, the only wonder is that such an amendment should not have been proposed before. But the fact was, the tax reformers thought they could get the necessary legislation without amending the Constitution.

    If adopted, this amendment will be the most important reform ever made in the system of taxation in any State. It means that the people of any locality will be allowed to apply the Single Tax as far as State and local taxation is concerned, without any further legislation on the matter, and to such extent for such length of time as they may think best. As the Minneapolis Times says of it, the bill is in the interests of all classes and is conceived “in the true spirit of democracy.”

    Page 13 of 24contents

    VOL. IX., 93. THE STANDARD. 13

    p. 13, col. 1

    CURRENT THOUGHT.

    INDUSTRIAL CONSPIRACIES.

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    In Belford’s for February Mr. Fred Perry Powers has an article on “Industrial Discontent.” As a discussion of the causes of discontent the article is lamentably weak and superficial, for the great causes, the unjust distribution of wealth and the existence of special privilege and monopoly, are not touched on. The article is mainly devoted to showing how general combinations of employers for blacklisting and boycotting have become, and how public opinion aggravates discontent by the sanctioning the sic of such combinations while condemning similar action on the part of the workingman. “The boycott,” he says, “is a weapon which is condemned only when used by the working men.” He gives some examples of this boycotting of working men by the employers. A strike in one cloak shop in New York last Summer led to a general lock out in all the shops. A strike in one leather factory in Lynn in September led to a lock out of 1,500 men by the associated employers. A recent organization, including the Westinghouse Company, of Pittsburg, and the Yale Lock and Colt’s Arms Companies, of New Haven, obliges the employers to discharge all their 50,000 men in case there is a strike in any one of the associated establishments; and no man who strikes in one establishment will ever be permitted to work in another. Three years ago the leather manufacturers bound themselves to each other under a penalty of $1,000 not to employ a Knight of Labor. Last Winter the superintendent of the Long Island Railroad discharged the telegraph operators at Jamaica and Morris Park because they had been chosen officers of the Order of Telegraphers.

    The employers not only combine and conspire in perfect security against their men, but against other employers not in their associations. Thus in 1888 the Atkinson Car Spring Company applied for admission to a “combine” of manufacturers formed to regulate prices. It, however, being a small concern, could not agree to the conditions. As a result it was not admitted, and all the other concerns agreed to underbid it on every occasion, and so drive it into bankruptcy. The manufacturers and jobbers of jewelry have a trust, which in October, 1888, drove J. M. Chandler & Co., of Cleve land, into bankruptcy by simply refusing to sell goods to them. In 1887 the burial case manufacturers decided to ruin an outside concern unless it came into the organization.

    The Grand Jury of New York City refused to indict the cloak manufacturers referred to above for their conspiracy in locking out their men, but six workingmen in the same city were sent to prison for distributing handbills asking people not to buy bread at a boycotted shop. In the same State, at Binghamton, five striking cigarmakers were sent to the penitentiary for one hundred days (August 15, 1890) for “picketing” the factories where strikes were in progress. When a “sympathetic strike” on the New York Central Railroad was ordered because a few men were badly treated the Knights of Labor were condemned in the strongest way; and in the similar cases on the Southwestern system the men were denounced for paralyzing the industry of the country. The labor unions are bitterly denounced because they try to prevent men from working for wages not satisfactory to the union. “We who buy labor,” says Mr. sic, “are enthusiastic champions of the right of a man to sell his labor at a ‘cut’ rate. But we do not condemn a manufacturer for not selling his goods at a cut rate.”

    The facts collected in this article are very interesting, but no hint is given why it is that a constant internecine war is going on in every town and every factory; or why it is that men engaged in production have to conspire to crush other men in order to make a living. No attention is drawn to the monstrous injustice of a state of things under which the only class of people whose incomes and privileges are so secure that they do not have to combine and conspire at all are those who are not engaged in production—the class that live on rents and the proceeds of monopoly. Why, indeed, should there be any discontent, except industrial discontent, when the only people who are spared all the trouble about what goes on are those who are not industrious?

    PUBLIC PROPERTY AND ITS BENEFITS.

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    “If I stood at a way station in North Dakota when a train came in and the people were eating their lunch, and if I said, ‘Dear friends, if you will have the kindness to stay here, this township will give you $4,000 in the shape of houses, cows, oxen, mowing machines, pianofortes, etchings, and so on,’ would you be surprised if a good many families remained to take me at my word?” So Edward Everett Hale asks the readers of his Social Problems in the Cosmopolitan for February. And he adds: “This is exactly what the city of Boston does to every Bohemian who lands at the pier, if he have five children and a wife.” Mr. Hale has made a calculation that the parks, sewers, schools, libraries, court houses, water supply, prisons, and so forth, which Boston has “salted down” for the free use of all its people, are worth $250,000,000; that, therefore, every sic of seven people in Boston is worth just $4,000. It is this magnificent provision for the wants of its citizens that makes p. 13, col. 2 Boston grow so rapidly, he thinks. No idea ever seems to have crossed his mind that when the Bohemian with five children comes to rent a one or two room tenement in Boston, he pays a rent which takes from him the full value of every one of these public benefits which have increased the value of land in that city to its present figure. The difference between giving a man $4,000 by means of which he could, temporarily at least, increase his earnings and secure an abundant living, and giving him the opportunity to pay for libraries and prisons in higher rent, never seems to have struck Mr. Hale. But the Bohemians know the difference, else Boston and other cities like it would ere this have absorbed the whole population of Bohemia. But perhaps Mr. Hale sees further than this; perhaps he sees that if he offered $4,000 in cash to every settler in a Dakota town the effect would be just what the effect was of offering $4,000 of improvements in Boston; it would raise rents and the landowners of the town would add $4,000 to the price of each lot they sold the incoming settlers. Looking at it in this way both offers are very much the same.

    Mr. Hale’s remarks remind one of those people who look on the Single Tax as simply a means of easily raising great revenues to be used in public improvements, as if men could live on public improvements.

    THE AMERICAN FARMER.

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    Prof. Rodney Welch’s article on “The Farmer’s Changed Conditions,” in the February issue of the Forum, gives an admirable picture of farming life in New England in the old days, and compares it with that of the farmer—the Western farmer especially—of to-day. His presentation of the facts makes the phrase, “Good old sic, seem something more than a sentimentalism. He shows the great changes caused by the increased facilities of exchanges, the use of money in place of barter, the use of factory-made goods in place of home-made articles, and the consequent narrowing of the farmer’s employment to that of producing one or two crops for sale, instead of producing almost everything he needed for use or consumption. But the most important change he notices is the fact that the free, independent farmer of olden times, the owner of the estate which he occupied ;and intended as the inheritance of his children, is being replaced by a class of tenant farmers. He says:

    It may sound strange to Eastern readers, but it is nevertheless true, that in the States of Illinois, Wisconsin and Iowa, more farms have been deserted by their owners than in New Hampshire, Vermont and Massachusetts. In the New England States owners leave their farms because the labor spent in cultivating them is no longer remunerative, but such is not the case in the prairie regions of the West. There the owners of farms leave them for the reason that they can obtain sufficient rent from tenants to enable them to support their families in towns. Cities in several of the Western States contain hundreds of retired farmers. Springfield, Ill., and Janesville, Wis., are good examples of the towns in which these absentee landlords reside. They obtained land at a low price, and improved it with the intention of residing permanently upon it; but when they became independent they divided their farms into small tracts, erected cheap buildings on them, and leased them, generally to persons of foreign birth.

    Moreover, the condition of the land-owning farmer of to-day is not much better than that of these tenants. He seldom has money in his purse. He is ordinarily in debt to the grocer, merchant and implement dealer. His place is mortgaged and the sum he receives for his crops is generally anticipated.

    Prof. Welch deplores the disappearance of the prosperous farming class of olden times, but assigns no adequate cause for the phenomena, except to say that the cities are finer places to live in than the country districts, and so attract all the wealthier rural population. He thinks that the poorer postal facilities which the country districts have sic in some degree for their depopulation. But the most ominous and significant fact, the fact that farming does not pay, he does not touch on, except to say that there has been an “over-production” of farm products by reason of the too rapid settlement of the West. He is quite sure, however, that when our forefathers founded this Government they never intended the nation to be one of absentee landlords and foreign tenants.

    ECONOMIC LECTURES.

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    Professor Jeremiah W. Jenks, who holds the chair of economics and social science in the Indiana University, began lately in in Indianapolis a series of twelve lectures on political economy. So far three lectures have been given. On Jan. 30 and Feb. 13 the subjects will be “Exchange;” February 20 and 27, and March 6 and 13, on “Distributions;” March 20 and 27, “Practical Questions,” such as emigration, immigration, functions of State, economic discussion. The committee in charge of these lectures specially ask that the Indianapolis Single Taxers attend.

    FOR OUR PROTECTION FRIENDS TO READ.

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    Our protection friends will read with interest the following neat reply from the Fitchburg, Mass., Mail, to their silly claim that all the reductions in prices since before the war are due to the tariff:

    The thinking, reading public know, without any explanation from us, why calico was [37½?] cents a yard in 1837 and only 5 cents now, or why tomatoes can be bought now, in September, for $1 a bushel, but could not be bought in 1837 for $1,000 a bushel.

    Page 14 of 24contents

    p. 14, col. 1 14 THE STANDARD. VOL. IX., 94.

    SINGLE TAX NEWS.

    SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES.

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    NATIONAL COMMITTEE, 42 UNIVERSITY PLACE, New York, February 3, 1891.

    The attention of officers of Single Tax organizations is called to the resolutions adopted at the National Conference to the effect that all organizations subscribing to the national Single Tax platform shall be eligible for membership in the League. Thus far but very few clubs have formally subscribed to the platform and enrolled themselves in the League, and officers of organizations that have as yet made no move in the matter are earnestly requested to bring the question before their clubs and apply at once to the secretary of the National Committee for enrollment.

    The National Committee is circulating a petition asking the United States House of Representatives to appoint a special committee to make inquiry into and report upon the expediency of raising all public revenues by a Single Tax upon the value of land, irrespective of improvements, to the exclusion of all other taxes, whether in the form of tariffs upon imports, taxes upon internal productions, or otherwise. It will send blank petitions on application to any address, and Single Tax men are urged to obtain petitions and solicit signatures as a most convenient and effective way of starting the discussion of our principles.

    It has also taken up the newspaper work of the Memphis committee, and is now engaged in circularizing newspapers in every State, calling their attention to the wide-spread interest now shown in the subject of the Single Tax, and urging that they call on the press companies supplying their ready prints and plates for Single Tax matter.

    The secretary desires to appeal again to our Single Taxers for renewed effort in behalf of the petition. But ten months now remain for its completion, and it seems almost criminal not to take advantage to the utmost of this opportunity to bring the question of the Single Tax so prominently before the whole country.

    Reports from our friends go to show that six or seven of the Congressmen elected to the next House of Representatives are Single Taxers, while many others are favorable to our ideas. The respectful consideration of our petition is therefore not only assured, but the appointment of the special committee of inquiry is almost a certainty. Draw on the committee for a supply of petition blanks and give the petition the boom that its importance deserves.

    Subscriptions toward the expenses of this committee work remain as reported last week, viz., $1,452.20.

    Cash contributions for the week ending February 3, are as follows:

    Peter McGill, Milwaukee, Wis … $3 70 Thos. F. Walker, Birmingham, England … 83 Thos. Taylor, Youngstown, Ohio … 1 00 Sol. F. Clark, Little Rock, Atk … 2 50 “E. E.,” New York City … 25 00 T. C. Disbrow, Brooklyn, N. Y … 5 00 “Horse,” Bryn Mawr, Pa … 10 “Hair Cut,” Bryn Mawr, Pa … 10 L. W. Hoch, Adrian, Mich … 1 00 Walter H. Beecher, Cincinnati, Ohio … 50

    [rule] 39 73 Contributions previously acknowledged … 958 81

    [rule] Total … $998 54

    The enrollment now stands as follows:

    Reported last week … 97,074 Signatures received since last report … 732

    [rule] Total … 97,806

    For news budget, see roll of States.

    GEO. ST. JOHN LEAVENS, Secretary.

    SINGLE TAX LETTER WRITERS.

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    Continuing the work suggested in last week’s STANDARD, below are the names and addresses of more new Democratic members of the next Congress. A desire to fully inform themselves in reference to direct taxation will lead them to weigh carefully all arguments in favor of the Single Tax.

    John H. Britz, Jasper, Ind.; D. H. Pelton, Remington, Ind.; J. J. sic, Burlington, Iowa; W. H. Butler, West Union, Iowa; John T. Hamilton, Cedar Rapids, Iowa; F. W. White, Hedrick, Iowa; Thos. Bowman, Council Bluffs, Iowa; John W. Kendall, West Liberty, Kentucky; Adolph Meyer, New Orleans, La.; Matt D. sic, New Orleans, La.; Henry Page, Princess Anne, Md.; Isidor Rayner, Baltimore, Md.; Barnes Compton, Laurel, Md.; Wm. M. McKaig, Cumberland, Md.; Sherman Hoar, Waltham, Mass.; Moses T. Stevens, North Andover, Mass.; George F. Williams, Dedham, Mass.; F. S. sic, Ashburnham, Mass.; John C. sic, Pittsfield, Mass. Please note the announcement elsewhere that the first hundred thousand of the cheap edition of “Protection or Free Trade? will be ready shortly. Mailing the book to prepaid subscribers will begin this month. Tracts, circulars and subscription blanks will be freely supplied in any quantity on application to W. J. Atkinson, 42 University Place, New York.

    BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR.

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    W. E. Brokaw, Sherman, S. D.—The following extracts are from a letter recently received from George C. Dwight, Bowdle, S. D., elected assessor on independent ticket last November:

    I have started a subscription list for the ten-cent edition of “Protection or Free Trade?” Have over $6 collected now. I have obtained twenty-five signers to the petition and expect to get more soon, as I am going into the east end of the county and then west into Walworth County. I hear that quite a number of farmers have left the east end of this (Edmunds) county, and those who remain I know are ripe for anything that will destroy land speculation. The injustice of our present system of taxation is brought home to them, and I feel sure that a united effort on the part of Single Taxers would make this a Single Tax State. Cows are only worth $10 or $15 here now, and other personal property values correspond. In many cases taxes are paid from money that should be used to provide food and clothing. It is this fact which has brought our South Dakota residents to such a receptive frame of mind. I also know that my principles regard-

    p. 14, col. 2 > ing taxation brought me many votes. The man I ran against is a member of the G. A. R. and has assessed for two years, consequently has large acquaintance, and I got 260 majority out of a sic over 1,000 votes. If you can find any literature to spare send it. I am badly in need of Tariff and Single Tax pamphlets. I know many men personally whom I would like to supply, but I haven’t the means. I generally use literature to bring those into our ranks who are likely to exert influence on others.

    Cannot some of the readers of THE STANDARD supply Mr. Dwight with the ammunition he wants? I can’t. You will observe that I am not the only “rustler” in South Dakota. There are others, and the ranks are swelling day by day. We will “get there” in 1892.

    Tuesday, January 20, I caught a ride from Baltic to Dell Rapids, where my week’s mail awaited me. There were one hundred or more men from various parts of Minnehaha County assembled in the opera house at the County Alliance meeting held that evening. After an address of welcome by the Mayor, and a response by F. A. Leavitt, the defeated independent candidate for Congress, J. R. Lowe, first vice-president of the State Alliance, gave a forcible review of the financial legislation of the past thirty years and stated the demands of the Alliance. Then came my turn, and I told them how the Single Tax, by limiting land-holding to use, would solve the labor problem, and by necessitating the withdrawal of all tax powers from individuals and corporations would settle the land, money and transportation questions. I talked about an hour and was frequently applauded. Afterwards I received numerous invitations to visit various parts of the county. All of which simply shows that the Single Tax takes well in “the wild and woolly West.” That night I rode out to Pennington post office and was the guest of the postmaster until the next night, when I spoke in the nearest school house. I stopped over night with a prosperous Irish farmer.

    Thursday morning a Norwegian neighbor took me to Garretson where I posted a batch of letters and caught a ride out to the Vadheim school house. There I spoke an hour and a half to a full house, and, after answering questions, took a few orders for the special edition of “Protection or Free Trade?” and signatures to petition. Then John W. Skepper, of Dell Rapids, presented the life insurance branch of the Alliance work, for which he is agent, and closed his talk with a half hour’s illustrations and statements of facts to impress the necessity of studying the Single Tax. As a result of his talk about as many more signed the petition and ordered the book.

    Friday, January 23, Mr. Vadheim took me to Sherman. While there I saw a copy of the Sioux Falls Press, in which a correspondent from Dell Rapids stated that, at the County Alliance meeting, “W. E. Brokaw, of Mitchell, was accorded a few minutes in which to air his Single Tax hobby, but there were few present who seemed to accept his visionary theories and ideas.” That is about as near the truth as that paper ever gets anything. I talked to over forty persons in the school house a mile south of Sherman Station that night.

    Saturday I worked my passage on a hand car to within half a mile of Garretson, and then “hoofed it” the rest of the way, carrying my two heavy grips. Arrived there I found that the man who had arranged for the meeting was out of town. He did not arrive until about 6:30 P. M. It was 7 o’clock by the time the hall was open. At 8 o’clock a few men sat around the little stove in one end of the hall and joked. I was disgusted. But soon they began to come in, and when I began talking the seats were mostly filled, and by 8:30 every seat was occupied. There had been a dance there the night before and a good many present were sleepy. I had hardly talked forty-five minutes when they began to go, and I cut my talk short. At the close I obtained quite a number of signatures to the petition, and orders for “Protection or Free Trade?” Some fifteen or more of the crowd were farmers from Moody County, who had come to take advantage of excursion rates from Garretson to Sioux City, Iowa, and return. They had heard of my having been at sic and were much interested. One of them said that there would be plenty of interest in the Single Tax within a year in the localities I visit.

    January 25, I paid a man $1.50 to take me five miles to a place where I thought I could stop over, and go with the farmer to the next appointment Monday night. But the man was not at home, and we drove to the next house, where I made my wishes known and was taken in. After dinner Monday I was informed that he could not take me to Brandon, but that if I would go to the next house, about three quarters of a mile, I might catch a ride. So I paid him the fifty cents he charged for his accommodations, and put on my overcoat, and with a grip in each hand, started. At the next house I learned that it was not probable I could catch a ride, and so plodded on. The next house I came to was about a mile from Brandon, about four miles from where I had dined. While resting at that place I saw the following in the Dakota Ruralist of January 24:

    The old Brule County Alliance, at their last regular meeting, adopted the following resolutions and requested their publication in your paper: (The first one was regarding third party action in 1892.) * * * Resolved, That we deem the Single Tax idea, as set forth by Henry George, by far the best way of raising our revenues; i. e. by a tax on land values, irrespective of any improvements other than what they derive from their surroundings, as nearly all land values are derived from this one source that the community gives to it; so that, in paying taxes in this way, we are but returning to the public what rightfully belongs to the public.

    Ola, January 13, 1891. J. F. HYDE, Secretary.

    Mr. Estabrook took me to the station in the evening, where I talked to about twenty persons in the store, and then returned with him for the night.

    Enclosed find sixty-six signed petitions.

    MR. HERNE TELLS OF HIS WESTERN TOUR.

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    James A. Herne visited the Manhattan Single Tax club rooms last Sunday evening, and spent a couple of hours gossiping with the members. He had just come in from his western theatrical tour, in the course of which he had visited, west of the Missouri river, New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming, Nebraska, Arizona, Washington, Utah, Oregon, Missouri and California. Mr. Herne’s tour had been successful professionally, but his chief pleasure was in telling the Manhattan club men how cordially he had been received by the Single Taxers in the various places he had visited.

    In San Francisco, Mr. Herne met a number of the active Single Taxers, continued on p. 15 →

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    ← continued from p. 14 among them Mr. Leggett, with whom he was much impressed. Mr. Herne secured the Grand Opera House, and gave an address on the Single Tax which was listened to by over 200 people, over half of whom were ladies and members of the theatrical profession.

    While in Seattle Mr. Herne was invited by the Single Taxers to deliver an address. He says the Seattle people are land-boom mad. Everybody, from the hod-carrier to the big banker, is speculating in lots, and they all expect to get rich out of it; consequently—so he was told by his Single Tax friends—he expected a cold reception. The night of the lecture came. It was cold and stormy; but, nevertheless, between six and seven hundred people gathered to hear what he had to say. The audience was, as had been predicted, cold, very cold. He talked for an hour and a half without receiving the slightest token of approval or disapproval, excepting that when he touched on the unjustness of the system which permitted land owners to seize as their own the values which should be diffused throughout the community some of the audience would pick up their hats and stalk out. During his whole lecture his audience, as Mr. Herne quaintly said, “didn’t give me a chance to draw a long breath.” He was much surprised, therefore, when he had concluded, to hear the audience break out into a role of sic that lasted some time. The committee in charge of the meeting wanted to take up a collection to defray the expenses, but were timorous about asking for it because of the coldness shown, but Mr. Herne stepped to the front of the stage and made the appeal for them. When the collectors had finished their rounds they emptied the contents of their hats on the edge of the stage on which M. sic was sic. He could see what the collection consisted of, and was much surprised and gratified to find that it was composed of quarters, half dollars and silver dollars, with here and there a gold piece, sic brought him to the conclusion that he had made something of a bit after all. Considerably more than enough was realized to pay the expenses of the meeting. The Single Taxers—of whom there about fifteen in sic—were so much encouraged over the meeting that they talked of forming an organization. Mr. Herne saw at Seattle Mr. F. M. Marquis, a poor working farmer who lives about twenty miles from there, whom he pronounces one of the best informed men on the land question in the West. Mr. Marquis told Mr. Herne that the movement is taking a strong hold in his section; that he was too poor to pay for literature for distribution, but that S. B. Riggen, of Portland, kept him well supplied.

    In Portland, Oregon, Mr. Herne spoke before the Single Tax Club. He says that women are among the most active members. He met our friend, S. B. Riggen, who he says is a most enthusiastic Single Taxer—so much so that he (Mr. Riggen) fears his judgment may be biased; so he buys and reads everything he can get hold of that makes a claim to showing up the fallacies contained in the Single Tax doctrine. Mr. Riggen told Mr. Herne that he never knew how to get rich until he read “Progress and Poverty.” The reading of that book showed him how money could be made by making judicious investments in parcels of dirt, favorably located. Portland had been booming for several years; as a consequence Mr. Riggen was on the road to wealth.

    Mr. Riggen has a partner named Holbrook, of whom Mr. Herne tells this story: Mr. Holbrook had made up his mind to withdraw from the firm on account of Mr. Riggen’s persistently lugging in the Single Tax when transacting business. No customer who visited the office ever escaped, if he had to do business with Mr. Riggen. Mr. Holbrook didn’t like it, because he feared that the result would be loss of business. But while he objected Mr. Holbrook became interested, and before announcing his determination to withdraw, he concluded to read the book which had made such an impression on his partner. The result of his reading was that he became a Single Tax man, too; so he is still in partnership with Mr. Riggen, and the customers of the firm now get information about the Single Tax from two men where once there was only one man to furnish it.

    At Ogden, Utah, Mr. Herne met Mr. Abernethy, the lone, solitary Single Taxer of that place, who told him that the people’s eyes and hearts were closed to everything but speculating in land. Ogden had grown in ten years from a village of a dozen or so straggling houses to a town of over 25,000 inhabitants. At Las Vegas, New Mexico, when Mr. Herne arrived at his hotel he found awaiting him Arthur P. Davis, of the Geological Survey, who took him out to his camp, where he spent a delightful day with Mr. Davis and his charming wife. At Pendleton, Oregon, Mr. Herne was greeted by Charles S. Jackson, editor of the East Oregonian. At Rock Springs, Wyoming, N. B. Dresser called on him and made his stay pleasant.

    When he reached Chicago Mr. Herne was taken in hand by Warren Worth Bailey, Edward Osgood Brown and other sic of the Chicago Single Tax Club. Mr. Brown took him to a reception of the Iroquois Club, held in honor of some newly elected Congressmen. Mr. Herne was introduced to one of the newly elected, and the two were soon discussing the Single Tax. The Congressman-elect told Mr. Herne that the Single Tax was the only just tax; and that in time it would be adopted in this country—he was convinced of that. But at this time, continued the Congressman, it is not practical. It would never yield enough by itself to support the government, so we would have to wait awhile until we had found a method by which, in conjunction with the Single Tax, sufficient revenue could be raised. After delivering himself of this chunk of wisdom, tne Congressman-elect bowed and excused himself, and then Mr. Brown introduced Mr. Herne to another Congressman-elect, with whom he was again soon discussing the question. This second Congressman also agreed, as had his colleague, that the Single Tax was the ideal tax, but it was not practical, for the reason that it would yield so much more than was needed for the support of government that it would bring upon us an era of corruption such as had never been equalled in the history of the world. Mr. Herne said he looked around for the other Congressman. He wanted to bring the two together to hear them argue the matter out; but the first one had disappeared. The Chicago club gave Mr. Herne a sic, at which he recited “The Lion’s Paw.” He is delighted with his reception by our Chicago Single Tax friends.

    So it was, said Mr. Herne, wherever he went. In every town he was sure

    p. 15, col. 2 to receive the card of at least one of our friends, and in nearly every instance it contained in pencil the magical letters, “S. T.”

    Mr. Herne says the theatrical profession are examining the labor question now. The season has, as a rule, been bad, and the actors are seeking for the cause. A year or two ago they would have resented the imputation that they were laborers in the broad sense, their delusion being that as “artists” they were placed sc far above the laborer that there could be no bond of sympathy between them. But, since the matter has been pointed out to them, they see that where labor is idle, or is poorly paid, there the box office receipts are small. He had no doubt that even at this time the Single Tax cause had a large following in the theatrical profession. Another thing that impressed Mr. Herne was this: Two years ago managers absolutely refused to allow him to lecture from the stages of their theatres; on this trip he had only to ask, and the theatre was given freely.

    Mr. Herne intends to give a second lecture to the theatrical profession of this city as soon as his business arrangements will permit.

    NEW YORK CITY.

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    Despite the heavy rain of last Wednesday evening the rooms of the Manhattan Single Tax Club were crowded when Mr. Doblin introduced Mr. Thomas G. Shearman, who had been announced as the lecturer of the evening. Mr. Shearman’s subject was “Local Assessment Before the Single Tax.” He began his address by congratulating the Single Tax men of the country on the rapid progress of the movement. Organization of the Single Taxers into clubs was slow at present, he said, and work was being done by individuals and little circles. Our movement to-day, said Mr. Shearman, is in the same condition that the anti-slavery movement was just before it burst in full blaze upon the country. The people are giving our ideas their deepest thought: they are unsettled; and as a result organization is not progressing. Before long they will swarm to our ranks, and then tax after tax will be abolished until the Single Tax is reached.

    The work to be done now, in Mr. Shearman’s opinion, was in the direction of separate assessments of lands and buildings. When we had secured the passage of such a law by our Legislature, then we could bring to the front our claim that only the land values should be taxed. The abolishment of the tariff was now only a matter of a short time. Mr. Shearman said that the issue of tariff reform was dead, and could never be resurrected. The Democratic party in 1892 would have to go into the Presidential fight as a Free Trade party, so that, as far as that question was concerned, the fight would be fought for us.

    Coming to the subject which was uppermost in the minds of his hearers, Mr. Shearman gave it as his opinion that the club should discontinue the controversy started a short time ago with Mr. Coleman, the Tax Commissioner of this city. Mr. Coleman, he said, was trying to secure a measure of justice for this city. He had to stand against the combined political forces of the agricultural districts of this State, who sought to saddle the bulk of the tax burden on the shoulders of the people of this city. The values of this city were already taxed 20 to 25 per cent. higher than the country, and the burden of this increased taxation fell upon the shoulders of the poor, for the rich were able to evade them. The assessors throughout the State ignored the law in the matter of taxation, and thus found favor with their constituents.

    Considerable discussion followed at the close of Mr. Shearman’s address, which brought out clearly the lines on which he thought the Single Taxers of this State ought to work—namely, the agitation for the passage of a law for the separate assessment of lands and buildings; then the taxation of land values separate of improvements. Mr. Shearman is the member of the National Committee for this State, and he said that, if invited, he would lay out a plan of action on the lines set forth above.

    Sunday evening, February sic, Mr. William T. Croasdale will deliver the address.

    Fred. C. Keller.—At the last meeting of the Metropolitan Single Tax Association Mr. Cooke delivered his lecture on “Interest,” making a clear and comprehensive presentation of the theory of Mr. Flurscheim. Mr. Michael P. Cody will speak on “The Money Question” at our next meeting, Saturday, February 7, at 8 P. M.

    BROOKLYN.

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    Mrs. E. A. Deverall.—Twenty-five petitions. It has occurred to me, while reading an account of the amount of canal boats at present stopping in the Erie Basin, that it would be an excellent place in which to distribute Single Tax literature, particularly anything bearing plainly on the tariff question.

    NEW YORK STATE.

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    George Noyes, Albany.—At the last meeting of the Albany Single Tax Club the following officers were elected: President, F. W. Croake; vice-president, M. W. Norwalk; corresponding secretary, George Noyes; recording secretary, J. J. Murray; treasurer, M. J. Callaghan; to hold office for six months.

    Fielding Gower, Yonkers.—Seven petitions. Two are colored men, who loudly complain of the persecution of their race; but they do not think the Chinaman has any right to live in this country. Consistency is a jewel.

    S. M. Gay, West New Brighton, S. I.—Two petitions. My brother and I are taking renewed interest in the petition, now that a definite time for its presentation is before us.

    VERMONT.

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    G W. sic, Burlington.—Twenty-four petitions. I have a friend here who is Master Workman of a Knights of Labor assembly. He is a strong Single Taxer. He is getting a good many names, and expects to get a good many more. The people here do not enthuse much as yet, but prejudice has greatly lessened.

    MASSACHUSETTS.

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    Emily T. Turner, Boston.—Dr. W. Symington Brown, of Stoneham, delivered an able address on “The Cure of Innocent Poverty” before the Boston Single Tax League Snnday, January sic. In spite of the unpleasantness of the weather the attendance was good. The address was fol- continued on p. 16 →

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    ← continued from p. 15 lowed by a discussion of the Single Tax as a method. Mr. G. K. Anderson will speak for the league in the same hall, 616 Washington street, Sunday, February 8, at 2:45 P. M., subject: “The Gospel according to Horr.” Those who have heard this gentleman at other meetings are anticipating a literary treat.

    S. T., Boston.—William Lloyd Garrison read an interesting paper on “The Ethics of Taxation,” in a course of talks given by the Boston Young Men’s Christian Union, in Norcross Hall, last Thursday evening. An informal discussion of the paper followed its reading, in which the protectionist and socialist both “bobbed up serenely” with their antiquated objections to the Single Tax.

    At the meeting of Freight Handlers’ Assembly 5572 K. of L., on January 25, the recommendations made last week by State Master Workman Mellen, at the meeting of the State Assembly, as to ascertaining who owns the tenement houses of the city, struck a responsive chord in this assembly. A committee was appointed to gather statistics as to how many workingmen own their own homes in Boston and who owns the tenement houses. This committee will also inquire to what extent the suburban lands in and adjoining this city are held by land companies and individuals for speculative purposes.

    W. H. Hannaford, West Medford.—Fifty-one petitions. The majority were obtained by Mr. Jeremiah Ryan, of Woburn, who is an ardent worker for the Single Tax. We have lawyers, telegraph operators and newspaper men, in fact, all are intelligent, thinking men, and some of them are converts to the Single Tax. I am delighted by the reports of the progress of our principles in THE STANDARD. We must win, for we have truth and justice on our side.

    James E. Connell, Cambridgeport.—If the McKinley bill is getting its work in as well in New York as it is in this vicinity, we should be thankful. Business dull, reduction in wages general.

    S. T., Stoneham.—Dr. W. Symington Brown lectured on the Single Tax before our club at our last meeting.

    Mr. Edwin M. White has agreed to lecture here on Sunday, February 8, at 3 P. M. Our numbers are small, but we mean to keep up the agitation.

    RHODE ISLAND.

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    George D. Liddell, Providence.—The Evening Telegram of this city has shown by its attitude on questions of public concern in this community that its management is friendly to the people as against monopoly. This was shown most notably in its persistent opposition to the nefarious subway steal which it was attempted to push through the City Council last Summer, and the defeat of which was due entirely to this opposition. It has also been very liberal in the matter of space for the discussion, pro and con, of the Single Tax theory, and can be made an efficient medium for the propagation of our ideas if only our friends will awaken to the value of the opportunity offered, and utilize it to the fullest extent. Our club celebrated its second birthday on the evening of January 24 by a dinner at the Central Hotel. The Telegram says:

    Among the gentle dreamers were Dr. Wm. Barker, the well known Westminster street dentist, and president of the club; Dr. L. F. C. Garvin, the staunch and intrepid reformer on general principles; Representative E. L. Gannon, the labor champion; Mr. Robert Grieve, the gentleman who prevented the anti-Smith labor boom being worked for McNally during the last campaign; Mr. Jesse Fox, the enthusiastic reformer from Reformerville; Mr. B. B. Edmands, who ran for Mayor on the prohibition ticket last fall; Mr. John Francis Smith, who has a record for reform; Mr. E. C. Pierce, the silver-tongued lawyer, who bore away the long-distance oratorical honors last evening, talking for thirty-five minutes on a stretch for reform, and being mildly rebuked by the president when he sat down: Mr. Frank Beagan, who is said to be the only member of the club who has kissed the Blarney Stone: Mr. George D. Liddell, the earnest secretary of the club; Messrs. Philip Capelli, Louis Kranz, John Randolph, Dr. Thomas Smith of Valley Falls, C. B. Prior, Robert Bell of Ashton, Alexander Dawson, David Harrower of Wakefield, President Bartlett of the Nationalist Society and others.

    Dr. Barker presided, and Single Tax speeches were made by the presiding officer, Mr. John Francis Smith, Mr. Robert Grieve, Dr. L. F. C. Garvin, Mr. Louis Kranz, Mr. David Harrower and myself. Just before the close of the dinner Messrs. Prior, Grieve, Liddell, Randolph and Fox were appointed a committee to circulate Single Tax petitions and attend the Single Tax hearings before the legislative committee this Winter.

    NEW JERSEY.

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    S. T., Jersey City.—Our club has issued a circular to members of Building and Loan Associations showing the benefits to be derived by them through the Single Tax.

    PENNSYLVANIA.

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    “Uncle Tom,” Bryn Mawr.—Seven petitions. One is a telegraph operator, Republican, who signed to oblige you. Two, a school teacher, and three is sic brother, a former ex-Sheriff, and at present Justice of the Peace. To judge by the rapid (?) increase in the number of signers to the petition, it seems that the “Torpid Single Taxers” do not all live in Rhode Island. What are our workers doing? Where are all the women who were so anxious to do something? Why don’t they sail in and get signers while the petition is in circulation? Do they think the petition is going to be out until the last day of judgment, when we won’t have any use for a Single or any other sic.

    “Uncle Tom’s” Wife, Bryan sic.—Four petitions. Bad weather prevented me from going out, shall work and get more and pay up for lost time.

    J. M. Wilson, Cochranton.—Four petitions. I am indebted to Mr. Mark Ward, a recent convert, for two of them. I have assessed myself one cent per day for 1891 for the committee fund, not a very large amount; still if every Single Taxer did the same, it would make quite a respectable sum. Enclosed find amount for January, 31 cents.

    DELAWARE.

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    J. M. Dorney, Wilmington.—Thirteen petitions. They are mostly railroad mechanics.

    MARYLAND.

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    Wm. N. Hill, Baltimore.—The following gentlemen were chosen as

    p. 16, col. 2 officers of our club for the ensuing year: President, Wm. J. Ogden; vice-president, A. M. Sommers; recording secretary, Joseph W. Hozel; corresponding secretary, Dr. Wm. N. Hill; treasurer, David Wasserzug; financial secretary, John W. Jones. Messrs. Isaac A. Miller, W. D. Williams, A. S. Niles, Dr. E. B. Britton, Lewis Robinson and John Salmon, were selected to constitute, together with the aforesaid officers, the Executive Committee.

    GEORGIA.

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    F. Warden, Brunswick.—Since my last to you physical suffering and mental anxiety have put me hors de combat, and the last few weeks I have been the most inactive of Single Tax workers; but judging by reports in THE STANDARD, I am not the only one who has been laying low. But, perhaps, as the colored brethren put it, “we are laying back fer Spring,” It sic be remembered, however, that financial depression has been general, and the Single Tax cause has come in for its full share of the benefits of protection. I think the cheap edition of “Protection or Free Trade?” will be productive of much good, if its circulation is properly pushed. Owing to my crippled condition I have seen none willing to subscribe. No one cares to call on a sick stranger, so I must hunt up game as soon as able.

    TEXAS.

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    G. E. Hubbard, El Paso.—The members of our club will be assessed 25 cents a month for the support of the national committee.

    Will M. Buell, Baird.—Two petitions; one is from Paola, Kan., and was received through a letter, and a very interesting letter accompanied it; the other is a hardware merchant.

    J. F. Swinnerton, Dallas.—Single Tax ideas are becoming very prevalent. In conversation with the treasurer of a financial company the other day it developed that he was a Single Tax man. At a hotel not long ago conversation turned on Henry George, and when I declared myself a disciple, the whole party owned up severally, except one, and he was interested.

    R. B. Hollingsworth, Shiner.—Sixteen petitions. My material is about exhausted, as I have sent in the names of nearly everybody living in my vicinity that I could talk to, and a considerable number that I could not talk to.

    OHIO.

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    S. T., Springfield.—At the meeting of the Trades Assembly, held here January 28, W. A. Hance brought about a discussion of the Single Tax, which was participated in by nearly all the delegates present.

    James G. Hayden, Hemlock.—On January 24 the Single Tax Club of Hemlock was organized with the following officers: President, D. P. Sweeney; secretary, James G. Hayden.

    ILLINOIS.

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    Warren Worth Bailey, Chicago, January 30.—Another large audience was present last night to hear the address of Mr. H. E. Bartholomew, who had announced that he would tell why he believed in the Single Tax. He did not speak on this subject, but upon “Social Inequality,” and he handled it with great force and clearness. Mr. Bartholomew is one of our new members, and he promises to be a tower of strength to the cause, his ability as a thinker and speaker being of no mean order. In fact, he is a most pleasing orator and a thoroughly logical reasoner, with scholarly attainments that set off his natural powers in a very agreeable way. His address last night was received with genuine approval, and it was so suggestive that the discussion became unusually animated and unusually interesting, Mr. George Schilling, Mr. John Z. White and several others joining in it with decided vigor.

    The Single Tax Club has formally endorsed the Australian ballot bill prepared by the Chicago Ballot Reform League. This bill was prepared with great care, and we have reason to hope that the Legislature will adopt it.

    There is talk of a celebration of Jefferson’s birthday, under the auspices of our club, and it is believed that if the project is undertaken that it sic be carried to a successful issue. Judge Tuley has intimated that he will not decline an invitation to speak on such an occasion, and we more than half hope that Tom L. Johnson will pay us a visit about that time.

    Announcements: February 5, Leon Hornstein on “Reciprocity;” February 12, Edward Osgood Brown, on “The Abolition of Privilege;” February 19, Miss Leonora Beck, on “A Single Tax Woman” (a memorial of Kate Kennedy, of San sic,); February 26, William T. Kellett. Mr. Kellett has announced himself as “the friend of the millionaire,” and it is understood that he will undertake to show that poverty is due, not to a denial of man’s rights, but to individual thriftlessness.

    Edward H. Bailey, Bloomington.—As an evidence of the value and importance to the cause in placing Mr. George’s works in public libraries, I have to relate that to-day I called at the beautiful public library in this city, where I learned that “Progress and Poverty” was loaned. When I entered I asked the attendant, a lady whom I found to be very intelligent, if she could give me a printed list of the books in the library on political economy. She said she had no such list, and inquired if I wanted George’s works. “Have you ‘Progress and Poverty?’” I asked. “It belongs to our collection, but it is out now.” “Is it read much?” “O, yes; there are many applications for it. We very seldom have calls for any other political economies.” The lady went away and returning presently dumped four or five books before me. “These are all the books we have on political economy,” she said, “and they are seldom called for. Lawyers, preachers, teachers and students generally ask for ‘Progress and Poverty.’” The books she brought me were by Walker, Perry, Sumner and one or two others.

    The secretary of our Y. M. C. A. has started a popular free lecture course. The lectures are given weekly and are on practical subjects. The attendance is usually large. Mr. Wilson, the secretary, would be glad to give dates to any of our friends who will select appropriate subjects, such as Father Huntington would choose for such meetings. He urged me to see if Father Huntington could not be induced to deliver an address here some time during the next two or three months. “If he can be secured,” said Mr. Wilson, “we will get one of the big churches for him.” I do not continued on p. 17 →

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    ← continued from p. 16 know Father Huntington’s address, and have not yet written to him. I have been hoping that our friend, Billy Radcliffe, of Ohio, would blow this way and stir up the town. Some such worker is needed here. If any of our friends can accept Mr. Wilson’s offer, I hope they will communicate to me at once. We want some volunteers—somebody to help us get the ball rolling.

    J. H. Risdon, Elgin.—Twenty petitions.

    WISCONSIN.

    Martin Johnson, Milwaukee.—Pursuant to a call from Peter McGill, Wisconsin member of the National Single Tax Committee, a number of Milwaukee Single Tax men met at the Commercial Club rooms, on Grand avenue, October 16. Among those present were: Peter McGill, J. Leedom, H. L. Atkens, J. D. Droppers, Max Laue, Carl Aken, Eugene Lowe, H. Riley, D. Kidd, W. Westlake. Mr. McGill was assigned to the chair, and Mr. Leedom acted as secretary. Mr. McGill, in a brief address, then reviewed the history of Single Tax movement in Milwaukee. He declared that the time for more active propaganda was at hand, and alluding to the fact that while a constitution had been adopted at one of the meetings held by Milwaukee Single Tax men last Winter, but a partial sic had been effected. He strongly emphasized the necessity of prompt steps toward the formation of a permanent and more effective organization, and suggested in conclusion to that end the immediate election of officers and appointment of committees; the officers so sic to be considered temporary incumbents, should this, under the circumstances, be thought desirable. The constitution was then read, and an election of officers held, resulting in the election of L. B. Benton as president; H. L. Atkens, vice-president; Martin Johnson, secretary and treasurer; Carl Aken, E. Lowe and [Dr.?] Babcock, directors. A general conversation relative to the growth of the movement and the affairs of the League was indulged in, in the course of which Mr. Max Laue tendered the League the use of his room, No. 5 Gram Building, until permanent quarters could be secured. A number of signatures were added to the constitution.

    MISSOURI.

    T. J. Smith, St. Louis.—Seventeen petitions. I feel a deep interest in the cause and expect to do more and better work from this on. There appears to be a growing interest in the cause here, and I find little trouble getting signatures. I shall do my best in getting subscribers for “Protection or Free Trade?” and think I shall be able to make a pretty good showing.

    KANSAS.

    E. Z. Butcher, Solomon City.—Ten petitions, obtained at an Alliance meeting after speaking on the Single Tax. We are doing what we can to bring the new political economy before the people. Our club has three copies of “Progress and Poverty” on the rounds all the time, besides STANDARD and tracts. Mr. Beddick and myself will make a tour of the sub-alliances round about here, making the “Tax on Land Values” the subject of our addresses.

    J. L. Voorhes, Olathe.—Six petitions. I have been sick, and am not well yet, but improving, which accounts for the small number of petitions I have sent.

    COLORADO.

    J. W. Breutlinger, Pueblo.—The one hundred STANDARDS sent me arrived in good season for distribution at our “open meeting,” held on the 23d ult. We held it in the De Reemer Opera House, because, as I have before stated, the place of our regular meeting proved too small to accommodate the increasing number. We engaged the Opera House, which has a seating capacity of 1,200, not because we anticipated that number of people, but it was the best hall obtainable. You can, therefore, imagine our delight when, as the curtain arose, we looked out upon the upturned faces of 900 people, nine-tenths of whom were workingmen and voters. Not one-half that number were ever got together at any meeting during last year’s political campaign. We did the best we could with the opportunity afforded us, and believe our efforts were fully appreciated. The STANDARDS were eagerly accepted, and will no doubt prove as seed sown on ground prepared to receive and vitalize it. I only regret my inability to order two hundred more for distribution.

    Colorado seems a little backward in coming forward in reform movements; yet enough of the leaven has been injected into her legislative bodies to cause an effort to throw off some of the corrupt influences that have heretofore been paramount in our Assembly. The “gang,” as these corruptionists are termed, were checkmated before the end of the first week of the session by a combination of the reform Republicans and Democrats. The Speaker, a gangster, was “reduced to the ranks” and his committee appointments rejected, and new ones appointed by the majority of the House. The gang “persuaded” the Governor to submit the facts to the Colorado Supreme Court and request an opinion as to the authority of the majority to unseat the Speaker, pending which decision the majority and minority met at different times and sic from day to day without transacting any business. The decision, of course, when rendered, was in favor of the majority, and the minority were obliged to recognize the new Speaker and the right of the majority to rule. Such peace now exists between the opposing factions as occurs between armed foes, who only await a favorable opportunity to begin hostilities. But our side have the people back of them, and the power of the gang, which has so long plundered our State is, let us hope, forever gone. At our meeting strong resolutions commending the action of our representatives, and urging them to continue the fight until the gang was subdued, were adopted with the greatest enthusiasm.

    NEBRASKA.

    Edwin Welch, Omaha.—Twenty-six petitions, testimonies of the growing importance of labor reform in Nebraska—reform on the most approved line. These were mostly procured by C. W. Lockwood and John Hiles.

    George Boeck, Murray.—Enclosed find petitions. I am still working single-handed about these parts for the Single Tax, but think in course of time will have some co-workers with me. There are a good many who see

    p. 17, col. 2 the cat very plainly now. I am not discouraged, but feel like doing more and better work as I am able.

    MINNESOTA.

    A. M. Goodrich, Minneapolis.—Eight petitions. A bill to amend the State Constitution, so as to permit any city or county or the whole State, by popular vote, to abolish the tax on personal property or improvements, or both, is now in the hands of our friends in the Legislature, and the outlook for its passage is, at this writing, better than I had dared to hope.

    WYOMING.

    F. W. Williams, Sundance.—Enclosed find petitions to help along our cause. We are Farmers’ Alliance men out this way, and your Single Tax takes well; will send you in more petitions soon.

    SOUTH DAKOTA.

    W. E. Brokaw, Pennington.—Nearly every place I go I hear talk of taking the Single Tax up for discussion in their lyceums and debating societies. Every place I leave some few who are so well pleased that they propose to keep up the agitation. Everywhere men tell me I have struck the right plan, and say that if some one would canvass each State, it would not be long until we could adopt the Single Tax. I find the farmers kind and very accommodating—even “dyed in the wool” Republicans willingly hitch up and drive me from five to fifteen miles, or entertain me over night. Collections, so far, have more than paid my slight expenses. The weather has been the very finest—mostly clear and warm—no snow, or only occasionally a little—one night it rained. It’s been as pleasant as May.

    Isaac Howe, Redfield.—Eighteen petitions, all obtained in about ten minutes, after a short address I had been invited to make before an Alliance literary society on the question that all personal property should be exempt from taxation. The house was crowded. People came six and more miles to listen to the new gospel of taxation. As soon as the people come to understand the iniquity of the personal property tax it is doomed.

    CALIFORNIA.

    A. W. Kennedy, San Jose.—Eleven petitions. We are about getting up some meetings, and we are going to have Mr. Hoyt deliver two or three lectures for us. I think by doing so we can awaken a greater interest on the Single Tax and kindred subjects.

    CALIFORNIA.

    E. Hodkins, Oakland.—At the last meeting of the Oakland Single Tax Club the platform adopted at the National Conference was read and unanimously endorsed. The secretary was instructed to apply to the Secretary of the National League for enrollment. The work in this city is going ahead slowly but surely. Our members are mostly hard-working men, that have but little time to devote to the cause. At the last meeting it was decided to subscribe for 100 copies of the sic edition of “Pro- tection or Free Trade?”

    O. L. Long, San Jose.—Thirty-five petitions. If the Single Taxers throughout the country would now work for signers for one week I believe the roll could be brought up to 150,000. Even here in California men are beginning to recognize the fact that something is terribly wrong.

    CANADA.

    S. T., Kingston, Ont.—Major Edwards, our well known Single Tax advocate, recently appointed professor of artillery in the Royal Military College, has sic that he will oppose Sir John A. Macdonald here in the next Dominion election, and will make his campaign on the Single Tax platform.

    BRITISH COLUMBIA.

    W. A. Wilson, Vancouver.—I have much sic in laying before your readers some facts in connection with the progress of the Single Tax movement in British Columbia. The work that has been going on for some time past in Victoria, Vancouver, New Westminster and other towns throughout this Province has had very encouraging results, and we have abundant evidence to show that public opinion is being slowly, but none the less surely, moulded in our favor. This new country, like most others, has been and now is handicapped in its development by land grabbing and speculation. To such an extent had this evil become manifest that the Provincial Government last August withdrew all that remained of the pub- lic lands under its jurisdiction from sale, pending legislation on the subject. As several good Single Tax men have lately been elected to the Provincial Legislature, we hope that their influence, backed up by the pressure that will be brought to bear on the outside, will have the effect of procurring legislation in accord with our principles.

    In municipal matters, too, there is a steady movement towards the final abolition of taxing improvements. In the city of New Westminster a petition was presented to the City Council last week containing over four hundred signatures of the most influential citizens there, praying that body to enact a by-law exempting improvements from taxation. The indications are that the petitioners will be successful and score a victory. Victoria has also been moving in this direction, and Single Tax men there are active in spreading the light. They have a well-attended club, which has been a powerful factor in directing public attention to needful reforms, and that the Single Tax idea is not a mere “fad,” but has come to stay and grow up with the country.

    In Vancouver we have several out-and-out Single Taxers in the newly elected City Council, and some others more or less favorable to our views, so that we feel confident of good results to the city generally and the Single Tax cause in particular. Some of our ministers have been interesting themselves in the movement, and alluding to it in their sermons as being worthy of consideration: but, like some of your eastern professors, they are not anxious to accept its teachings and forsake the moss-covered fallacies concerning our social and economic conditions that have played their part so long in the world’s history. We believe, however, that their conversion, inwardly if not sic, is only a question of time.

    On the 10th inst. the Single Tax men of this province held a convention in Vancouver. Delegates attended from the principal cities and towns, continued on p. 18 →

    [continued on next page]

    Page 18 of 24contents

    p. 18, col. 1 [continued from page 17: BRITISH COLUMBIA. letter of W. A. Wilson]

    ← continued from p. 17 and altogether it was most successful in the results attained. An organization was formed to be known as the “British Columbia Tax Reform Association,” and the following officers were elected: David Evans, Vancouver, president; Alexander Hamilton, New Westminster, vice-president; W. A. Wilson, Vancouver, secretary, with an executive committee having one or more members in each city. The following platform and resolutions were adopted:

    We hold that all men born into the world have an equal right to life and the means of living. The earth is the only source from which the physical wants of mankind can be supplied. Therefore, man’s right to the use of the earth, the common gift of the Creator to the race, is the one essential condition of his existence. With a reasonable amount of labor the earth is capable of producing abundantly for the support of its population, and it becomes the duty of all citizens to use every reasonable effort to secure to capital and labor free access to the land which is the source of all wealth.

    To carry out these principles we are in favor of raising all revenues for governmental purposes by a direct tax on land values, irrespective of improvements.

    The adoption of this method of taxation would be an untold benefit to all classes of the community. It would stimulate industry, reward enterprise, and secure to every man a just and equitable return for his labor, and at the same time would render it unprofitable to hold valuable land for merely speculative purposes.

    With respect to monopolies other than the monopoly of land, we hold that where free competition becomes impossible, such monopolies are then a proper social function, and should be controlled and managed by and for the whole people concerned.

    The following resolutions were adopted:

    Resolved, That this Association would impress upon every voter in the Province who believes in the views advocated by Single Tax men, to take a careful interest in the matters discussed by the local Legislature, and especially the action taken thereon by their representatives in that body, in order that they may be prepared at the next Provincial election to select candidates who will work for the sic of laws in accord with the principles of the Single Tax.

    The following was also adopted:

    Resolved, That this conference hereby expresses its sense of the great obligations it is under to the leader of the Single Tax movement, Henry George, and it hopes that he may soon be restored to his usual health and vigor, and live long to carry on the high and noble work he has undertaken for the welfare of humanity.

    The conference adjourned to meet in Victoria on the second Saturday in January, 1892. Last Saturday we had a spirited debate in the City Market Hall on the Single Tax, in which delegates took part, and much interest was taken in both the convention and debate by the press and the general public.


    “PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?” FOR TEN CENTS.

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    The first 100,000 are being pushed as rapidly as possible, so that we hope to get them out before March 1st. All paid subscriptions have wrappers addressed and pinned to them on receipt. Unpaid subscriptions require more book-keeping, for which there is very little margin at ten cents after deducting the cost of printing, wrapping and mailing a book of over 200 pages. Wherever convenient, please remit by checks or drafts on New York or Chicago to the order of Henry George & Co. As my hands are pretty full at present, I am compelled to answer only such letters as absolutely require immediate responses, and must ask the indulgence of all other correspondents.

    Jos. Leggett, San Francisco, Cal.—I hope the edition will be 1,000,000. I believe this one of the best sic yet devised to spread the light of economic truth. A million copies sent out now will, I think, make certain a grand victory in 1892. The day of redemption draws near. Let us now give a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether.

    Ernest J. Foord, Chicago, Ill.—Enclosed is money order for thirty copies. More by February 1st. Many will be the hard-shell Protectionist that we will be enabled to “round up” through the seductive charms of “Protection or Free Trade?” It is a magnificent idea, and, I am sure, must win the praise and success its merit deserves.

    H. Martin Williams, Jefferson City, Missouri.—Enclosed find twenty-two subscriptions aggregating three hundred and fifteen copies, which I obtained to-day. Will get one thousand or so this week.

    Al. Pierson, Jacksonville, Ill.—Enclosed find money order for ten dollars in payment for a hundred copies. This special ten-cent edition is the best scheme of the times. Shall try to send order for another hundred this week.

    John M. Doyle, Denver, Col.—Send a hundred subscription blanks and I will try my best during compulsory loafing hours to have them filled. Make it a million.

    L. W. Hoch, Adrian, Mich.—Am now certain I can raise enough money for two thousand five hundred copies of “Protection or Free Trade?” so you may put me down for that amount.

    George H. Phelps, Denver, Col.—Three of us want to take five hundred copies and make a canvass of the city, selling what we can to cover the expense.

    F. A. Herwig, Chestnut Hill, Pa.—The Kensington Reform club has instructed me to subscribe for one thousand copies, five sic to be delivered so soon as printed and five hundred within six months.

    E. Z. Butcher, Solomon City, Kansas.—Put our club down for one hundred copies.

    J. W. Breutlinger, Pueblo, Col.—Herewith are subscriptions for fifty copies.

    H. G. Casey, secretary, Auburn, Maine.—I have been directed to subscribe for 100 copies for our club.

    U. C. Munch, Philadelphia.—Put me down for 100 additional copies. This is the best possible work for Free Traders. Let us all be book agents now, and put at least ten books each in circulation. This will insure Free Trade in ’92.

    D. Webster Groh, Boston, Mass.—Enclosed please find $1.10 for 11 subscriptions. Got them all during a five minutes recess of the Young Men’s Congress. Expect to get many more. I collect the 10 cents with subscription, to save further trouble, and send direct to you.

    J. K. Calkins, Chadron, Neb.—Enclosed find $9.90 for [99?] copies; 10 are my

    p. 18, col. 2 own, balance I raised around town. Was surprised to find how readily the Democratic brethren took to the idea. We will take a lot of them with us through the country addressing Farmers’ Alliances on Free Trade and the Single Tax.

    R. T. Snediker, Hartford, Kan.—Enclosed find $10 for 100 copies. You can’t get them here too quick. Plenty of sinners yet to educate.

    Al. Pierson, Jacksonville, Ill.—Find $5 enclosed in payment for fifty copies, making my total 150. Will send more about February 1. Wonders can be accomplished with this special edition.

    R. Scott, Whitman, Mass.—Every subscriber sure to be a convert.

    Edward Burgess, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.—Enclosed find $5 for fifty copies of “Protection or Free Trade?” to be distributed at your discretion. No more effective work can be done to demolish the fallacy of Protection than by the circulation of this book. If one million copies are circulated and read Protection will be in a very bad way.

    Denver P. Dayton, Helena, Mont.—Put me down for twenty-five copies. It is the most practical idea for the promulgation of Single Tax and Free Trade doctrine.

    For every ten cents received a copy of Henry George’s “Protection or Free Trade?” will be mailed, postage paid, either to the subscriber himself, to any name sent with subscription, or to one of the men (on the lists already sic us) most desirable and important to reach. All who subscribe or obtain sic for one hundred copies or more become thereby members of the “Hand-to-Hand Club,” who will issue this 500,000 edition. Blanks, circulars, etc., will be supplied freely on application to W. J. Atkinson, secretary, 42 University place, New York.


    PERSONAL.

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    William Lloyd Garrison has published an appeal for contributions for the suffering poor on the West coast of Ireland. He says that Miss Sturge, a daughter of Joseph Sturge, the Quaker philanthropist, of Birmingham, England, is now living among the starving people, and her descriptions of their pitiful condition have constrained him to try and help her in providing for them. The potato crop has failed, the people have no money to buy meal, and in the bitter cold weather they go about almost naked. Mr. Garrison says contributions may be sent to him at 132 Federal street, Boston, or direct to Miss Sturge, at Lettafrack, Galway, Ireland.

    * * *

    Hon. Chauncey F. Black is writing signed political articles from Washington for the New York World.

    * * *

    Governor Burke, of North Dakota, illustrates in his own career the possibilities that are open to American boys of the right sort. He was a New York street waif whom a children’s aid society sent West. He says: “If there are any men in the world for whom I have a profound respect they are men who are providing homes for the homeless little ones, and any time I can do anything for the waifs I want you to call on me.”

    * * *

    R. G. Brown has written a series of articles on “Wages and the Single Tax,” which are being published in the Memphis Unionist.

    * * *

    Edward Quincy Norton, of Mobile, Alabama, is carrying on quite an extended discussion on the Single Tax and tariff questions with John C. Freund, editor of the Music Trades, of this city.

    * * *

    Last week Miss Eva J. Turner, president of the Brooklyn Woman’s Single Tax Club, wrote a letter, which appeared in the Commercial Advertiser, in answer to an interview had by that paper with Miss Ida Van Etten, president of the Working Women’s Society of New York. Miss Van Etten desires the amelioration of the condition of working women, and proposes organization of labor as a remedy. Miss Turner asks Miss Van Etten to take the Single Tax into her calculations.


    HUNTING FOR A CURIOSITY.

    Joseph Dana Miller in Watertown Journal.

    The museum man is disconsolate; The Corsican girl is faded and worn; The Aloino sits in her lonely chair, Unseen, unheeded and quite forlorn: Some new excitements are needed now If the show is to linger through the Fall; The Zulu sighs in his painted skin, And the bearded lady begins to pall.

    And none regard the two-horned dog, And the great man monkey twirls his thumbs In an idle way, with a vacant smile, And a hideous leer from his toothless gums; The dear little female dwarfs go around, With none to eye them and none sic praise Alas! the museum reign is done And past, and fallen on evil days.

    And yet the museum man is out With tireless feet on his daily round, In search of a marvelous curio. Oh! where may the thing be found? He looks with heart that despairs, oh, me! And what does he seek as the days go by? ’Tis the man who pays his workmen more Than he would if the tariff were not so high.


    A TENDER PLANT.

    New York Herald.

    Carlisle Smith—How about that tin plate plant that you were going to erect—is it prospering?

    McKinley Jones—No. The plant was unfortunately nipped by the late financial frost.

    Page 19 of 24contents

    p. 19, col. 1

    “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.”

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    Story’s last statue, “A Christ,” is an original and beautiful conception. The dress is that of an Arab; the cetoneth, or under garment, rich and full, bound round the waist with a soft sash; and the meil, an upper one, a mantle, which was the seamless garment we read that our Lord wore. On the head is the kiftyeh or scarf, bound around by a fillet, which forms a visor-like framing above the brow; the ends of this kiftyeh fall over the shoulders and cover the long hair which you see under the shadow of its folds; this is the napkin, as the English translation of the Bible calls it, which was taken off, folded and laid beside our Lord in the grave. This costume is most effective, for it has the rich deep folds of the Oriental quadrangular mantle and is probably exactly like the dress our Saviour wore.

    Tae sic is that of a young man, tall, thin, but not emaciated. The right hand is extended, as if summoning you to approach. The left hand rests gently on the drapery of the breast. They are long, slender, refined, Oriental hands, modeled with feeling and delicacy. The face is singularly tender and noble; handsome, with flue sic and beautiful features. The eyes have a wonderful outlook, spiritual and as if they saw far beyond mortal gaze. The expression of the face is united to that of the outstretched, pleading, earnest hand. The words “Come unto me ye who are weary and heavy laden, and ye shall find rest,” seem to be uttered by the lips, and yet the intense sadness of the face is as if He had little hope that humanity would listen to the call.

    I sat some time the other afternoon looking at this impressive statue. “Ave Maria” sounded and the late afternoon shadows gathered into the studio. The half lights gave the figure of the young Messiah a striking likeness to life. I spoke, thinking aloud: “And so He may have looked.”

    “It ought to look like Him, for I have seen Him,” said the sculptor, quietly.

    I started, and turned to know if I had heard the words or had dreamed them.

    “Yes,” repeated Story, calmly, lighting a fresh cigarette; “yes, and I will tell you how it was. It happened when I was young—about twenty. I was going in the hourly,’ as the coach was called that ran in those days every hour between Boston and Cambridge, for it was long before the time of the omnibus and horse car. Of course I mean I dreamed I was in the coach. It was, as all dreams are, at once strange and prosaic. Soon after I got outside the coach, and we had started, I suddenly became aware that Christ was seated outside with the driver. My first impulse was to touch Him; so I leaned out and rested my hand on his garments—when I felt sure it was Christ! When the coach reached the half-way house at Cambridgeport every one got out, and Christ also. I did not, but sat looking upon Him as He walked to and fro. There were ordinary common people about, and the natural prosaic actions of such a place going on. I was aware that no one but myself saw that strange being in Oriental garments, moving with stately steps backward and forward in front of the busy little crowd which assembles at the half-way house when a stage arrives. But that did not seem strange to me, nor was I surprised at His dress, so unlike anything I had ever looked on, for at that time I was not familiar with the Arab costume; I simply thought: ‘There is Christ!’ and every sense in my body was alive.

    “Then came the bustle of starting and then the whole dream ended—the vision disappeared! For years and years that appearance has haunted me, and over and over again have I tried to give form and shape to that face and person, which I saw as plainly as I see you now.”—Roman Letter to Kansas City Times.

    I cannot image Him, as preachers tell us— The tender friend who wept with Mary’s tear— Enthroned on height supernal, and beholding, Afar, the issue of our conflict here.

    Nay, rather as the artist’s dreaming fancy Beheld Him journeying with the throng of men— Unseen companion of our wayside faring— I think he visits our sad earth again.

    Not where, from arch to arch, cathedrals echo The repetitions vain He scorned of old; Not where the wealthy and the titled worship, And dare to name Him shepherd of their fold;

    Not where the gilded throng of fashion gathers. Heedless of brother’s or of sister’s moan; Shining in robes of labor’s patient weaving— Spurning the hand of toil that fills their own;

    Not where proud Dives from His blazoned portal, Regards the wretches shivering at His door. And gives—to feed the hungry, clothe the naked— The crumbs of wastefulness from lavish store;

    But where in sordid garrets women shrivel, And weary feet the tireless treadle speed; Where even childhood’s hours must render tribute To never-ceasing, ever-desperate need.

    Where, in his cheerless home, the miner cowers (O God! that we should call such shelter home), And where the factory wheels, incessant turning. Are tended by each silent human gnome;

    Where the broad prairie, thro’ long days of summer, Withers from green to brown—a harvest sere; And the spent husbandman, in thoughts despairing. Counts the stern losses of the hopeless year:

    Wherever love, more strong than death, endureth; Where man for men can doom unfaltering meet; Wherever purity disdains dishonor, And want and woe their piteous tale repeat:

    Walks he not there?—the Man of Sorrows—marking Each bitter tear, each dumb unspoken grief? Oh, from of old, acquainted with earth’s anguish. Doth he not yearn to minister relief?

    Think you, that eye of tenderest compassion Flashes not with the woe denounced of yore? Are these not, then, his brethren!—whom, despising, Despoiling, ye pass by and heed no more.

    Have ye not closed your ears, lest ye should harken The deep, dread undertone that sinks and swells?

    p. 19, col. 2

    Soul, take thine ease; from age to age repeating. Misery’s monotone its plaining tells.

    The poor have always with us their abiding, ’Tis but the back-ground, where Fate’s artist hand Darkens the shadow, that with richer splendor May glow the marvel of the picture grand.

    Come, Art and Science! tell the wondrous story: Are we not gods who rule these latter days? Earth, hast thou ever yielded richer trophies, Or crowned thy conqueror’s brow with greener bays?

    O. Temple sic! of the great world’s building: Civilization! thou art History’s shrine! Yet, not one stone upon another standing, Was doom pronounced of old. Shall it be thine?

    San Luis Obispo, Cal., January 2, 1891.

    FRANCES M. MILNE.

    THE INDIANS AND THE LAND.

    Mr. Murray in New York World.

    With the Indians, land was the property of all. It was one of the original elementary gifts of the Creator to man, and hence the birth-right of every child born. It was grouped by them with air, sunshine, wind and rain. It was a wealth, a right, a property that no power could alienate from them. The earth under their feet on which they were born, in which were the graves of their sires and in which their dust would finally repose, was God’s gift to them and loved with a passionate devotion. Even war could not obliterate this primal right. No victorious tribe ever took the land from the conquered band. They might not take what the Great Spirit had bestowed. “Sell a country!” indignantly exclaimed Tecumseh, when protesting against the sale of land to the whites; “Why not sell the air, the clouds, the sea as well as the earth? Did not the Great Spirit make them for all his children?”

    SOME OF OUR SENATORIAL MATERIAL.

    Chicago Herald.

    Brilliant young Ed Wolcott, Senator from Colorado, sometimes plays poker. A few nights ago there was a little game of draw at Chamberlain’s, and Wolcott and McConnell, the latter the new Senator from Idaho, were in it. On one deal of the cards McConnell stood a $10 raise with a pair of deuces, held up an ace for a “sider,” drew two cards, both aces, and with a big ace full swept the board, after making a pat flush cost the Colorado statesman a nice little bit of money. “Beats all I ever saw,” said Wolcott, “and I will bet $50 even that in drawing for a Senatorial term McConnell gets the long term. No one can play against that sort of luck. McConnell, you could draw to a hairpin and get a lady.” Some one accepted the wager, and a short time afterward Senator Shoup happened to come in and sat down to take a hand. The cards hadn’t been dealt more than a half dozen times before Shoup came into a jack pot with three clubs, drew two cards, and made a big flush. “Great heavens,” said Wolcott, “you are luckier than McConnell. You could draw to a chew of tobacco and get a gold mine.” Then Wolcott went out and hedged on his $50 bet that McConnell would draw the long term in the Senate.

    DEMPSEY’S PERSONAL TAX BILL.

    Commercial Advertiser.

    Apparently the crude suggestions of Governor Hill in regard to the taxation of personal property are to uear sic in one last desperate attempt to collect a personal property tax in this State. Without bringing up the point that a local tax on personal property is the surest way to drive out of the State the industries needed for its prosperity, and without mentioning the utter failure that has attended past attempts at personal property taxation in this State and others; without referring to the perjury that such laws create, and the injustice of their effect in making the honest pay the taxes of the dishonest—it is only necessary to read Mr. Dempsey’s bill, as given in our columns recently, to see how inquisitorial and un-American must be any further effort to reach personal property by taxation. By its provisions every taxable citizen must furnish to the tax commissioners a complete list of all real and persoual sic owned by him, no matter where situated, all moneys loaned, invested, or deposited, and all credits due. And the penalty for failure to comply with the act is a fine of $1,000. Such a law as this would raise a storm of indignation in every business centre in the State. It would be an interference with private affairs that would drive thousands into the ranks of the Single Tax advocates.

    CANADIAN SINGLE TAXERS GOING INTO POLITICS.

    Hamilton, Ont., Times.

    Kingston Single Taxers may put a Henry George candidate in the field at the next Dominion election. They have called a meeting to consider the propriety of doing so.

    The Single Tax may be robbery or confiscation or anything else its opponents may call it, but the question has come to stay and public educators can no longer afford to ignore it. Not only so, they will have to study it, and that is just what the majority of its detractors has not done. The man who presumes to publicly discuss the question without first reading “Progress and Poverty” will not add to his reputation for wisdom.

    THE EXTREMES HAVE MET.

    St. Louis Republic.

    The victory of the Farmers’ Alliance in Kansas is an event of far-reaching importance. Kansas has been to the Republican party what South Carolina has been to the Democratic. In the defeat of Hampton and Ingalls the extremes have met, and that on what will be a new basis for national politics.

    Page 20 of 24contents

    20 THE STANDARD. VOL., IX., 100.

    p. 20, col. 1

    A SERIES OF JOKES.

    Commercial Advertiser.

    Captain Codman would have been a little more than human if, when Mr. F. B. Thurber engaged him in a personal controversy in regard to the merits of Mr. H. K. Thurber, he had refrained from recalling an episode of somewhat ancient date, but all the more impressive for that. It seems that Mr sic—that is Mr. H. K. Thurber—once wrote for publication a letter in which he said that Captain Codman was “known as the paid promoter of foreign steamship interests.” Thereupon he received a polite note asking for his sources of information. His answer was as follows:

    In regard to the letter in the Press, that, of course, I assume the whole responsibility of: and, in relation to my statement of you being the paid agent of foreign steamship companies, I would ask your indulgence for a few days, in order to answer your question, and, if I am wrong, will frankly acknowledge the same.

    Captain Codman’s reply was: “Certainly; take all the time you need, and let me know the result of your inquiries.” This was in the month of November, 1889; and from that day to this Mr. Thurber has neither verified, nor explained, nor apologized for his libelous statement. Our readers need not be told that in the discussion of the subsidy question, now rashly undertaken by Mr. F. B. Thurber, Captain Codman is so immensely superior to his opponent that the argument current in THE STANDARD has already become a series of jokes at the expense of the brothers Thurber. They are now in the position of the man who didn’t know it was loaded.

    A COMFORTABLE CREED, FOR SOME.

    Ambrose Bierce in San Francisco Examiner.

    Not one in a hundred of those most swift to condemn Mr. George and his convictions know anything at all of the man or his works. I know dozens of educated and able men (that is to say, able to think about bracing their backs against a stone wall) who believe that he is an Anarchist, that an Anarchist is a Communist, a Communist a Nihilist, and a Nihilist a Socialist. The general feeling among “men of affairs” is that all these are the same, and that all are strenuously endeavoring to deprive others of their property. They feel that it is their sacred duty (and by a happy accident, greatly to their interest) to maintain “the established order of things”—that is to say. the sic of things under which they have succeeded in wresting from their neighbors more than their neighbors have succeeded in wresting from them. The luckiest or most skillful pickpocket is naturally the loudest in praise of the regime of picking pockets, the sincerest in believing it ordained of God and the only possible solution of the problem how to be safe in a crowd.

    A BILL HE UNDERSTANDS.

    Puck.

    Republican Workman (in November, reading the election returns)—It’s a shame! They beat us by lying! The McKinley bill is all right!

    Republican Workman (in January, reading his store bill)—Thunder and guns! Everything is way up! That darned McKinley gang ought to be kicked!

    THE PRESIDENT DOUBTS PENNSYLVANIA.

    New York Post.

    The touch of humor which the situation needed is supplied by a Harrisburg despatch to the Philadelphia Press. It appears that two Republican members of the Pennsylvania Senate wanted to see the President about a matter of “business”—that is to say, patronage—and reached the White House shortly after Mr. Cameron had voted against the Force bill. What followed is thus told by the correspondent:

    They sent in their cards and were ushered into the President’s presence. The latter met the pair with a degree of frigidity that startled them.

    “Am I to understand, gentlemen,” asked the President, “that Pennsylvania is still a Republican State?”

    The gentleman from the Juniata Valley and the Senator from Huntingdon were speechless for an instant, and then, before they could offer any explanation, or condone the disgrace which had befallen their State, Mr. Harrison remarked that he was very busy, and, excusing himself, left them to return as they came.

    The picture of Benjamin Harrison as Mrs. Partington, trying with his patronage broom to sweep back the rising tide of public sentiment against sectional legislation, is extremely amusing.

    REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION.

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    The admirable address on the Single Tax, delivered by J. T. Ripley before the Unity Club, Oak Park, Ill., has been issued in pamphlet form. A striking passage in the address reads as follows:

    It is sometimes urged that the Single Tax is too simple a measure to apply to the complicated phenomena of our industrial life in the hope of securing any considerable reform; but if it be simple it will not be denied that it is at the same time fundamental in that it begins at the bottom of the social pyramid, and radical, in that it goes direct to the root of industrial evils. The invention of the sewing machine turned upon so simple a thing as the putting the eye in the point of the needle instead of its head, and until this simple device was adopted all of the rest of the machine which Elias Howe had invented was useless; in floating logs down the small streams from the pineries, it sometimes happens that a single log will lodge across the stream and a jam results in which hundreds of logs are piled one upon another in inextricable confusion; the trained lumbermen go to work at once to get at the log which first lodged, or the key log, and when this is released the jam is quickly removed and the logs again move freely; so, when the stream of production and exchange is obstructed and clogged, relief can be had by removing the prime obstacle, namely, the locking up of the reservoir from which flows all wealth, and the stream will then flow on full to its banks.

    LOBBY INSOLENCE.

    Boston Globe.

    Some of the shipping-bill lobbyists in Washington have threatened certain members of Congress that if they cast their votes against the bill they (the lobbyists) will boodlerize their districts, and endeavor to defeat them for re-election to the fifty-third Congress. There is an old-fashioned idea that this is a government of the people. But a new notion seems to be gaining ground that it is a government of the lobby, for the lobby, and by the lobby. There is an opportunity for a man like Governor Russell in Washington.

    THE QUESTION WAS RESPECTFULLY REFERRED.

    Epoch.

    Good Minister: “Your little son asked me what the McKinley bill was. He said he asked you and you referred him to me. Why don’t you explain the bill to the little fellow yourself?” Deacon De Good: “I was afraid I couldn’t without swearing.”

    p. 20, col. 3

    SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES.

    LIST OF ORGANIZATIONS THAT HAVE ADOPTED THE DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES MADE BY NATIONAL CONFERENCE AT NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER 3, 1890.

    (Secretaries of clubs are requested to send corrections, notices of the formation of new clubs or of requests for the enrollment of existing clubs to Geo. St. John Leavens, Secretary of the National Committee, at No. 42 University place, New York.

    ARKANSAS.

    LITTLE ROCK.—Single tax club. Every alternate Thursday evening, 717 Main st. Pres., Sol. F. Clark; sec., Theo. Hartman.

    CALIFORNIA.

    LOS ANGELES.—Single tax club. Pres., Clarence A. Miller; sec., S. Byron Welcome, 301 Macy st.

    OAKLAND.—Oakland single tax club. Pres., A. J Gregg sec., E. Hodkins, sic 7th st..

    COLORADO.

    DENVER.—Denver single tax club. Every Thursday evening, 303 16th st. Free reading room open every day, [9?] a. m. to [9?] p. m. Pres., G. H, Phelps; sec. H. C. sic, 303 16th st.

    DELAWARE.

    WILMINGTON.—Single tax association. Pres., Geo. W. Kreer; sec., Frank L. Reardon.

    GEORGIA.

    ATLANTA, GA.—Atlanta single tax club No. 1. Pres., J. M. Beath; sec., J. Henley Smith, 12 W. Alabama st.

    ILLINOIS.

    CHICAGO.—Chicago single tax club. Every Thursday evening, club room 4, Grand Pacific Hotel. Pres., Warren Worth Bailey; sec., F. W. Irwin, 217 La Salle st., room 835.

    QUINCY.—Gem City single tax club. Meets every Sunday afternoon, 3 p. m., room 4, second floor, n. e. cor. 5th and Hampshire sts. Pres., C. F. Perry; cor. sec. Duke Schroer, 524 York st.

    INDIANA.

    INDIANAPOLIS.—Single tax league. Pres., Thos. J. Hudson; sec., Chas. [H.?] Krause. Every Sunday, 2:30 p. m., [Mansur?] Hall, cor. Washington and Alabama sts, room [12?].

    p. 20, col. 4 RICHMOND.—Single tax club. Pres., C. S. Schneider, 105 South 3d st.; sec., M. Richie, 913 South A st.

    IOWA.

    sic —Burlington single tax club. First Saturday of each month, 805 North 5th st. Pres., Wilbur, sic, 920 Hedge av; sec. sic., Frank S. Churchill.

    KENTUCKY.

    sic —Progress single tax club. Open every evening, 504 West Jefferson st. Business meetings Friday. Pres, Christ. sic; sec., W. W. Daniel, 803 Franklin st.

    LOUISIANA.

    NEW ORLEANS.—Louisiana single tax club. Meets first and third Thursday night at 8 p. m. at 131 Poydras st. Pres., Jas. Middleton; sec., G. W. Roberts, 326 Thalia st.

    MAINE.

    AUBURN.—Auburn single tax club. Saturday evenings, room 3, Phœnix block, Main st.; reading-room open every evening. Pres., Thomas Marsden; sec., W. E. Jackson, 122 7th st.

    MARYLAND.

    BALTIMORE.—Single tax league of Maryland. Every Monday at 8 p. m., in hall 506 East Baltimore st.; Pres., Wm. J. Ogden, 5 North Carey st.; rec. sec., J. W. Hazel, 28 S. Broadway; cor. sec., Dr. Wm. N. Hill, 1438 E. Baltimore st.

    Baltimore single tax society. Every Sunday afternoon, 3 p. m., at Industrial Hall, 316 W. Lombard st. Pres., Jas. T. Kelly; sec., W. H. Kelly, 739 W. Franklin st.

    MASSACHUSETTS.

    STATE.—Massachusetts single tax league. Pres., William Lloyd Garrison; sec., E. H. Underhill, 45 Kilby st., Boston; treas., George Cox, Jr., 72 High st., Boston.

    BOSTON —Single tax league. Public meetings second and fourth Sundays of each month, at 2:30 p. m., at G. A. R. Hall, 616 Washington st. Pres., Edwin M. White; sec. Emily T. sic, 5 Cambridge st.

    DORCHESTER —Single tax club. Meetings first Tuesday of each month at Field’s building, Field’s corner. Pres., Edward Frost; sec., John Adams, Field’s building, Field’s corner.

    MALDEN.—Single tax club. Pres., Geo. W. Cox; sec., Edwin T. Clark, 100 Tremont st.

    NEPONSET.—Single tax league. Sec., Q. A. Lothrop, Wood st sic, Neponset.

    ROXBURY.—Single tax club. Pres., J. R. [Carrett?], [30?] Court st., Boston; sec., Henry C. [Romaine?], [869?] Tremont st.

    p. 20, col. 5 WORCESTER.—Worcester single tax club. Meetings first Thursday of month, at Reform club hall, 98 Front st. Pres., Thomas J. Hastings; sec., E. K. Page, Lake View, Worcester.

    MINNESOTA.

    MINNEAPOLIS.—Minneapolis single tax league. Every Monday evening, at the West Hotel. Pres., C. J. Buell, 402 W. Franklin av.; sec., Oliver, T. sic, 2203 Lyndale av., N.

    ST. PAUL.—Pres., H. C. McCartey; sec., Geo. C. Madison, 389 E. 7th st. Second and fourth Tuesdays at 41 W. 4th sic,

    MISSOURI.

    HERMANN.—Single tax committee. Pres., R. H. Hasenritter; sec., Dr. H. A. Hibbard.

    KANSAS CITY.—Single tax club. First Sunday of the month, at 3 p. m., at Bacon Lodge Hall, 1204 and 1206 Walnut st. Pres., Charles E. Reid; sec., R. F. Young, Signal Service office.

    ST. LOUIS.—St. Louis single tax club. Tuesday evenings at 307½ Pine st., third floor; business meetings first Monday of each month. Rooms open every evening. Pupiic sic first and third Thursday of each month at Bowman’s Hall, 11th and Locust sts. Pres., H. H. Hoffman; sec., J. W. Steele, 2738 Gamble st.

    NEW JERSEY.

    CAMDEN.—Single tax club. Meets every Saturday evening at Filton hall, n. e. cor. Second and Filton sts. Pres., M. J. Flynn; sec., Wm. M. Callingham, 580 Lind st.

    JANVIER.—Janvier single tax and ballot reform club. Alternate Thursday evenings, Janvier hall. Pres., W. J sic; sec., Sydney B. Walsh.

    JERSEY CITY.—Standard single tax club. Meets first and third Thursday of each month at Assembly Rooms, 642 Newark av. Pres., Jas. McGregor; sec., Joseph Dana Miller, 223 Grand st.

    PLAINFIELD.—Single tax club. Pres., John L. Anderson; sec., J. H. McCullough, 7 Pond place.

    NEWARK.—Single tax and free trade club. Pres., C. B. Rathburn; sec., M. T. Gaffney, 211 Plane st.

    PATERSON.—Passaic Co. single tax club. Pres., E. W. Nellis; sec., John A. Craig, 192 Hamburg av. Meetings every Thursday evening at 169 Market st.

    VINELAND.—Vinelaud single sic and ballot reform club. Pres., Rev. Adolph Roeder; sec., Wm. P. Nichols, box 924.

    WASHINGTON.—Warren county land and labor club. Pres., A. W. Davis, Oxford; sec., John Morison, box 272, Washington. continued on p. 21 →

    Page 21 of 24contents

    p. 21, col. 1

    NEW YORK.

    NEW YORK.—Manhattan single tax club. Business meeting first Thursday of each month at 8 p. m.: other Thursdays, social and propaganda. Club rooms, 73 Lexington av.; open every day from 6 p. m. to 12 p. m. Pres., Louis F. Post; sec., A. J. Steers.

    Metropolitan single tax association. First and third Saturday evenings of each month, 490 8th av. Pres., John H. O’Connell; sec., Fred. C. Keller.

    BROOKLYN.—Brooklyn single tax club. Business meetings Wednesday evenings; club house, 198 Livingston st.; open at all hours. Pres., Robert Baker; cor. sec. G. W. Thompson, 9 St. Marks av.

    East Brooklyn single tax club. Meetings every Monday evening, 408 Evergreen av. Pres., James Hamilton; sec., Jas. B. Connell, 448 Central av.

    Eastern District single tax club. Meetings first and third Mondays, 284 Broadway. Pres., Joseph McGuinness, 188 S. 9th st., South Brooklyn; sec., Emily A Deverall.

    Eighteenth ward single tax club. Every Thursday at 8 p. m. at 253 Evergreen av. Pres., J. J. Faulkner; sec., Adolph Pettenkofer, 253 Evergreen av.

    ALBANY.—Albany single tax club. Meetings Sunday, 7.30 p. m., Beaver-Block, cor. Pearl and Norton sts. Pres., F. W. Croake; cor. sec., Geo. Noyes.

    OSWEGO.—Pioneer single tax club. Pres., James Ryan sic., James C. Murray.

    OWEGO.—Single tax club. Pres., Michael J. Murray; sec., Wm. Minehaw, 50 West Main st.

    LONG ISLAND CITY.—Freedom association meets evening of every fourth Friday of the month at Schwalenberg’s hall, corner Vernon and Borden avs. Sec., T. G. Drake, 215 Kouwenhoven st.

    TROY.—Single tax club. Meetings every Thursday evening at 5[7?]6 River st; Pres., Henry Sterling: sec., B. B. sic, 576 River st.

    OHIO.

    CLEVELAND.—Central single tax club. First and third Wednesday evenings, 8 p. m.; rooms, 301 and 302 Arcade, Euclid av. Pres., Tom L. Johnson; sec., L. E. Siemon, 7 Greenwood st.

    p. 21, col. 2

    DAYTON.—Free land club. Pres., J. G. Galloway; sec. W. W. Kile, 108 East 5th st.

    GALION.—Galion single tax club. Every Monday evening, residence of P. [J.?] Snay, 103 South Union st. Pres., P. J. Snay; sec., Maud E. sic,

    HEMLOCK.—Single tax club. Pres., D. P. Sweeny; sec James G. Hayden.

    YOUNGSTOWN.—Every Thursday evening, Ivorites hall. Pres., Billy Radcliffe; sec., A. C. Hughes, 13 Public sq.

    ZANESVILLE.—Single tax club. Pres., W. H. Longheed sec., Wm. Quigley.

    PENNSYLVANIA.

    BRADFORD.—Single tax club. Hevenor’s hall, 41 Main st. Meetings for discussion every Sunday at 3.30 p. m.

    GERMANTOWN.—Single tax club. Sec. E. D. Burleigh, 13 Willow av.

    JOHNSTOWN.—Henry George club. Meets every Monday evening for public discussion. Pres[.,?] A J. Moxham; sec., S. E. Clarkson.

    PHILADELPHIA.—Single tax society of Philadelphia, every Thursday, 8 p. m., 1341 Arch st.; cor. sec., A. H. Stephenson, 214 Chestnut st.

    PITTSBURG.—Pittsburg single tax club. Meets every first and third Sunday evening at 7.30, 64 4th av. Pres., Edm. Yardley; sec. Mark F. Roberts, 140 South 24th st.

    POTTSTOWN.—Single tax club. Meetings first and third Friday evenings each month in Weitzenkorn’s hall. Pres., D. L. Haws; sec., Geo. Auchy, Pottstown, Pa.

    READING.—Reading single tax society. Monday evenings, 728 Penn st. Pres., Chas. S. Prizer; sec., Wm. H. McKinney, Mineral Spring road and Clymer st.

    SOUTH DAKOTA.

    STATE.—South Dakota single tax association. Pres., Judge Levi McGee, of Rapid City; sec., John B. Hanten, Watertown.

    WATERTOWN.—Single tax club. Pres. Jno. B. sic; sec., L. E. Brickell. Meetings every Wednesday night in basement Granite block.

    TENNESSEE.

    MEMPHIS.—Memobis single tax sic. Pres., J. S sic; sec., R. G. Brown, Appeal building.

    TEXAS.

    EL PASO.—Single tax club. Meetings every Saturday evening, 200½ El Paso st. Pres., G. E. Hubbard; sec., Rev. G. H. Higgins.

    HOUSTON.—Houston single tax club. Meetings every Tuesday evening, 7.30, Franklin st. Pres., E. P. Alsbury; sec., E. W. Brown.

    WISCONSIN.

    MILWAUKEE.—Milwaukee single tax league. Pres., L. B. [Benton?]; sec. treas., Martin Johnson.

    p. 21, col. 3

    THE SINGLE TAX PLATFORM.

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    ADOPTED BY THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES AT COOPER UNION, NEW YORK, SEPT. 3, 1890.

    We assert as our fundamental principle the self-evident truth enunciated in the Declaration of American Independence, that all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.

    We hold that all men are equally entitled to the use and enjoyment of what God has created and of what is gained by the general growth and improvement of the community of which they are a part. Therefore, no one should be permitted to hold natural opportunities without a fair return to all for any special privilege thus accorded to him, and that value which the growth and improvement of the community attach to land should be taken for the use of the community.

    We hold that each man is entitled to all that his labor produces. Therefore no tax should be levied on the products of labor.

    [Advertisement] The Single Tax Library.

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    (Entered at Post Office, New York, as second-class mail matter.)

    A Set of Tracts (exclusive of Books), from Nos. 1 to 36, will be sent for 40 cents. The price will increase with the addition of new Tracts.

    Cents.

    1. A Syllabus of Progress and Poverty. Louis F. Post. 8 pages …. 3
    2. Out of print.
    3. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages …. 2
    4. The Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pages …. 2
    5. Farmers and the Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 Pages …. 3
    6. The Canons of Taxation. Henry George. 4 pages …. 2
    7. A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms. Samuel B. Clark. 16 pages …. 4
    8. Out of print
    9. The Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages. …. 3
    10. The American Farmer. Henry George. 4 pages …. 2
    11. Unemployed Labor. Henry George. 4 pages …. 2
    12. The Case Plairly sic. H. F. Ring. 8 pages …. 3
    13. Social Problems 342 sic. 12mo. Paper …. 35
    14. Objections to the Land Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages …. 2
    15. Land Taxation. A Conversation Between David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages …. 2
    16. How to Increase Profits. A. J. Steers. 2 pages …. 1
    17. The New Political Economy. E. O. Brown. 4 pages …. 2
    18. Thy Kingdom Come. Henry George. 4 pages. …. 2
    19. The Functions of Government Henry George. 8 pages …. 3
    20. The Menace of Plutocracy. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages …. 3
    21. Tenement House Morality. J. O. S. Huntington. 4 pages …. 2 22, 23, 24, out of print.
    22. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. 8 pages …. 3 26 Henry George’s Mistakes. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages …. 3
    23. The Democratic Principle. Henry George 8 pages …. 3
    24. Progress and Poverty. Henry George. 512 pages …. 35
    25. Out of print.
    26. Property in Land. Henry George. 77 pages …. 15 31 and 32. out of print.
    27. Out of print
    28. Single Tax Platform. By Henry George. 2 pages …. 1
    29. Justice the Object—Taxation the Means. Henry George. 8 pages …. 3
    30. Out of print.

    PRICES OF SINGLE TAX LIBRARY:

    Two-page Tracts—1 copy, 1 cent; 40 copies. 10 cents; 100 copies, 20 cents; 1,000 copies, $1.50. Four-page Tracts—1 copy, 2 cents; 20 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 40 cents; 1,000 copies, $3.00. Eight-page Tracts—1 copy, 3 cents; 10 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 80 cents; 1,000 copies, $6.00. Sixteen-page Tracts—1 copy, 4 cents; 5 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, $1.60; 1,000 copies, $12.00. No extra charge by mail.

    The following numbers of the “Land and Labor Library” are still in stock:

    1. Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
    2. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
    3. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington. 4 pp. [38?]. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages. [34?]. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages. [36?]. Jefferson and Hamilton. Chauncey F. Black. 8 pages.

    GERMAN TRACTS.

    1. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
    2. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
    3. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. 8 pages.
    4. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer, Henry, Ill. 4 pages.
    5. Sailors’ Snug Harbor. Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.

    SWEDISH TRACTS.

    1. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.

    TARIFF TRACTS.

    A Set of Tariff Tracts will be sent to any address for 10 cents.

    1. Protection as a Universal Need. Henry George. 4 pages.
    2. The Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages.
    3. American Protection and British Free Trade. Henry George. 4 pages
    4. Protection and Wages. Henry George. 8 pages.
    5. The Common Sense of the Tariff Question. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages
    6. Protection the Friend of Labor? Thomas G. sic. 8 pages. 75 A Short Tariff History. Thomas G. Shearman. 2 pages.
    7. Plain Talk to Protectionists. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.

    Address

    THE STANDARD, 42 University Place, New York City.

    Page 22 of 24contents

    p. 22, col. 1

    [Advertisement] Pears’ Soap

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    Pears’ Soap, established over 100 years has, from the World’s first great Exhibition in 1851 down to its last in Edinburgh, 1890, in every instance obtained the highest Medals and Diplomas at the disposal of the Judges. A series of achievements without precedent amongst exhibitors of any class of goods whatever. Of these awards, A. & F. Pears hold no fewer than twenty.

    [Advertisement] The Single Tax of Hygiene.

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    A SICK MAN

    can be cured of almost any disease by removing restrictions upon the free operation of natural laws.

    METHUSALEH

    made a record for longevity, probably because he maintained conditions which conduce to health.

    VIGOR

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    Send for sample copy.

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    [Advertisement] Henry George & Co., Publishers

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    HENRY GEORGE & CO.,

    PUBLISHERS,

    42 University Place, New York City.

    PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?

    An examination of the Tariff question, with especial regard to the interests of labor. By Henry George. Half calf or half morocco, [$3.00?]; cloth, $1.50, paper covers, 35 cents.

    Written with a clearness, a vigor and a terseness that at once attract.—Philadelphia Record.

    Whatever may be Henry George’s defects as an author he never writes a dull book.—Home Weekly.

    The fullest and clearest presentation of a much disputed subject yet made.—Kansas City Times.

    An argument of great ingenuity and power, logically worked out and attractively formulated.—Chicago Times.

    Another great book, written in that clear, eloquent, analytical style that made fame for “Progress and Poverty.” The most thorough investigation of the subject that has yet been put into type.—New York News.

    PROGRESS AND POVERTY.—An inquiry into the cause of industrial depression and of increase of want with increase of wealth. The remedy. By Henry George. 512 pages. Half calf or half morocco, $3; cloth, $1.50; paper covers, 35 cents.

    SOCIAL PROBLEMS.—By Henry George 342 pages. Half calf or half morocco, sic; cloth, $1.00; paper covers, 35 cents.

    THE LAND QUESTION.—What it involves and how alone it can be settled. By Henry George. 87 pages. Paper covers, 20 cents.

    PROPERTY IN LAND.—A Passage-at-Arms between the Duke of Argyll and Henry George. 77 pages. Paper covers, 15 cents.

    SETS OF THREE.—“Progress and Poverty,” “Social Problems,” “Protection or Free Trade?” bound alike, in half calf or half morocco, $7.50.

    HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES.

    FORTSCHRITT UND ARMUTH.—(Progress and Poverty in German.) Translation of C. D. F. Gutschow. 430 pages. Paper covers, 35 cents.

    PROGRES ET PAUVRETE.—(“Progress and Poverty” in French.) Translation of P. LeMonnier. 512 pages. Paper covers, $2.75.

    PROTECTION OU sic!—(“Protection or Free Trade?” in French.) Translation of Louis Vossion. 436 pages. Paper covers, $2.75.

    PROGRESSO E POVERTA.—(“Progress and Poverty” in Italian.) Translation of Ludovico Eusebio. 352 pages. Paper covers, $2,50.

    ECONOMIC WORKS.

    By way of answering inquiries constantly received, we append a list of some economic and social works of various kinds, with prices, at which they will be forwarded post-paid. Any work not mentioned, procurable in New York, will be sent on receipt of publisher’s price.

    HENRY GEORGE OG HANS SOCIAL PROGRAM.—(“Henry George and His Social Programme,” in Danish, by Fernando Linderberg.) 147 pages. Paper covers. Sent to any address on receipt of 50 cents.

    THE HISTORY OF THE FREE TRADE MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND.—By Augustus Mongredien. 16mo. Cloth, 50 cents.

    POSTULATES OF ENGLISH POLITICAL ECONOMY.—By Walter Bagehot. Cloth, $1.

    AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND CAUSES OF THE WEALTH OF NATIONS.—By Adam Smith. Edited by Thorold Rogers. $1.50

    THE TARIFF HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.—Containing “Protection to Young Industries” and “The History of the Present Tariff, 1860-1883.” By F. W. Taussig. 8vo. Cloth, $1.25.

    WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.—The story of his life. Told by his children. 4 Volumes. Cloth, $12.

    ESSAYS ON POLITICAL ECONOMY.—By Frederick Bastiat. 12mo. Cloth, $1.25.

    THE SINGLE TAX DISCUSSION—HELD AT SARATOGA, SEPTEMBER 5TH, 1890.—Reported for the American Social Science Association, and edited by F. B. Sanborn. 127 pages. Paper, 50 cents.

    SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION.—With preface by Horace White. By Frederick Bastiat. 12mo. Cloth, $1.

    HISTORY OF POLITICAL sic IN EUROPE.—By Jerome Adolphe Blanqui. 8vo. Cloth, $3.

    UNDER THE WHEEL.—A play by Hamlin Garland. Price, 25 cents, post paid; five or more to one address, 20 cents each.

    WANT AND WEALTH —A discussion of some economic dangers of the day. By Edward J. Shriver. Paper covers, 25 cents.

    WORK AND WAGES.—By Thomas Brassey. 16mo. Cloth, $1.

    THE GEORGE-HEWITT CAMPAIGN.—An account of the New York municipal election of 1886, containing Henry George’s speeches and the famous correspondence with Mr. Hewitt. Paper covers, 193 pages, 20 cents.

    THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM, as embodied in the legislation of various countries. By J. H. Wigmore. Cloth, $1.50.

    SIMULTANEOUS FRENCH GRAMMAR.—A new and inductive method of teaching the French language, By Robert sic. 176 pages. Cloth, 75 cents.

    Any of the above Books will be sent, POST-PAID, on receipt of price.

    HENRY GEORGE & CO.,

    42 University Place, New York City.

    Page 23 of 24contents

    p. 23, col. 1

    [Page 23 of the scan is the front cover (contents and advertising wrapper) of the following number, Vol. IX., No. 6, February 11, 1891, set full page width.]

    TEN CENTS.

    THE STANDARD

    A WEEKLY REVIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

    PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, BY WM. T. CROASDALE, AT NO. 42 UNIVERSITY PLACE.

    [Entered at the post office in New York as second-class matter.]

    VOL. IX., No. 6.} WHOLE No. 215.}

    NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1891.

    {ONE YEAR, $3.00. {FOUR MOS., $1.00.

    CONTENTS.

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    Editorial: Current Events—To Archbishop Corrigan—Blaine, the Free Trader—The Canadian Liberals’ Dilemma—The Supreme Court and Diplomacy—Single Tax Papers—Parnell’s Obstruction—Turn the Traitors Out—Paternal Railway Legislation—Will Taxing Coal Lands Increase the Price of Coal?—A Practical Example.

    How to Give Labor Its Full Earnings, - - - - - - - - W. B. Scott

    Henry George in Bermuda, - - - - - - - - - - - W. E. Hicks

    Senator Peffer’s Way Out, - - - - - - - - - - - Louis F. Post

    English Questions Coming to the Fore, - - - - - Rev. Harold Rylett

    Fable of the Two Ship Owners, - - - - - - - - - - A. G. Beecher

    How Young Women are Treated and How They Should be Treated, Wm. McCabe

    Progress, - - - - - C. H. Crandall. | Current Thought.

    Comments on the Standard. | Welcoming Henry George in Bermuda.

    Notes and Queries. | Single Tax News.

    [Advertisement] AS AN ADVERTISING MEDIUM

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    THE STANDARD is of especial value to those who seek to reach the public generally. It circulates in ALL OF THE UNITED STATES and has regular subscribers in every country in which English is spoken. It reaches as thoughtful a body of people as can be found in the world, and it numbers among its constant and careful readers many of THE MOST EMINENT PUBLIC MEN and thousands of students of Political Economy, the Social Problem and Political Principles, as distinguished from mere machine politics.

    As the exponent of the principles of THE NEW POLITICAL ECONOMY, THE STANDARD has the loyal and enthusiastic support of a large and ever growing body of men and sic; who not only take it and read it, but thousands of whom pass it on to others, or remail it to those who do not feel that they can afford to subscribe for a paper of its class and price. Few publications have so many readers for each copy issued.

    The announcements and regular reports of THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES are made through THE STANDARD, and from time to time copies of the paper are sent to the enrolled signers of the Committee’s petition, NUMBERING NEARLY 100,000. The exact number to date can always be found in the Committee’s weekly report, which leads the Single Tax News in each number of the paper.

    THE STANDARD is now in the fifth year of its existence. It has a steadfast constituency of paying subscribers. The people who get it want it, and pay for it. Its advertising rates are moderate, and advertisers using its columns have a reasonable assurance that their announcements will be read. Price per line considered,

    There is no Better Advertising Medium in America.

    Page 24 of 24contents

    The Standard, Vol. 9, No. 5 (February 4, 1891), page 24

    II THE STANDARD.

    p. 24, col. 1

    THE STANDARD.

    A Weekly Review of Public Affairs.

    PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY

    —BY—

    WILLIAM T. CROASDALE,

    No. 42 University Place, New York.

    TERMS:

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    ADVERTISING RATES:

    First Page of Cover, per Agate line……………….. 20c. Last Page of Cover, ” ” ” ……………….. 15c. Other Pages of Cover, per Agate line……. ……… 10c.

    THE STANDARD is the acknowledged organ and exponent of the Single Tax movement in the United States, but it is also “A Weekly Review of Public Affairs,” in which the busy man can find with certainty comment upon or mention of every event of real public importance. Even those who do not accept the paper’s views will find this review of great value.

    No student of political economy and no one interested in politics, not of the mere machine order, can afford to neglect the large and growing movement that aims at a radical change in methods of taxation. This is shown by the large number of public and professional men, college professors and students who are regular subscribers to the paper. THE STANDARD’S circulation is not, however, confined to any class. It has an especially strong hold upon thoughtful and intelligent workingmen and upon the shopkeepers, to whom the rent problem is one of growing and vital importance.

    The paper seeks to cover the whole field of economics and to present a summary of all important contributions to the discussion of economic questions in magazines or other periodicals, but it is the special exponent and advocate of the following great reforms:

    THE SINGLE TAX.—This means the abolition of all taxes on labor or the products of labor, that is to say, the abolition of all taxes save one tax levied on the value of land irrespective of improvements

    FREE TRADE.—That is, as perfect freedom of trade with all the world as now exists between the States of our Union Tariff sic will only be advocated as a movement tending in this direction.

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    The paper circulates in every part of the United States, and it has subscribers in nearly every other country, especially in those in which English is spoken. It reaches as thoughtful a body of readers as can be found in the world, and it is not only thoroughly read by those who take it but it is passed around in many cases from hand to hand. As its advertising rates are based on an active, bona fide, paying circulation it is one of the very best and cheapest mediums for advertisers who desire to reach a widespread and intelligent body of readers.

    Address all communications to

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    [Advertisement] Forty-Three Dollars Worth of Music

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    A lot of Handy Binders, made especially for filing THE STANDARD, are now ready.

    Price—75 Cents, to any address.

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    [Advertisement] A Single Tax Button in Gold.

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    We have just received a neat button in gold, with blue enamel ground. It has the cat’s head in the centre with “Single” above it and “Tax” below it. It is round in shape and smaller than a three-cent piece. Sent to any address on receipt of fifty cents.

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    [Advertisement] Holland’s Coffee and Dining Rooms

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    Holland’s Coffee and Dining Rooms [163?] Fourth Av., bet. [13th?] and 14th Sts.

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    Concord Co-operative Printing Co. (Ld.) 104 ELM ST., COR. CANAL, NEW YORK. Book, Job and Newspaper Printing.

    p. 24, col. 3

    About this issue

    Original spelling and punctuation are kept as printed. Misprints are marked sic; where the editor has corrected one, the text shows the correction and its note gives what was printed. Uncertain readings are in [brackets?]. Everything set in this sans-serif type, in blue or grey, was added by the edition and is not part of the 1887 text.

    Full table of contents (163 items, with types and authors)

    Page 1

    Col Item Type Author
    1 THE STANDARD masthead —
    1 ★ IN BERMUDA. editorial note unsigned
    1 CLEVELAND AND HILL. editorial note unsigned
    1 THE “GET TOGETHER” IDEA. editorial note unsigned
    1 SENATOR VILAS. editorial note unsigned
    1–2 OPPOSING LICENSE TAXES. editorial note unsigned
    2 SUFFERING IN NEBRASKA. editorial note unsigned
    2 TOWN LIGHTING. editorial note unsigned
    2 SEPARATE ASSESSMENTS. editorial note unsigned
    2 AN EXCLUSIVE PARTY. editorial note unsigned

    Page 2

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [An Exclusive Party, continued] editorial note unsigned
    1 HONOR TO WHOM, ETC.— editorial note unsigned
    1 POOR PENNSYLVANIA.— editorial note unsigned
    1 MR. BRADLAUGH’S CAREER.— editorial note unsigned
    1–2 A SINGLE TAX ALLIANCE MAN.— editorial note unsigned
    2 LET US HAVE PEACE.— editorial unsigned

    Page 3

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [Let Us Have Peace, continued] editorial unsigned
    1–2 THE NEW KANSAS SENATOR. editorial note unsigned
    2 THE CONNECTICUT FRAUD. editorial note unsigned
    2 ★ SINGLE TAX AND SOCIALISM. editorial note unsigned

    Page 4

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] editorial note unsigned
    1–2 RAPID TRANSIT.— editorial note unsigned
    2 THE CONTRACT LABOR LAW.— editorial note unsigned

    Page 5

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [The Contract Labor Law, continued] editorial note unsigned
    1 SECRETARY WINDOM’S SUCCESSOR. editorial note unsigned
    1–2 ANSWERING MAYOR SARGENT. editorial note unsigned
    2 FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES. editorial note unsigned

    Page 6

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [Foreign Conquests and Alliances, continued] editorial note unsigned
    1 TAXATION A TORMENT.— editorial note unsigned
    1–2 ★ A BOOMERANG.— editorial note unsigned
    2 THE PEOPLE’S “SUPERB CONDITION.” article Ralph E. Hoyt

    Page 7

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 [The People’s “Superb Condition,” continued] article Ralph E. Hoyt
    2 ★ THE “KOCH CURE” AND THE “GEORGE CURE.” article Walter Mendelson

    Page 8

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 ★ [The “Koch Cure” and the “George Cure,” continued] article Walter Mendelson
    2 ★ THE RECENT CONTEST IN KANSAS. letter Louis F. Post

    Page 9

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 ★ [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] letter Louis F. Post

    Page 10

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 ★ [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] letter Louis F. Post
    2 AN INDIAN WOMAN’S PROTEST. article Princess Viroqua
    2 VACANT LAND IN NEW YORK. article —

    Page 12

    Col Item Type Author
    1 ★ THE TARIFF QUESTION IN GERMANY. letter William Wolff
    1 THE ONTARIO RESOLUTIONS. letter J. M. Norton
    1 WHO WILL OFFER THE PRIZE? letter H. G. Seaver
    1–2 THE RAILWAY PROBLEM. letter C. J. Buell
    2 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? editorial note unsigned
    2 SINGLE TAX LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. news —

    Page 13

    Col Item Type Author
    1 INDUSTRIAL CONSPIRACIES. review —
    1–2 PUBLIC PROPERTY AND ITS BENEFITS. review —
    2 THE AMERICAN FARMER. review —
    2 ECONOMIC LECTURES. news —
    2 FOR OUR PROTECTION FRIENDS TO READ. editorial note unsigned

    Page 14

    Page 15

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] news —
    2 ★ NEW YORK CITY. report —
    2 [Metropolitan Single Tax Association] report Fred. C. Keller
    2 BROOKLYN. report Mrs. E. A. Deverall
    2 NEW YORK STATE. report George Noyes
    2 [Yonkers] report Fielding Gower
    2 [West New Brighton] report S. M. Gay
    2 VERMONT. report G. W. Lowrey
    2 MASSACHUSETTS. report Emily T. Turner

    Page 16

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [Massachusetts, continued] report Emily T. Turner
    1 [Boston: Garrison on taxation; Freight Handlers’ Assembly] report —
    1 [West Medford] report W. H. Hannaford
    1 [Cambridgeport] report James E. Connell
    1 [Stoneham] report —
    1 RHODE ISLAND. report George D. Liddell
    1 NEW JERSEY. report —
    1 PENNSYLVANIA. report —
    1 [Bryn Mawr: “Uncle Tom’s” Wife] report —
    1 [Cochranton] report J. M. Wilson
    1 DELAWARE. report J. M. Dorney
    1–2 MARYLAND. report Wm. N. Hill
    2 GEORGIA. report F. Warden
    2 TEXAS. report G. E. Hubbard
    2 [Baird] report Will M. Buell
    2 [Dallas] report J. F. Swinnerton
    2 [Shiner] report R. B. Hollingsworth
    2 OHIO. report —
    2 [Hemlock] report James G. Hayden
    2 ILLINOIS. report Warren Worth Bailey
    2 ★ [Bloomington] report Edward H. Bailey

    Page 17

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [Bloomington, continued] report Edward H. Bailey
    1 [Elgin] report J. H. Risdon
    1 WISCONSIN. report Martin Johnson
    1 MISSOURI. report T. J. Smith
    1 KANSAS. report E. Z. Butcher
    1 [Olathe] report J. L. Voorhes
    1 COLORADO. report J. W. Breutlinger
    1 NEBRASKA. report Edwin Welch
    1–2 [Murray] report George Boeck
    2 MINNESOTA. report A. M. Goodrich
    2 WYOMING. report F. W. Williams
    2 SOUTH DAKOTA. report W. E. Brokaw
    2 [Redfield] report Isaac Howe
    2 CALIFORNIA. report A. W. Kennedy
    2 CALIFORNIA. report E. Hodkins
    2 [San Jose] report O. L. Long
    2 CANADA. report —
    2 BRITISH COLUMBIA. letter W. A. Wilson

    Page 19

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” (Kansas City Times (prose preface only)) poem Frances M. Milne
    2 THE INDIANS AND THE LAND. (New York World) reprint Mr. Murray
    2 SOME OF OUR SENATORIAL MATERIAL. (Chicago Herald) reprint —
    2 DEMPSEY’S PERSONAL TAX BILL. (Commercial Advertiser) reprint —
    2 CANADIAN SINGLE TAXERS GOING INTO POLITICS. (Hamilton, Ont., Times) reprint —
    2 THE EXTREMES HAVE MET. (St. Louis Republic) reprint —

    Page 20

    Col Item Type Author
    1 A SERIES OF JOKES. (Commercial Advertiser) reprint —
    1 ★ A COMFORTABLE CREED, FOR SOME. (San Francisco Examiner) reprint Ambrose Bierce
    1 A BILL HE UNDERSTANDS. (Puck) reprint —
    1 RIGHT! (Louisville Courier-Journal) reprint —
    2 THE PRESIDENT DOUBTS PENNSYLVANIA. (New York Post) reprint —
    2 REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION. review —
    2 LOBBY INSOLENCE. (Boston Globe) reprint —
    2 THE QUESTION WAS RESPECTFULLY REFERRED. (Epoch) reprint —
    3–5 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. notice —

    Page 21

    Col Item Type Author
    1–2 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizations, continued] notice —
    1–2 ★ The Single Tax Library. advertisement —
    1–2 [Advertisement: Van Houten’s Cocoa] advertisement —
    3 ★ THE SINGLE TAX PLATFORM. notice —

    Page 22

    Col Item Type Author
    1 [Advertisement: Pears’ Soap] advertisement —
    1 [Advertisement: Ely’s Cream Balm] advertisement —
    2 The Single Tax of Hygiene. advertisement —
    2 [Advertisement: Morris R. George, jeweler] advertisement —
    1–2 ★ HENRY GEORGE & CO., PUBLISHERS, advertisement —

    Page 23

    Col Item Type Author
    1 THE STANDARD masthead —
    1 ★ CONTENTS. table —
    1 AS AN ADVERTISING MEDIUM advertisement —

    Page 24

    Col Item Type Author
    1 THE STANDARD. notice —
    1 [Advertisement: Forty-Three Dollars Worth of Music] advertisement —
    1 [Advertisement: The Watertown Journal] advertisement —
    1 Handy Binders for The Standard. advertisement —
    1 A Single Tax Button in Gold. advertisement —
    1 [Advertisement: Holland’s Coffee and Dining Rooms] advertisement —
    2 [Advertisement: Glenn’s Sulphur Soap] advertisement —
    2 [Advertisement: Concord Co-operative Printing Co.] advertisement —
    3 [Advertisement: Scott’s Emulsion] advertisement —
    2–3 [Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Development Company] advertisement —
    About this text (10 notes on this issue)
    • [word?] is a best guess; [illegible] means unreadable. Line-end hyphens are joined. Misprints are kept as printed; letters judged to be broken type are written as intended but listed among the misprints (marked “broken type”).
    • p23 is not part of this issue. It is the front cover (contents + “As an Advertising Medium”) of Vol. IX No. 6, Whole No. 215, Feb 11, 1891, same pattern as earlier files, where each file’s p23 is the next issue’s cover. pp. 21, 22, 24 are cover pages III, IV, II.
    • ★ Shearman: p15 New York City report of his address “Local Assessment Before the Single Tax” (paraphrase/indirect quotation). p3 “Single Tax and Socialism” discusses his “The Coming Billionaire”.
    • ★ George: p1 “In Bermuda” quotes one sentence from his note to the editor.
    • Signatures at the end of carried-over articles: “The People’s ‘Superb Condition’” (p6, indexed unsigned) is signed RALPH E. HOYT on p7; “The ‘Koch Cure’ and the ‘George Cure’” (p7, unsigned there) is signed WALTER MENDELSON on p8.
    • Breaks with no jump line, joined by sense: pp. 5→6, 6→7, 7→8, 8→9, 14→15 (Herne tour), 16→17 (“I do not” / “know Father Huntington’s address”), 17→18, 20→21 (club directory).
    • Figures: p11 “or 160 per cent.”, the paper’s own figures give about 167 per cent. p13 calico price “[37½?]”.
    • Doubtful readings: p9 “[a?] Free Trader” (blot at right edge; “Governor”, “Briedenthal,” also partly lost there); p8 “[endorsements?]” (printed like “endorsemcats”); p17 “[Dr.?] Babcock”; p18 “[99?] copies”; p20 club directory heavily over-inked, 9 guesses (Denver hours, Indianapolis, Roxbury addresses); p22 “[.00?]” (or $8.00) half-calf price of Protection or Free Trade?; p24 six guessed figures (Holland’s address, Newport News figures, footer number).
    • Italics: pp. 12, 15, 16, 17, 19 have roman and italic letters mixed at random (wrong-font type); only clear italic runs are marked. p3 “no”, “on” uncertain.
    • Marks on the original: p13 pen stroke through “the” in “into the organization” and a tick near “manufacturers” (text readable).

    Damaged type restored

    Letters that were broken, blotted or missing in the print and have been written as intended. Listed so they can be checked against the scan; they are not footnoted in the text.

    Page Article As read in the scan Written as
    1 THE STANDARD PUBLISHED” (first letters “PUBLIS” damaged/barely legible) PUBLISHED
    1 IN BERMUDA. dated” (d badly struck) dated
    1 AN EXCLUSIVE PARTY. Omaha” (O broken, prints as “()maha”) Omaha
    2 POOR PENNSYLVANIA.— Poor, stupid old State!” (exclamation mark damaged/blotted) “State!” (or “State.”)
    2 MR. BRADLAUGH’S CAREER.— type” with blotted “y type
    2 A SINGLE TAX ALLIANCE MAN.— Single” with damaged “i Single
    2 LET US HAVE PEACE.— introduce” with broken “c introduce
    2 LET US HAVE PEACE.— and” with broken “d and
    2 LET US HAVE PEACE.— partisanship” with broken “i partisanship
    3 THE NEW KANSAS SENATOR. protec.ion” (broken type) protection
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] however. protest however, protest
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] functions. and they demand functions, and they demand
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] agreed. though there may be agreed, though there may be
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] State. but many State, but many
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] enterprise. while some. (mistakenly. we think,) enterprise, while some, (mistakenly, we think,)
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] impracticable. insist impracticable, insist
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] road bed. but road bed, but
    4 [Single Tax and Socialism, continued] private parties. who would private parties, who would
    4 RAPID TRANSIT.— New Yorker[s]” (final s malformed, looks like “z”/“ſ”) New Yorkers
    4 RAPID TRANSIT.— years. since no franchise years, since no franchise
    4 THE CONTRACT LABOR LAW.— immigration. and now immigration, and now
    4 THE CONTRACT LABOR LAW.— Philadelphia. were sent back” / “Port. and a charge” / “work. and that in his letter commas in all three
    4 THE CONTRACT LABOR LAW.— contract. it is difficult contract, it is difficult
    5 SECRETARY WINDOM’S SUCCESSOR. of March.” (comma tail not printed) of March,
    5 ANSWERING MAYOR SARGENT. system” (final m broken) system
    5 ANSWERING MAYOR SARGENT. it thinks.” (comma tail not printed) it thinks,
    5 ANSWERING MAYOR SARGENT. assessed.” (comma tail not printed) assessed,
    5 FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES. FOREIGN” (O broken) FOREIGN
    5 FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES. simple” (p blotted) simple
    5 FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES. Germany” (G broken) Germany
    5 FOREIGN CONQUESTS AND ALLIANCES. interference” (second c broken) interference
    6 TAXATION A TORMENT.— so’newhat” (damaged m) somewhat
    6 A BOOMERANG.— inf:uriated” (damaged u) infuriated
    7 [The People’s “Superb Condition,” continued] Massachus^tts” (damaged e) Massachusetts
    7 [The People’s “Superb Condition,” continued] But|perhaps it is ıhe” (stray mark after “But”; damaged “the”) But perhaps it is the
    7 [The People’s “Superb Condition,” continued] fi ur-/ing” (g missing or unprinted) figuring
    7 [The People’s “Superb Condition,” continued] semicolons appearing as colons (“$7.000 a day: Vanderbilt. whose … a day: Rockefeller. … a day: Astor.”) semicolons and commas
    7 THE “KOCH CURE” AND THE “GEORGE CURE.” entertain,” with broken/filled letters in “laymen”, “allowed”, “themselves to entertain same words
    8 [The “Koch Cure” and the “George Cure,” continued] mode.n modern
    8 [The “Koch Cure” and the “George Cure,” continued] throats” (o filled/blotted) throats
    8 [The “Koch Cure” and the “George Cure,” continued] schoo! school
    8 [The “Koch Cure” and the “George Cure,” continued] Ot what real use Of what real use
    8 [The “Koch Cure” and the “George Cure,” continued] 2!)0,000” (9 damaged) 290,000
    8 THE RECENT CONTEST IN KANSAS. forwaıd forward
    8 THE RECENT CONTEST IN KANSAS. revolutıonized revolutionized
    8 THE RECENT CONTEST IN KANSAS. appears “endorsemcats endorsements
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] Peffer” (P broken) Peffer
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] on ·” (e missing/broken) one
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] represen[broken t]atives representatives
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] ready” (r broken) ready
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] lakes” (e broken) lakes
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] Gover. ·r” (letters lost at damaged right edge) Governor
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] Briedenth” (end lost at damaged right edge) Briedenthal,
    9 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] he” (b broken, reads as h) be
    10 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] w;’l” (broken type, read as “will”) will
    10 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] driaking drinking
    10 [The Recent Contest in Kansas, continued] is” with blotted/broken “i” (read as “is”) is
    10 AN INDIAN WOMAN’S PROTEST. iamoral” (first “m” damaged, reads as “a”/“an”) immoral
    11 NOTES AND QUERIES. and” (n badly struck/turned, looks like “ard”) and
    11 [Notes and Queries: Lackawanna coal mines idled] majoritv” (descender of y missing) majority
    11 [Notes and Queries: Ballot reform in the legislatures] ıhe” (t broken, crossbar missing) the
    11 [Notes and Queries: Ballot reform in the legislatures] hand;” (s damaged) hands
    11 [Notes and Queries: People’s Municipal League organizes] con:mittee” (m damaged) committee
    11 [Notes and Queries: People’s Municipal League organizes] tog:ther” (g/e damaged or blotted) together
    11 [Notes and Queries: Value of the produce of the soil, 1890] d:rect” (i damaged) direct
    11 [Notes and Queries: Jones and Brown on Woodlawn Cemetery] ɔn” (o broken open) on
    11 [Notes and Queries: A third party at a lovers’ tryst] anxious” (n damaged) anxious
    11 [Notes and Queries: A third party at a lovers’ tryst] r·form”, “introductien”, “Wbile”, “reasen”, “beiog”, “tha “reform”, “introduction”, “While”, “reason”, “being”, “the”
    12 THE ONTARIO RESOLUTIONS. modesty … facts from” with broken letters (“nodesty”, “fac’”, “fr m”) (broken type) modesty prevented these facts from
    12 THE ONTARIO RESOLUTIONS. an1” (broken type) and
    12 WHO WILL OFFER THE PRIZE? OFFEK” (broken type; bowl of R damaged) OFFER
    12 WHO WILL OFFER THE PRIZE? Polit:cal” (broken type) Political
    12 THE RAILWAY PROBLEM. atti(u)de”, t damaged (broken type) attitude
    12 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? “WHO OWNS RIVER BOTTOMS?” (may be intended)
    12 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? Urion” (broken type; n damaged) Union
    12 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? (n” (broken type) on
    12 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? t” with damaged o (broken type) ton
    12 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? m the interest” (broken type; i lacks dot/stroke) in the interest
    12 WHO OWN RIVER BOTTOMS? peop le” with damaged p (broken type) people
    12 SINGLE TAX LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. direct’d”, e damaged (broken type) directed
    12 SINGLE TAX LEGISLATION IN MINNESOTA. desig?ate”, n damaged (broken type) designate
    13 INDUSTRIAL CONSPIRACIES. The” (T broken, prints like “ihe”) (broken type) The
    13 INDUSTRIAL CONSPIRACIES. ab>ve” (o damaged) (broken type) above
    13 PUBLIC PROPERTY AND ITS BENEFITS. court” (c damaged, prints like “ↄourt”) (broken type) court
    13 PUBLIC PROPERTY AND ITS BENEFITS. him” (m damaged, prints like “hi:n”) (broken type) him
    13 THE AMERICAN FARMER. increased” (final d damaged) (broken type) increased
    13 THE AMERICAN FARMER. o tained” (b missing/broken) (broken type) obtained
    13 THE AMERICAN FARMER. improved” (m damaged, prints like “inproved”) (broken type) improved
    13 ECONOMIC LECTURES. lately in in Indianapolis lately in Indianapolis
    14 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. organization- that organizations that
    14 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. Atk Ark
    14 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. Br:n Mawr” (y damaged) Bryn Mawr
    14 SINGLE TAX LETTER WRITERS. mo:e” (letter damaged) more
    14 SINGLE TAX LETTER WRITERS. inf:rm” (letter damaged) inform
    14 SINGLE TAX LETTER WRITERS. Bmlington” (letters filled in) Burlington
    14 SINGLE TAX LETTER WRITERS. Protection or Free Trade? will” (no closing quotation mark) “Protection or Free Trade?” will
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. sigeers” (n filled in) signers
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. a:d” (n damaged) and
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. awaitɩd” (e damaged) awaited
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. ;etition” (p damaged) petition
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. Mitchel!” / “Vadheiṁ” (letters damaged) “Mitchell” / “Vadheim”
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. carryirg” (n damaged) carrying
    14 BEING A SINGLE TAXER, HE WAS ELECTED ASSESSOR. thiid” (r damaged) third
    14 MR. HERNE TELLS OF HIS WESTERN TOUR. Ꮇexico” (M damaged/inverted) Mexico
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] very cold “very cold” (broken type)
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] partnership “partnership” (broken type)
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] concluded “concluded” (broken type)
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] editor “editor” (broken type)
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] would “would” (broken type)
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] tne Congressman-elect the
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] bowed and “bowed and” (broken type)
    15 [Mr. Herne Tells of His Western Tour, continued] placed sc far above so far
    15 NEW YORK CITY. burst “burst” (broken type)
    15 [Metropolitan Single Tax Association] Saturday “Saturday” (broken type)
    16 [Boston: Garrison on taxation; Freight Handlers’ Assembly] No[c]cross Hall” (r damaged) Norcross Hall
    16 [Boston: Garrison on taxation; Freight Handlers’ Assembly] Me!len” (l damaged) Mellen
    16 RHODE ISLAND. enthu-iastic” (s missing/damaged, mid-line) enthusiastic
    16 RHODE ISLAND. Slarney Stone” (B damaged) Blarney Stone
    16 RHODE ISLAND. Mr- Robert Grieve” (period struck as hyphen-like mark) Mr. Robert Grieve
    16 MARYLAND. c’ub” (l damaged) club
    16 MARYLAND. offic:rs” (e damaged) officers
    16 TEXAS. clu’b” (b damaged) club
    16 ILLINOIS. invita’ion” (t missing/damaged) invitation
    16 [Bloomington] ihe books” (t damaged) the books
    16 [Bloomington] I a-ked” (s damaged) I asked
    16 [Bloomington] very’” (stray mark) very
    16 [Bloomington] B!oomington” (l damaged) Bloomington
    17 [Bloomington, continued] want” (final t damaged, looks like “want;”) “want” (broken type)
    17 [Bloomington, continued] v?lunteers” (o damaged) “volunteers” (broken type)
    17 WISCONSIN. ot” (f damaged) “of” (broken type)
    17 WISCONSIN. c?urse” (o damaged) “course” (broken type)
    17 WISCONSIN. initial damaged before “Babcock “Dr.” (broken type, uncertain; transcribed [Dr.?])
    17 COLORADO. u;turned” (p damaged) “upturned” (broken type)
    17 COLORADO. bodie3” (s damaged) “bodies” (broken type)
    17 COLORADO. foes” with f damaged “foes” (broken type)
    17 MINNESOTA. Legislatcre” (u damaged) “Legislature” (broken type)
    17 SOUTH DAKOTA. rai?ed” (n damaged) “rained” (broken type)
    17 [Redfield] hcuse” (o damaged) “house” (broken type)
    17 [San Jose] wo;ld” (u damaged) “would” (broken type)
    17 [San Jose] up” with damaged p “up” (broken type)
    17 [San Jose] terrib;y” (l damaged) “terribly” (broken type)
    17 BRITISH COLUMBIA. municipa!” (l damaged) “municipal” (broken type)
    17 BRITISH COLUMBIA. improvemen’ts” (t damaged) “improvements” (broken type)
    17 BRITISH COLUMBIA. exemp!ing” (t damaged) “exempting” (broken type)
    17 BRITISH COLUMBIA. fallacics” (e damaged) “fallacies” (broken type)
    18 “PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?” FOR TEN CENTS. mor[e] more
    18 “PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?” FOR TEN CENTS. [m]ailing mailing
    18 “PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?” FOR TEN CENTS. e abled enabled
    18 “PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?” FOR TEN CENTS. m’nutes minutes
    18 “PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?” FOR TEN CENTS. d[o]ne done
    18 HUNTING FOR A CURIOSITY. desp[a]irs despairs
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” gentiy” (broken type; transcribed “gently”) gently
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” th•t” (broken type; transcribed “that”) that
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” the in / tense” (line-end hyphen missing; transcribed “intense”) intense
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” fir•t” (broken type; transcribed “first”) first
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” appea:ed” (broken type; transcribed “appeared”) appeared
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” elosed” (broken type; transcribed “closed”) closed
    19 “AS YE WALK AND ARE SAD.” d•ys” (broken type; transcribed “days”) days
    19 THE INDIANS AND THE LAND. a ¡assionate” (broken type; transcribed “passionate”) passionate
    19 THE INDIANS AND THE LAND. the ʀea” (broken type; transcribed “sea”) sea
    19 THE INDIANS AND THE LAND. Spiıit” (broken type; transcribed “Spirit”) Spirit
    19 SOME OF OUR SENATORIAL MATERIAL. Idah^” (broken type; transcribed “Idaho”) Idaho
    19 SOME OF OUR SENATORIAL MATERIAL. draw!ng” (broken type; transcribed “drawing”) drawing
    19 DEMPSEY’S PERSONAL TAX BILL. proper’y” / “St•te” (broken type; transcribed “property” / “State”) “property” / “State”
    19 DEMPSEY’S PERSONAL TAX BILL. tc see” (broken type; transcribed “to see”) to see
    19 CANADIAN SINGLE TAXERS GOING INTO POLITICS. its ɑetractors” (broken type; transcribed “detractors”) detractors
    19 THE EXTREMES HAVE MET. whzt” (broken type; transcribed “what”) what
    20 REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION. radica!,” (final l damaged) radical,
    20 REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION. ad pted” (o damaged) adopted
    20 REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION. mac bine” (h damaged) machine
    20 REMOVING THE OBSTRUCTION. ›tream” (s damaged) stream
    20 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. UNITED” (N filled in, reads like “UMITED”) UNITED
    20 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. Firs’ Saturday” (t damaged) First Saturday
    20 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. Progrcas” (letters damaged) Progress
    20 SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES. Wm. J’ Ogden” (period struck high) Wm. J. Ogden
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio eeting meeting
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio B”siness w eet-ings Wednes.lay Business meetings Wednesday
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio McGuin / ness” (no hyphen at line break) McGuin-ness
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio Emily A Deverall Emily A. Deverall
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio ass:ciation”, “Schwale:berg’s “association”, “Schwalenberg’s”
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio even / ing” (no hyphen at line break) even-ing
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio 5’6 River st 576 River st
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio even / ing” (no hyphen at line break) even-ing
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio P. : Snay P. J. Snay
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio Radc.iffe Radcliffe
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio Pres[blot] A J. Moxham” / “Clark·on “Pres., A. J. Moxham” / “Clarkson”
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio socie’y”, “24th s· “society”, “24th st.”
    21 [Single Tax League of the United States: list of organizatio B. Bet ton “B. Benton”?
    21 The Single Tax Library. Betweer ’avid Dudley Field Between David Dudley Field
    21 The Single Tax Library. 2 , ages 2 pages
    21 The Single Tax Library. Out of pr.nt Out of print
    21 The Single Tax Library. Justice the Object—faxation the Means Taxation
    21 The Single Tax Library. 40 copies. 10 cents 40 copies, 10 cents
    21 The Single Tax Library. 40 ce ts”, “$3 00”, “$6 00 “40 cents”, “$3.00”, “$6.00”
    21 The Single Tax Library. 38.” / “84.” / “86.” (first digits filled in) uncertain, 38/34/36 or 28/84/86
    21 The Single Tax Library. American Prot-c ion American Protection
    21 THE SINGLE TAX PLATFORM. thus ac / corded” (no hyphen at line break) ac-corded
    21 THE SINGLE TAX PLATFORM. m·n are created equal” / “princi[blot]les “men” / “principles”
    22 The Single Tax of Hygiene. M” in “MEDICINE” (WITHOUT MEDICINE) badly filled MEDICINE
    22 [Advertisement: Morris R. George, jeweler] M” in “Made”, “SANSOM”, “DIAMONDS” badly filled same
    22 HENRY GEORGE & CO., PUBLISHERS, $3.00” or “$8.00” (digit filled with ink) “$3.00” (cf. P&P half calf $3)
    22 HENRY GEORGE & CO., PUBLISHERS, $1.50.” before “paper covers $1.50;
    22 HENRY GEORGE & CO., PUBLISHERS, worn commas showing as periods (“clearness. a vigor”, “book. written in that clear. eloquent.”, “half morocco. $3; cloth. $1.50”, “inquiries constantly received. we append”, “not mentioned. procurable”, “Tariff. 1860-1883”, “Cloth. $12”) commas
    23 THE STANDARD WHOLE No. 215.” / “No. 6. same (broken type)
    23 THE STANDARD $3.00.” / “$1.00.|same (broken type)| |23|[CONTENTS.](#1891-02-04-p23-a02)|English|"English" (broken type)| |23|[CONTENTS.](#1891-02-04-p23-a02)|to|"to" (broken type)| |23|[CONTENTS.](#1891-02-04-p23-a02)|Fable|"Fable" (broken type)| |24|[THE STANDARD.](#1891-02-04-p24-a01)|Single Coples|Single Copies| |24|[THE STANDARD.](#1891-02-04-p24-a01)|prob lem" / "maga. zines|"problem" / "magazines"| |24|[THE STANDARD.](#1891-02-04-p24-a01)|hand ao hand" (t damaged)|hand to hand| |24|[\[Advertisement: Glenn's Sulphur Soap\]](#1891-02-04-p24-a07)|Glenn's Soap" with damaged initial G|Glenn's| |24|[\[Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm](#1891-02-04-p24-a10)|indu. ements|inducements| |24|[\[Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm](#1891-02-04-p24-a10)|fully ?0,000" (first figure damaged)|50,000| |24|[\[Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm](#1891-02-04-p24-a10)|tne past three months|the past| |24|[\[Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm](#1891-02-04-p24-a10)|eiahteen|eighteen| |24|[\[Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm](#1891-02-04-p24-a10)|$?,000,000 cash value” (first figure filled) $8,000,000
    24 [Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm Glasgow. Va., Glasgow, Va.,
    24 [Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm Pre?ident R?ckbridge Company President Rockbridge Company
    24 [Advertisement: Newport News, Hampton and Old Point Developm Atlantio Building” (display face, over-inked) Atlantic Building