October 13, 1888 Vol. IV, No. 15Whole No. 93

THE STANDARD

NO. 93—VOL. IV, NO. 15. | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1888. | PRICE FIVE CENTS

p. 1, col. 1

Mr. Shearman’s Address.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentleman^sic: The very flattering introduction which has been given me, and especially the statement that I will answer all questions, reminds me of a capital story related by my friend Mr. Evarts, who is a very much better story teller than he is an economist (laughter)—what he does not know about story telling is hardly worth knowing, and unfortunately what he knows about economics is exactly the same thing. (Laughter.)

His story was that a boy was sent away from a high school with a very black mark as incorrigibly stupid. When he came home, his father was very indignant and said: “What is the matter, that after all the pains bestowed on your education you cannot pass?” “Well,” said the boy, “I went through an examination, and when I got through with the examination they said I had failed, and would not pass me.” “How is that?” “I really don’t know. They put a lot of questions to me and I answered them all correctly the first time.” “What was the first question they put to you?” “They asked me how far the earth was from the sun.” “What did you say to that?” “Why, I said I didn’t know.” (Laughter and ap plause.) I won’t answer every question in that way; but you see that I am safe in promising to answer every question correctly.

NO APOLOGY FOR FREE TRADE.

It is an immense pleasure to me to speak upon this platform, to this audience and surrounded by these friends, and with this banner behind me, inscribed, “Free Trade! Free Land! Free Men!” (Great applause.) We make no excuses. We make no pretenses. We are not apologizing for our principles nor running away from them. (Applause and laughter.) We don’t tell anybody that free trade is a local issue. We don’t tell anybody that the thing is impracticable. We come out plainly and tell every one just what we think, just what we mean, just what we intend to do. (Applause.)

I am a revenue reformer; but I have a large idea as to what revenue reform means. It means a great deal more than free trade. Revenue reform means the reform of every evil that ever was, is, or will be found in the collection of the public revenue. (Applause.)

All the same, I am very proud of being called a free trader. (Applause.) I am proud of the name and the cause of free trade. Among those objects which can at present be attained, among those truths of the future which are practicable, which come within our immediate range, which are duties of to-day, for which men can fight now and fight with the confidence that they have effective weapons in their hands with which to make the foe flee before them—among such practical causes of the day and hour in which we live, there is absolutely none that is higher and nobler and broader or more far-reaching than free trade. (Applause.)

HOW TO REACH THE SINGLE TAX.

Some of my friends will say: “Are you not underrating the single tax?” You will see, when I get there. Some of our friends say: “We believe that the single tax is the one remedy and the only practicable remedy for those evils in society which can be remedied by any kind of legislation; what is the use of this mere tariff tinkering? Why disturb us with this little Mills bill, its five per cent here and its ten per cent there? When we have this great, noble object in view we do not care for these minor issues and cannot talk of anything else.”

Suppose there was one brick in a pile which you wanted to get out, and there were something over forty-one hundred bricks on the top of that one (applause and laughter); and you are going might and main for that brick. Suppose a friend who stands by you says: “Yes, my whole heart is set on getting at that brick, but I cannot spend any time in pulling away at those other four thousand. I will never waste my time or weary my hands by meddling with other bricks in which I am not interested.” (Laughter.) Another man says: “I do not agree to that; I see there are forty-one hundred bricks on the top of that one brick which we want to get at; I see we must lift forty-one hundred before we can get at number forty-one hundred and one; but I will only touch the one hundred lying close to it.” (Applause.) Another man comes up, equally devoted to this one brick, and says: “What a parcel of fools you are; of course [you?] must take the whole forty-one [hundred?] off; but I will be hanged if I touch [any until?] I can lift them all off at once.” [(Laughter.)?]

I am talking just now only to those men who think that the best remedy that can be found for the evils that afflict society is to establish the system of the single tax. How can they do it? You must remember that you do not have to invent the single tax; you do not have to bring it into existence. It is in existence now. (Applause.) There is not a state in this Union that does not have the single tax. The trouble is that there are forty-one hundred taxes on top of it. You have nothing to do except to kill those forty one hundred taxes. (Applause.) Some say: “We won’t kill any until we can kill them all at once.” I say, Kill any that you can get hold of. (Applause.) Some say that the tariff is not the one to begin at. Where should you begin, then? Of the forty-one hundred piled on top of your single tax, four thousand are in the tariff. (Applause.) What is more, if you kill one hundred which are not in the tariff, you immensely increase the strength of the four thousand in the tariff.

The secret of the strength of the rising free trade sentiment at the present time is that we p. 2, col. 2 have divided the forces of taxation, have divided the enemy, have got the whisky men on one side and the protected manufacturers on the other. (Applause.) If you kill off the other taxes before you kill the tariff, you will have to wait more than fifty years for the single tax. The best thing to do is to strike down the tariff; and we must begin by taking a piece off it wherever we can.

The first thing is the Mills bill. That goes to the tender spot of the whole system. The tariff on wool is the keystone of the whole tariff. Pull that out and the whole arch will tumble down. That is why the woolen manufacturers who pay that tax, who would thank the Lord if they could only get rid of it, don’t dare to abolish it now.

We are in favor of the Mills bill because it cuts down the tariff a little. The more it cuts it down the better we are pleased. We are in favor of it because it is a beginning. We are in favor of it because it opens the tariff discussion. We are in favor of it because it pulls the keystone out of the protection arch. When the tariff is gone, there will not be enough strength in any other kind of taxation to stand for five minutes. Just think of it. When you get rid of the tariff, how can the internal revenue taxes be kept up? You will never get the American people to impose internal revenue taxes on home manufactures while foreign manufactures come in free (applause); and you never ought to. Therefore, within twenty-four hours, yes, within twenty-four minutes after the total repeal of the tariff, you will repeal the internal revenue system. What will the government have to resort to then for taxes? Why, to direct taxation. Where will direct taxation land? It would not take five years of exclusively direct taxation to bring the whole community to the conclusion at which we have arrived long ago, that there is but one just tax, and its name is the single tax. (Applause.)

TARIFFS AND WAGES.

But there are some people who say, “We must keep the tariff up because we must keep up American wages,” or as the democratic platform of 1884 expressed it, The American workingman needs to be heavily taxed in order to compensate him for getting high wages. For he got wages much higher than in Europe, before there was any tariff at all. Then the protective feature was invented—for what? In those olden times they said candidly, “to compensate the capitalist for the high wages which he is forced to pay to the grasping workingman.” That was before all the workingmen had votes. When they got votes the employers said: “We want protection only for the sake of the dear workingmen.” (Laughter.)

TARIFF TAXES FALL UPON THE POOR.

Who pays these tariff taxes? Nine-tenths of them are paid by people whose incomes average less than $400 a year. That fact is not seriously disputed. I could quote one protectionist after another to show its truth—Senator Sherman, of Ohio; Mr. Milliken, from Blaine’s own state, and at present a member of congress, and others. They admit unequivocally that nine-tenths of all indirect taxes fall upon the poorest classes of the community; and worse than that, they bear on those who earn less than $500 a year with ten times the severity that they do on the rich. (Applause.) There is not a hod carrier in New York who does not pay one hundred times as much tax, in proportion to his ability, as Jay Gould or William H. Vanderbilt pays. There is not a poor sewing girl in the city of New York who does not pay two hundred times as much, in proportion to her means and ability to pay, as the wife of either of these men. So, if I may name a famous lady—and I do it with no disrespect to her—Mrs. Hetty Green, I entertain no doubt, from my knowledge of that lady’s economical habits, that she does not pay to the federal government one three-hundredth part, as much in proportion to her means, as the average sewing girl in the city of New York. (Applause.)

WAGES NOT INCREASED.

You create this inequality, for what purpose? To enable your employers to pay you wages? What wages do they pay? Do they pay any larger wages than they would if there were no tariff? Mr. Blaine says so; but where is the proof of it? You never heard any, and there never can be any. (Applause.)

Not one-twentieth of the working people of the United States are in any way concerned in industries which can be said to be protected by the tariff. Not 850,000 people, all told, out of the 17,000,000 who were engaged in industries in 1880, were engaged in protected industries. Those were the only persons whose wages could be raised by the tariff. But if their wages were raised above the average of others, those 17,000,000 would all pour into their occupations and thus cut their wages down again. (Applause.)

TARIFFS MURDER INDUSTRIES.

What does the tariff do toward raising wages? You are told that it diversifies industry and develops new industries. There never was a greater falsehood. (Applause.) All that a protective tariff does is to murder some industries. That is all that any protective tariff ever did or ever can do.

Just see what it does. Take pig iron. Does a protective tariff say that anybody shall be rewarded for making pig iron? Does it place any bounty on pig iron? Not at all. What it does say is, that if any man imports pig iron without paying $6.72 a ton tax he shall be sent to prison. Do you know that the mere bringing in of a pound of iron is punishable, at the discretion of the judge, by several years’ imprisonment? (Hisses.) More than that, revenue cutters are lying around our coast ready to pour shot into any one who dares to bring in goods from abroad, and any vessel which dared to enter into any of our ports, with the exception of less than 200, would be instantly blown into atoms.

That is the way in which you develop pig iron. Where does the development come in? Where does the encouragement come in? (Laughter.) Only in this: If you shoot the man who brings pig iron from abroad, he is forced to turn to some other industry. He must make a living somehow; and, perhaps, since he is not allowed to buy pig iron, he may conclude to make it.

Now, I will tell you how you might develop Brooklyn after the manner of the tariff. Don’t offer men land or houses free. No, there is something simpler than that—take the protective tariff method. Set fire to every house in New York city. Have an army of soldiers to shoot anybody who dares to look on the ruins; and you will impose a protective tariff in favor of Brooklyn. The citizens of New York will flee to Brooklyn, and the future development of Brooklyn passes my powers of description. (Applause and laughter.)

PROTECTION DRIVING WOMEN OUT OF WORK.

There is a little illustration of this which took place right here in New York. Some cotton manufacturers, who were able to gain the ear of the committee that framed the tariff in [1883?], got a tariff imposed on fine cot tons, which are used for making ruches—ladies know what they are; I don’t. (Laughter.) Within a few weeks after that tariff came into effect, three thousand women, engaged in making ruches, were thrown out of employment because the material had been made too costly for further use. That was all for the sake of protecting American industry. (Laughter.)

PROTECTION DRIVING MEN OUT OF WORK.

I have spoken of the duty on pig iron. p. 2, col. 3 What has been the result of that? You have had, until very recently, a large manufacture of stoves in this state. About three years ago the largest manufacturer issued a private circular announcing that he could not carry on his business here any longer at a fair profit, but would transfer his works to Alabama. Why? Because he could get pig iron $6 a ton cheaper there than here. But the tariff amounts to $6.72; and if he could have got rid of that tariff, he could have continued his manufacture here in New York, since iron would have been fully as cheap here as in Alabama. You don’t make a pound of pig iron in New York city. The tariff is killing the iron manufacture on the whole Atlantic shore, but especially in New England; because what we want in the east is to make the superior kinds of iron, and the west is beating us because it has cheaper pig iron. The tariff only kills an industry and never creates one, except in the same sense in which you might create a larger city in Brooklyn by destroying the city of New York.

WAGES LOWERED UNDER HIGH TARIFFS.

How on earth can this tariff raise wages? Did it ever raise wages? I have read a statement, made on Oct. 2, 1819, by the protectionists of Philadelphia, who met in council and demanded a higher tariff. One of the reasons which they assigned for wanting the tariff raised was that there was a tremendous depression in business, manifested by a great fall in wages. Mechanics’ wages had fallen from $6.19 a week to $6, or one dollar a day; and they wanted a high tariff to enable them to raise wages. They got a tremendous tariff in 1824, and a “tremendouser” one still in 1828, which they maintained for a long time. Then came the tariff of 1842—the ideal protective tariff. What became of wages? Did mechanics’ wages rise in those years? The official figures, obtained from protectionist manufacturers themselves, show that in 1845 the average rate of mechanics’ wages for full grown men in iron works was eighty-seven cents a day, and $1 was a high price. (Applause.) They had fallen off thirteen cents a day in twenty-five years, instead of having risen, as protectionists claim that they always do rise, under protection. Wages did not rise in the least under the tariff of 1842.

WAGES INCREASED UNDER LOW TARIFFS.

I was a boy then, and I remember distinctly how we got rid of that protective tariff in 1846. I was somewhat of a protectionist then, and I expected to see wages to go down; but they didn’t. I remember distinctly how boys in New York city, by the hundred, applied for work under that protective tariff at fifty cents a week. In 1847, when the high tariff was abolished, wages increased and steadily advanced, until in 1856, the men who used to get one dollar a day under a high tariff were getting a dollar and a half under the low tariff. The wages of carpenters went up from $1.25 to $2 and $2.25. And though they have since grown higher, they have not risen as rapidly under twenty-five years of protection as they did in ten years under a low tariff. (Applause.)

Neither as a matter of fact, nor as a matter of theory or possibility, does or can a protective tariff raise wages. On the contrary, it lowers wages; it cuts them down. That is why I am in favor of absolute free trade (applause); because under absolute free trade we should have the most rapid rise in wages which this country has ever known.

THE POOR CAPITALIST MUST BE PROTECTED.

It is said that the manufacturers must have protection or they cannot pay the high wages they pay to workmen. What is the truth as to that? The American workingman produces more than double the amount in value of the product of the English working[man?]. (Applause.) They do not get double the wages. They seldom get fifty per cent more than Englishmen. Whenever they get fifty per cent more wages, they produce over one hundred per cent more by their work. To-day the wages in the cotton and woolen factories of this country are so near to the wages in England that the difference can hardly be discerned. In Pennsylvania, in the woolen and worsted factories, the average rate of wages amounted in 1885 to $6.40 per week. At the same time the statistics of Halifax, in England, in the same class of industries, showed that men were making $7.13 per week.

I do not mean to say that, as a general thing, English workingmen receive as high wages as you do. As a general rule wages in America are very much higher than they are in England; but the only exceptions to the rule are in the protected industries. (Applause.) You take the carpenters, the masons, the plumbers, men who are engaged in industries which cannot be benefited by a protective tariff—in all those industries wages are very much higher in America than they are in England. (Applause.) But when you go into the iron manufacture, the wool manufacture and the cotton manufacture—the three great manufactures which maintain this tariff—you can find hundreds, yes, thousands, of men receiving lower wages here than men engaged in precisely the same employments in England, not working so many hours or producing as much. (Applause.)

AMERICANS EARNING EIGHTY CENTS A DAY.

I was in Washington two years ago; and I heard a manufacturer of iron and an owner of iron mines—a most estimable gentleman—appealing to the ways and means committee to increase the tariff, in order that he might be enabled to pay higher wages. And Mr. Breckinridge (applause) cornered him with the question how much wages he paid. He did not like to answer; he turned rather red, and then said he paid his men eighty to ninety cents a day. (Laughter.)

ENGLISHMEN NINETY-SEVEN CENTS A DAY.

I have in my possession a republican card (holding it up) issued to persuade democratic workingmen to vote the republican ticket, in which they compare English and American wages. What do you suppose this hand bill says are the wages of English workingmen engaged in precisely the same industries? Ninety-seven cents a day. That is republican testimony, and it is true. (Applause.)

A coal mine owner from Maryland came before the committee; and he begged them to have compassion on his poor workingmen; for if the committee took off any part of the duty of seventy-five cents on coal, the wages of these men would be reduced. They asked him what their wages were. He didn’t like to answer. Finally he said they were forty cents a ton. He needed seventy-five cents protection in order to enable him to pay forty cents in wages. (Applause and laughter.) That is like Mr. Carnegie, who, in order that he may generously pay his workingmen $4.25 a ton for labor, needs and cannot live without an adequate protection of $17 a ton; and the hard hearted republican senators are actually going to cut him down to $15.68. (Laughter.) He will take every cent of that $1.32 out of the wages of his workingmen—if he can!

They asked the coal miner how much the average wages came to. He said, about 80 cents a day. In this very same industry, this card in my possession, issued by the republicans and distributed by the hundred thousand in Brooklyn and New York, shows that the wages in England were over 90 cents a day. (Applause.) So you see that there are some industries in this country where the rate of wages is much below the standard of England.

AMERICAN MINERS AT SIXTY CENTS A DAY.

Look at this (showing the card). There is p. 2, col. 4 the British flag, and it is headed with “60 cents a day.” This is issued by the league of republican clubs, which is engaged in frying the fat out of the protected manufacturers; of which the president is Mr. Foster, to whom we are indebted for some of the best things in this campaign. (Laughter.) When you look at the text, you find that the 60 cents were paid in Belgium and not in Great Britain; and Belgium has a tariff on iron, while Great Britain, where wages are much higher, has none. (Great laughter.) Then we turn around the card and there (showing it) is the American flag. Everything is blooming in America. You wouldn’t believe that in America such a thing existed as workingmen living on 60 cents a day. Yet it was stated in the presence of the ways and means committee that in Berks county, Pennsylvania, the iron miners were only receiving 60 cents a day. Some doubted the statement, whereupon Mr. Hewitt spoke up (applause) and said: “Yes, the condition of the miners in that region is miserable in the extreme. They often work for less than 60 cents a day.” That is not under the British flag. (Applause.) Mr. Foster cannot find any place in England where the miners work for 60 cents; but in Pennsylvania he can find them by shoals.

AMERICAN LABOR TWICE AS PRODUCTIVE.

I have talked longer than I meant to (cries of “go on”). but^sic I will stay to answer questions as long as they don’t turn the gas out. (Laughter and cries of “that’s right.”) The Press is the best paper for free trade that I know of in the hands of any man who thinks for himself. In its issue last Wednesday it had a “Tariff Talk” with Colonel A. L. Conger of Ohio, who is eager for protection. And what does he say in regard to wages? I quote his words: “We pay twice as much for labor in this country as abroad, and therefore we get twice as good results from that labor. (Laughter and applause.) Labor which receives poor pay brings poor results.” (Applause.) True as gospel! But then, how can pauper labor interfere with intelligent labor? Just look at the figures a little in this country. No matter where you go in any part of the world you find this thing true. If you go to India, where men work for ten cents a day, you find that it takes twenty household servants to accomplish what two good Irish girls will do here, and sing over it. (Laughter.) One man is brought up to make the beds and sweep the rooms, and another to cook the vegetables, and another to cook the meat, and another to wave the punkah to keep off the flies, and another to mind the baby (laughter): and no one of them will ever touch the work of another. So, you see, labor is not very productive there. In Crefeld, Germany, where poor men work very hard, fourteen and sixteen hours a day, and where they earn only sixty cents a day as the result of that labor, the statistics furnished annually by their employers show that more than sixty per cent of the cost of production is spent in wages. In Paterson, New Jersey, where wages are quite up to one dollar a day—the rate which used to be so much despised by our American workingmen, but which they are forced to accept under our high tariff—less than thirty per cent of the cost of production consists in the cost of labor. (Applause.) The higher up you go in the scale of wages the cheaper is the cost of labor.

HIGH WAGES MEAN CHEAP LABOR AND LOW WAGES MEAN DEAR LABOR.

This fact is proved conclusively by the census of 1880, which our protectionist admin istration took themselves. Those returns show conclusively that where wages are high profits are large. Do you know that the cities of New York and Brooklyn pay the highest wages of any part of the country? Brooklyn stands at the head. The average wages paid in all the manufacturing industries in Brooklyn are $470 a year. The average wages in Philadelphia, that fountain head of protection, are only $346 a year. Why did not Philadelphia drive Brooklyn out of existence? Why is it that manufactures have increased so much more rapidly in Brooklyn than anywhere else in the United States? Because Brooklyn, paying higher wages, gets a higher production for those wages; and Philadelphia gets only a smaller production, in consequence her lower rate^sic of wages. In Brooklyn the wages are $124 higher than in Philadelphia, while the net production was $337 higher. The difference between Brooklyn and Baltimore in wages was $220 a year; the difference in production was $436. That principle runs all through the varying wages of the thousands of towns and counties in the United States.

I am not going to weary you with tables of statistics. I have compared these figures in all branches of industry. It is so with carpenters, weavers, spinners, iron makers, hat makers, wool workers and cotton workers, and so with all industries added together. From beginning to end, from north to south, from east to west, wherever high wages are paid, the manufacturer makes a larger profit than where low wages prevail. That proves that the manufacturers who pay high wages do not need protection, and the workmen suffer by it, because protection, by limiting the market of the manufacturer, limits the production of the workman, and in every way tends to cut wages down instead of raising them up.

THE IRISH QUESTION.

I am only skimming this subject; but I wish to add one thing, and thus kill two birds with one stone—the Irish question and imports and exports. Two assertions are made by protectionists—first that Ireland is ruined by free trade, and secondly, that our exports must exceed our imports, or we will be ruined; or, as Mr. Evarts puts it, the state into which we want to come is one in which we will sell to all the world, and all the world will sell nothing to us. (Great laughter.)

There is one country which attains to that; she exports almost everything and imports almost nothing—Egypt. And another country has been for a century past doing much the same thing. Ireland ought to be a paradise by this time, on Mr. Evarts’s theory, for she has been exporting all the time more than she has imported. During the terrible famine of 1846 she exported more provisions than she imported. While England was subscribing most liberally, it must be said in justice to her, pouring in millions of pounds’ worth of provisions to keep them from starving, and all the world was helping Ireland, those benevolent landlords were all the time taking out more provisions from Ireland than England and all the world could pour in. What a prosperous country Ireland ought to be! (Laughter and applause.)

That sort of thing has been going on for all these years. You have heard of the absentee landlord. What a blessing he must be to any community. He causes his tenants to export everything to him; and he never insists that they shall import anything in return. So the country is blessed by a perpetual favorable balance of trade. Every Irishman knows that what Ireland needs is not a protective tariff, but a tariff that would just cut off all the landlords. (Great applause.) It is not free trade; it is the landlords that are the curse of Ireland. (Applause.)

IRISH MANUFATURES^sic INCREASING UNDER FREE TRADE.

And next you hear stories about the immense number of workingmen that were thrown out of employment in Ireland by the introduction of free trade. Do you know that the number of persons engaged in manu p. 2, col. 5 facturing industries in Ireland has increased more than 100 per cent since the introduction of free trade? (Applause.) Governor Beaver, a very good man from Pennsylvania, was preaching on this subject in Brooklyn; and he told a large audience that the linen industries of Ireland had been destroyed under free trade and transferred to England. I do not suppose he meant to misrepresent the truth; but it is the fact that these industries are being destroyed in England and transferred to Ireland. (Applause.) When Mr. Porter gets up his clever statistics about the linen industry, in which he states that the linen manufacture has fallen off in England and increased in Germany, he is always careful to say nothing about Ireland. Why? Because, under the influence of free trade, the linen manufacture of Ireland has increased more than one hundred per cent and amounts to more than that of all the rest of Europe. More than 60,000 people are now engaged in the manufacture of linen in Ireland; whereas, before the introduction of free trade, no more than 25,000 were so engaged. (Applause.) More persons are now engaged in the Irish linen factories than were ever before engaged in all other factories in Ireland.

THE COBDEN CLUB.

You hear a good deal of the Cobden club. (Applause.) Where are the friends of Ireland in England to-day? They are all in the Cobden club. (Applause.) What is the Cobden club? It is mainly Mr. Thomas Bayley Potter, one of the five members of parliament who organized the movement in favor of this country in 1863, a consistent home ruler, who has voted with Gladstone every time. (Applause.) Who is the leading philosophical free trader in England at the present day? John Morley. (Applause.) Who is John Morley? The English statesman who, long before Mr. Gladstone made up his mind, had declared himself in favor of home rule in Ireland. (Applause.)

Richard Cobden himself (applause), after whom the club is named, was always a friend of Ireland. He was kept out of public office, largely by his friendship to Ireland. He would not enter a government which would not do justice to Ireland. He was the man who destroyed the protective system in England, although he did not go as far as we would desire.

FRIENDS OF IRELAND ALL FREE TRADERS.

What is William E. Gladstone? (Great applause.) Are Irishmen going back on him, on that noble old man, who, in the eightieth year of his age, is devoting himself with marvelous activity and energy to furthering the cause of Ireland, and only taking care of his health and saving his strength so as to disappoint the Salisburys and Balfours, who are eagerly hoping for his death? Irishmen! you don’t have one single friend among the protectionists of England (applause); while nineteen out of twenty free traders of England are your friends, and always have been; and they are the men who are bent upon and determined to secure your freedom and your proper independence. (Applause.)

Free traders, and they only, are the allies of Parnell. (Applause.) Who subscribed the $30,000 to support Parnell in the infamous prosecution brought on by the Times? They are free traders to a man. (Applause.)

Irishmen! what you want is freedom. (Applause.) You don’t want any tory “protection.” You want to protect yourselves. Freedom is what Ireland wants; freedom is what America wants—free trade, free land, free men! (Great and long continued ap plause.)

Mr. Shearman Answers Questions.

When the applause had somewhat subsided Chairman George arose and announced that Mr. Shearman was prepared to answer questions. More than a dozen men jumped up in various parts of the hall, and Mr. George, having recognized the first one that caught his eye, repeated the following question:

Q.—If tariffs destroy manufacturing industries, why is it that manufacturers in this country to a man are in favor of a protective tariff?

A.—In the first place, I cannot accept the statement. They are not by any means. Our good friend, Mr. Tom L. Johnson (applause), to whom Mr. George referred early this evening, is a manufacturer and an absolute, thoroughgoing free trader. J. B. Sargent of New Haven (applause) is the largest manufacturer in his line, and he is a free trader. William Marshall of Brooklyn, the largest cordage maker in America, is a free trader. (Applause.)

Nevertheless, it is probably true that a ma jority of the manufacturers in the United States are protectionists. That is nothing at all new in the history of this world. When any class of men once give way to their selfish instincts and endeavor to frame a national policy for their own benefit and not for the benefit for the nation^sic at large, they invariably overshoot the mark, and in their greediness do themselves injury as well as other people. This is just as true about lawyers as about manufacturers; just as true about clergymen as about lawyers; just as true about doctors as about clergymen; just as true about mechanics or farmers, and just as true about anyone who seeks to frame laws for his own interest instead of for the interest of the whole people.

The same questioner: Then you mean to say that the mechanic, the doctor, the lawyer, the manufacturer, are simply aiming to cut their own heads off?

A.—What I do say is that when any one of those classes undertakes to act for its own selfish interests, it practically does cut its own head off. That is true of every class in the world.

A gentleman with a decided foreign accent attempted to frame a question in which the only intelligible word was “policemen;” but after a vain endeavor to understand, Mr. Shearman said: “I shall have to follow the example of Mr. Evarts’s boy and say, ‘I don’t know.’” (Laughter.)

Q.—On the platform I see the sign “Free trade, free land and free men;” we have free trade between the sister states; and we have neither free land nor free men. I wish the gentleman to tell me why? (Laughter.)

A.—Because we have only gone half way. If you start out for Albany and stop at Poughkeepsie, you will never get to Albany. We have free trade between all the states; and that is the secret of the wonderful prosperity that we have. (Applause.) That is why wages are so high; it is because we have so much free trade. But so long as we do not have absolute free trade, taxes to the extent of seven hundred millions a year are piled upon the shoulders of the poorest men of the community; and the poorer you are the more taxes you pay in proportion to your means. In addition, about five hundred millions more are piled on the shoulders of the poor under the shape of bounties to protected manufacturers and mine owners. When you take that vast amount year after year out of the wages of the workingmen, and more especially out of the wages of the poorest classes, how can you have free land or free men? (Applause.)

Q.—I would like to ask whether, if this country adopt free trade in wool, admits wool free of duty, England will not at the same time place an export duty on wool, in order to protect her manufacturers?

A.—If my friend will only get the republican p. 2, col. 6 majority to consent to pass a bill repealing the duty on wool, to take effect on condition that that state of things never occurs, on my part I will agree to find among my friends any amount of money to put in bank to guarantee this country against any possibility of that thing happening. Nobody dreams of its happening. It is impossible. Moreover, England has no surplus wool to export.

Q.—How much do the 60,000 people, engaged in the linen industry in Ireland earn as compared with American workmen? And why, since free trade has been introduced have so many Irishmen emigrated to America?

A.—In the first place, the 60,000 Irishmen engaged in linen manufacture undoubtedly receive very much less wages than work people of a similar class in the United States; although Mr. Barbour, the president of the Barbour flax spinning works, a most ardent protectionist, testified before the tariff commission, in 1882 that he was compelled to steadily raise the wages of his Irish employes, but was steadily cutting down the wages of his American employes. (Laughter and applause.) At that rate the Irish would after a while get there. (Laughter.) It is very true that since the adoption of partial free trade in England in 1846 the population in Ireland has largely fallen off. Why is it? LANDLORDS. (Applause.)

Q.—I would ask Mr. Shearman, who had the kindness to answer the gentleman on this side of the house, giving him such cheering and encouraging news—(cries of “Don’t make a statement; ask your question”)—how is it that Brazil levied an export duty on coffee?

A.—If I answered literally, I would say, “Because Brazil wanted to;” but I understand that long and full questions cannot be asked here, and I seek, therefore, to answer the spirit of every question. (Applause.) What the gentleman means is this: That when we repealed the duty on coffee in 1872 Brazil put an export duty on coffee, with a view to make us pay as much for coffee as we did before. Did she succeed in doing that? For a year or two she did. That is sixteen years ago; and ever since the first two years she didn’t. (Applause.) If we had been in such a condition that we must have coffee or die, and there had been no place other than Brazil from which coffee could be got, we should have had to pay that export duty. But there was a great deal of coffee in other parts of the world; and Brazil could not get any more for her coffee than Porto Rico got for hers. The consequence is that for the last fourteen years Brazilians have paid that duty themselves. (Applause.)

Q.—Why is it that Germany and Italy, with high tariff duties, send us ten immigrants to one from England?

A.—I have been there. If you had been there you wouldn’t wonder. Italy enjoys all the blessings of an enormously high protective tariff. It almost beats ours. In some respects our tariff is worse; but, taken as a whole, the Italian tariff is the worst. I have seen workmen in Rome working all day long for thirty and forty cents a day, eating their black bread and softening it with water at the pump. I have seen poor creatures in the Neapolitan districts living on twenty or thirty cents a day, and not always earning that. No wonder they want to emigrate. What is the cause? Free trade? They never had it; never began to have it. In Germany, since 1879, when they adopted the protective tariff, they have sent more and more emigrants to us. The high tariff has driven people out.

Q.—Is there any law in England against trusts?

A. There is^sic what is called the common law, which is substantially the same as ours; but England, having free trade, has never had occasion to resort to that. (Applause.)

Q.—What is there to prevent them from organizing a trust on the other side?

A.—If the manufacturers of England made a trust combination, that combination would be immediately broken by foreign manufacturers, who would pour in their goods. The object of a trust is to raise the price. If manufacturers have no outside competition they can combine to reduce production. They cannot, however, take in the whole world; and England having free trade in most things, foreigners would pour in their goods, and so break the combination. (Applause.)

Q.—Is the tariff any impediment to the growth of this country and to the development of its resources?

A.—You all have, I trust, two arms—unless you have lost one in the wars. If any gentleman thinks that the development of his resources will be increased by tying one of his arms behind his back, then he is a consistent believer in a protective tariff. The effect of any tariff, and the effect especially of a protective tariff, is to restrict the industry of this country from taking its natural course—in other words, it ties your arm behind your back.

Take the case of wool. The woolen manufacturers of this country have been prevented from making their natural development because the wool they need has been excluded. The carpet manufacturers use four times as much cotton, shoddy hair, etc., as they use of genuine wool. Take shipping for example. Our shipping has been protected out of existence. We have navigation laws for the benefit of our shipping; but we have a high protective tariff on iron and steel which makes it impossible for us to build or repair ships on equal terms; and our shipping industry has just been protected to death. (Applause.)

A number of gentlemen were on their feet to ask questions, but the chairman said: “It is now time to bring this meeting to a close. Mr. Shearman has kindly consented to take another evening and devote the whole of it to the answering of questions. That meeting will be announced through the papers.” (Great applause.)

Yes, It’s the Same Language.

PLAINFIELD, N. J.—Indications multiply that the single tax leaven is working. Last Friday evening the democrats of this place had a banner raising and mass meeting, their principal speaker being the Hon. George L. Ricord. In an unusually temperate speech—a speech free from the customary abuse of opponents and devoted, for an hour and a half, solely to a consideration of the economic bearing of the pending struggle, he closed by drawing the attention of his audience to the present standard of average wages—that conventional two dollars a day which, if earned every working day in the year, is accepted without question by both parties as all that can be expected or even desired. He pointed out to them that this was really starvation wages—starvation for soul, if not for body—and claimed that, by any equitable adjustment, daily wages should be much higher. Then, in his peroration, he congratulated the democratic party that, after wandering for many years, it had returned to the advocacy of genuine democratic principles, that its face was “once more toward the rising sun,” and asserted that the campaign in which it is now engaged is but the beginning of another and a grander struggle, in which the “distribution of wealth” should be the turning point.

Does not every George man recognize in such language his mother tongue?

DAVID L. THOMPSON.

AN ENGLISH PAPER FOR CLEVELAND.

The Campaign in Pennsylvania.

PHILADELPHIA, Pa.—The single tax Cleveland and Thurman committee of Pennsylvania is getting down to business and will do effective work in the campaign. About $300 has been subscribed, and the committee has thought best to concentrate their efforts and confine their work principally to Philadelphia and the coal regions, although doing all they can in other parts of the state where they see an opportunity for effective work.

Mr. J. C. Frost leaves this week for Schuylkill county, which is the stamping ground of Congressman Brumm, who voted against the Mills bill. He will distribute single tax and free trade literature during the day and speak every night. By this means it is hoped to defeat Brumm, who pretends to represent the interests of labor.

In Philadelphia the committee have secured Musical fund hall at Ninth and Locust streets for October 17, 24 and 31.

Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost will speak October 17, and will be followed by Thomas Shearman, Louis Post and, if the committee can induce him to come, William Lloyd Garrison. Every single tax man in this city and vicinity should make it a point to attend these meetings.

A. H. STEPHENSON.

Single Tax Men and Democratic Candidates in Massachusetts.

CAMBRIDGEPORT, Mass.—The single tax free traders of Massachusetts, like their brethren of New York, are active. In the districts where advanced tariff reformers have been nominated by the democrats for congress they will lend their most cordial support.

Among the democratic candidates upon the state ticket Hon. William E. Russell, the candidate for governor, deserves and will receive a complimentary vote. He has made a record as an aggressive reformer. Against the majority of his party he ably seconded the efforts of the labor party and labor organizations to secure the secret ballot law, and in a public statement upon the subject declared that the existing system opened the door to bribery and corruption, and that workingmen could not secure honest representation. In his administration as mayor of Cambridge he has shown executive ability of a high order. At the present time he is making an active campaign upon the tariff issue.

WM. H. HANNAFORD, Treasurer Single Tax League of Boston.

Single Tax Ideas in the Air.

EAST ORANGE, N. J.—I have attended quite a number of democratic meetings and have heard speakers give reasons for the higher wages of this over other countries that sounded much like the single tax gospel. One gave as the chief reason, that we had cheaper land; others used the phrase “natural opportunities;” while most of them dwelt upon the immense extent of our territory and wealth of natural resources.

Whence these ideas and expressions it not^sic from the single tax men? The question of wages is being discussed everywhere, and this gives us an opportunity we could not have made for ourselves, because as voters for Cleveland we can now find ready listeners among democrats.

E. C. ALPHONSE.

Prof. Garland’s Western Trip.

On his recent western trip Professor Hamlin Garland of Boston, on his way out, delivered speeches at Indianapolis, Chicago and Minneapolis. He stopped for several weeks in Brown county, Dak., and by talks to the farmers and letters to the papers aroused a good deal of thought. One of the most successful meetings was on his return trip, when he spoke before the East side democratic club of Minneapolis. The St. Paul Globe, a democratic paper, gave a very full report of this meeting. On his return trip he also spoke at Osage, Iowa, at an agricultural fair, Parkersburg, W. Va., Baltimore, Md., New York city and Worcester, Mass. For the rest of the year he will be in Boston and is willing to speak at New England towns within reasonable distance of Boston.

Going to Elect Tom Johnson.

CLEVELAND, Ohio.—We are going to elect Tom L. Johnson. The growth of single tax free trade—the revival of pure democracy and the sloughing off of old machine men and ways—is simply wonderful here.

L. A. RUSSELL.

The Queens’ County U. L. P. Endorses Cleveland.

The New York Commercial Advertiser on October 4, published the following:

Timothy J. Schully, secretary of the united labor party executive committee of Queens county, has written a letter to the democratic national committee, in which he says: “The united labor party of Queens county, by their delegates assembled, have adopted tariff reform as their motto for this campaign and indorsed Cleveland and Thurman as fitting candidates to represent the issue. As members of the above party, believing that taxation should be lifted from the products of the workingman’s industry, we find that tariff reform is a step in that direction. It is a further pleasure to notify you that the above indorsement was executed by a unanimous vote; a rare thing. Out of 1,850 votes cast in our country last fall^sic for Henry George. I think^sic you may safely figure on 1,400 or 1,500.

Profits Higher, Wages Lower.

The New York Times had an article in Tuesday’s issue entitled “Michigan’s iron mines.” After giving the output for the year, etc., it says:

The season, which promised poorly at its opening, is proving one of the best that the mine owners have had for years. Wages of miners, mechanics and laborers are slightly lower than last year; ore is selling at a little lower price, and lake transportation charges are lower than last year.

Where’s Your Protective Tariff?

One million men idle in this country and 500,000 annually being added from Europe to help these idlers. It cannot be said that these men are idle from choice, but from necessity.—[Louisville Labor Record.

p. 3, col. 3

A PROTECTION CATECHISM.

1. Is demand for goods demand for labor? If not, why not?

2. When we buy foreign goods do we set foreigners at work? If not, why not?

3. When foreigners buy our goods do they set us at work? If not, why not?

4. Will foreigners send their goods into this country unless we send our goods out? If not, why not?

5. Does the importation of goods reduce wages here? If so, how?—[STANDARD, Oct. 6, 1888.

A Protectionist Tries His Hand.

PORTLAND, Me.—“A Protection Catechism,” published in your last issue, is a series of questions which I presume you would like some “protectionist” to answer. Thus believing, I will attempt it:

1. Is demand for goods demand for labor? If not, why not?

A. It is; and if the demand is supplied by foreign labor, it will rob home labor to just that extent. Will it not?

2. When we buy foreign goods, do we set foreigners at work? If not, why not?

A. We do; but why not buy home goods, and so set our own people at work?

3. When foreigners buy our goods do they set us at work? If not, why not?

A. They do, but why not buy home goods and so set their own people at work?

4. Will foreigners send their goods into this country unless we send our goods out? If not, why not?

A. Not unless they have a surplus and we have a shortage. and I cannot^sic understand how it is desirable that they should. I think every country should supply its own wants as far as possible, and not be put to the expense of transporting goods for distant lands. In fact, it is necessary to the independence of any country to be able to supply its own needs.

5. Does the importation of goods reduce wages here? If so, how?

A. It does. By lessening the demand for labor here, it increases the supply of labor and drives it into unfamiliar employments, while in the meantime wages go down to the lowest ebb. I am old enough to have experienced this long since and know what I am talking about.

S. T. TAYLOR.

Politics are Humming at Cornell.

ITHACA, N. Y., Oct. 6.—Politics are humming here at Ithaca and at Cornell university. Four mass meetings have been held within four days—one republican, one prohibitionist and two democratic.

The significant feature of the two democratic meetings, and that which most gladdens the hearts of us single tax electcral^sic reformers, is the bursts of silence which inspired professors, students and citizens whenever any allusion was made to Hill.

Political straws here indicate a wind, fast rising to a cyclone, that will on November 6th shake one Hill down to its foundation.

On Monday evening Congressman McMillan, of the ways and means committee, addressed a large audience enthusiastic for Cleveland and reform. Hill was only mentioned once or twice in a sort of “me too” manner.

At the students’ republican mass meeting on Wednesday, the first speaker called upon was Professor Wheeler, who proved to be for Cleveland, though he conscientiously refrained from saying more than to advise the students to study well the questions of the hour, and to decide without fear or favor. Another professor who spoke was for tariff reduction.

The call for the students’ democratic mass meeting for Thursday evening was signed by twenty-five of Cornell’s leading professors and instructors. The portraits of Cleveland and Thurman and Hill. with^sic the national flag, hung over the stage. Hill’s picture so offended the first comers that one of them, a prominent student most active in circulating the call, tore it down, expressing doubt as to their ability to secure speakers if it were left in sight. To quiet suspicion and to prevent the need of an explanation, the other pictures were also taken down. It was considered safe to leave the flag.

The meeting was addressed by three of Cornell’s leading professors, Wheeler, Tuttle and Burdick, and a prominent alumni, S. D. Halliday, who made eloquent speeches in favor of Cleveland and taxation reform.

Professor Andrews, our new and popular professor of political economy, who always speaks favorably of George and the single tax, sat on the platform, but for lack of time did not speak.

STUDENT.

NOTES FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

John H. Stolsenburg of New Albany, Ind., sends us a free trade song. Here are a few verses:

Look! the boys are on the march, Cried the son of toil; Look! the boys are on the march, Cried the son of toil. All the clans are in array, They will drive the trusts away And the “combines” shall decay, Cried the son of toil.

When will heavy taxes cease? Cried the son of toil; When will heavy taxes cease! Cried the son of toil. When our trade is freer made, When big tariffs are not laid, And when labor’s promptly paid, Cried the son of toil.

And will labor then be sure? Cried the son of toil; And will labor then be sure? Cried the son of toil. Yes, our rights shall then be clear, While our work shall last the year, And fair wages bring good cheer, Cried the son of toil.

Will our commerce yet be free? Cried the son of toil; Will our commerce yet be free? Cried the son of toil. With our ships on every sea, Trade and commerce shall be free, Homes and Land and Liberty, For the sons of toil.

Thomas Williamson, Lynchburg, Va.—I was glad to see the explanation of the payment of the tax on the value of land under a boarding house on the single tax plan. I have had to meet this objection most frequently: “That some citizens would not contribute, under the single tax plan, to public expenditure at all.” I have always contended: First, that the land value belonged to all and hence all contributed, if the land values were used for the common expenses; and secondly, that all had to use some land either directly or indirectly, and that where this use was conjointly with the landholder, each one would [pay?] to the extent of that use. For example, suppose I own a house and lot (using present style of speech). If I take boarders I make them pay their share of the land value tax and also enough on their food and lodging to make a profit on my outlay. I make nothing on the rent, but on the house improvements, food, fuel, etc. Thus, suppose I have accommodations for nine boarders; each pays one-tenth of the land value tax, just as if each of us ten were using one-tenth of the land. As to food, fuel, lights and lodging, I make them pay a fair percentage over and above the capital I expend in providing such accommodations.

W. L. Boreman, Parkersburg, W. Va.—Since Professor Garland spoke here a good many have questioned us who before would have nothing to say.

p. 3, col. 4

PUSHING CAMPAIGN WORK.

The speakers who have been addressing single tax meetings held under the direction of the committee report large attendance and the greatest attention and enthusiasm on the part of their audiences. Especially interesting have been the occasions where the speakers have answered questions.

On Thursday of last week a meeting was held at 412 Grand street, in the Eighth congressional district, addressed by J. R. Abarbanelle and W. O Eastlake^sic.

The Cooper union meeting, at which W. J. Gorsuch and Thomas G. Shearman spoke, was held on Friday. The full report is in another column.

W. B. Estell and William McCabe spoke on Saturday at a meeting held at 105 Second avenue, the headquarters of the Ninth congressional district branch of the free trade club. Despite the terrific rain storm it was a good meeting.

In Brooklyn, at Temperance hall, a meeting was held the same evening. Rev. S. W. Laidler presided, and Louis F. Post and W. O. Eastlake spoke. A short account will be found in another column.

At Paterson, N. J., Henry George spoke on Monday night. It was the largest meeting held during the campaign, although both parties have had meetings. Mr. George’s speech was enthusiastically applauded.

On the same night W. J. Gorsuch and John H. Dougherty addressed a meeting at McTammany’s hall, Brooklyn.

A branch of the Free trade club in the Eleventh congressional district opened headquarters the same evening, Monday, at No. 335 Eighth avenue. Addresses were made by William T. Croasdale and J. R. Abarbanelle. The rooms were crowded and the audience enthusiastic.

On Tuesday, Louis F. Post spoke at Elizabethport. N. J., and^sic Henry George and Thomas G. Shearman at Palace hall, Brooklyn, E. D.. The^sic Elizabethport meeting was the largest political gathering held there in five years. The hall was packed with people till the close of the meeting, and Mr. Post’s speech was received with enthusiasm. The Brooklyn meeting was also very large and successful.

The meetings for Wednesday were. in New York^sic, at Wendel’s hall, West Forty-fourth street, addressed by Thomas G. Shearman and Louis F. Post; in Brooklyn, at New Turn hall, Sixteenth street and North Fifth avenue, addressed by W. O. Eastlake and John H. Dougherty.

On Thursday, October 11, the Eighth congressional district single tax men will hold a meeting at New Windsor hall, 412 Grand street. A. J. Steers and Fred C. Leubuscher will speak.

On Friday, the 12th, the Seventh congressional district single tax men will meet at the committee rooms, 12 Union square, to complete their organization. Their temporary organization was formed last week, when H. B. Epstein was elected temporary chairman and P. V. Jones temporary secretary.

The Sixth congressional district will be organized on Saturday, October 13, at Greenwich hall, corner Christopher and Hudson streets, at which time and place a mass meeting will also be held. The general public is invited.

The Ninth congressional district will hold a meeting at the headquarters of the Ninth congressional branch of the New York free trade club, at 105 Second avenue, on Saturday evening, Oct. 13.

At Cooper union, Thomas G. Shearman will answer questions about the single tax and free trade on Friday, October 19.

Hugh O. Pentecost will speak at Cooper union on Wednesday, October 24.

A grand rally will be held on Thursday, Nov. 1, at Cooper union. There will be addresses by Thomas G. Shearman, Louis F. Post, Hugh O. Pentecost and Henry George.

In Philadelphia Hugh O. Pentecost will speak at Music fund hall on Wednesday, Oct. 17; Thomas G. Shearman will speak there in the same hall on Oct. 24, and Louis F. Post and William Lloyd Garrison on Wednesday, Oct. 31.

In Brooklyn, there will be a grand rally at the Rink on Tuesday, Oct. 23. Thomas G. Shearman, Louis F. Post, Hugh O. Pentecost and Henry George will speak.

At East New York, Louis F. Post will make a short speech and answer questions at Schiellein’s assembly rooms, corner Atlantic avenue and Vermont avenue, on Monday, October 15.

Thomas G. Shearman will speak at Albany on Tuesday, October 16.

At Passaic, N. J., Louis F. Post will speak on Wednesday, October 17.

Henry George will speak at Harrisburg, Pa., on Thursday, October 25.

Here are as many extracts from the committee’s correspondence as space will permit us to publish:

James McMann, Lansingburgh, N. Y.—I voted for Mr. Cleveland in 1884 and will vote for him in ’88, and against Hill in the state.

John Hofer, New Haven, Conn.—I send my name to be added to the roll of single tax Cleveland men. I am a free trader in the full sense of the word. I voted for Blaine in 1884.

Fred T. Wilcox, Ashtabula, O.—Inclosed find my name, with two others, who were, as myself, formerly republicans. Have been a regular reader of THE STANDARD from almost the beginning. Two of us arranged with our newsdealers to keep it on sale. Now it is widely read here, and benighted Ashtabula is conceded to be the single tax hotbed of the county. Our Knights of Labor assembly is doing glorious work for the single tax cause. All but a few have “seen the eat^sic,” and we live in hope that those few will come around before November.

James Pollard, Stanton, Minn.—Enroll me and my friend, whose name I inclose—both life-long republicans. The more single tax is talked here the more the people get perplexed in their old notions, and are constantly burrowing the ground to keep the weeds down, and hope to see a fair crop in time to vote for Cleveland Thurman^sic.

Morris Cole, Union City, Mich.—Read “Progress and Poverty” four years ago. Have been traveling almost constantly ever since, north, south and west, and never let a chance pass to advocate the single tax, converting not only the three persons whose names are inclosed, but dozens of others, with more to follow.

Edwin Pope, Paterson, N. J.—I voted in 1884 for Gen. Butler, but shall cast my vote this year for Mr. Cleveland. He has pointed out to us the road to freedom. I perceive a great change of thought with reference to the tariff, even in this hide-bound city, and there is no doubt of a still greater change taking place before election day. THE STANDARD is the best paper I have ever read. I would rather go without my meals on Sunday than not have it.

F. O. Brown, Fort Worth, Tex.—I inclose signed blank. This will be the first time I ever voted the democratic ticket, although I have been a voter since ’61. I have been a single tax man ever since I heard Henry George’s speech on the steps of the sub-treasury building on Wall street, New York, two years ago. I formerly considered that what p. 3, col. 5 I did not know about the labor problem was not worth knowing. I vote for Cleveland with the hope that his majority may be so large that it will encourage him to take more steps and longer ones forward. I can say from my own knowledge that the single tax idea is gaining in Texas.

Alfred Pettit, Newark, N. J.—I always voted the republican ticket. Was converted to the single tax about a year ago. Am hard at work trying to convert my friends.

Locke Craig, Asheville, N. C.—Inclosed find my signature for enrollment. I am condemned as a George man, but the democratic clubs keep me busy addressing them and discussing the tariff with republicans, and evidently do not realize that they condemn under the name of Georgeism the same ideas which they applaud under the name of democracy. Hereafter the majority of democrats in this district will be democrats who are for absolute free trade.

J. W. H., New York.—Under the beautiful system of protection to American industries I am compelled to work fourteen hours out of every twenty-four (Sundays magnanimously excepted). So you see it is utterly impossible for me to take any active part in any movement, no matter how heartily I may indorse it.

M. L. [Gabie?], San Francisco, Cal.—Inclosed find list of eighteen single tax men who desire to be enrolled for Cleveland and Thurman, among them Judge James G. Maguire. I expect to get more signers before long.

Thomas F. Burns, Hyde Park, Mass.—I inclose list of three single tax men who will vote for Cleveland because they believe in free trade. They voted for Butler in 1884.

Richard W. Jones, Brooklyn, N. Y.—I authorize the enrollment of my name among the single tax Cleveland voters, who will vote so because his movement is in our direction. I was bred and born a protectionist and republican. I shall also work for Miller and against Hill.

Usufruct, New York.—The monopolist may rest secure so long as the workingman wastes his time in futile strikes. But just as soon as the workingman makes up his mind to vote for freedom the monopolist’s name will be Dennis.

Dan Meagher, Sacramento, Cal.—Inclosed find a few signatures which I picked up yesterday noon among my shopmates. Could have got more if I had more time. They are all from the machine shops, where about 2,000 men are engaged in building locomotives, cars, and manufacturing bridge materials. A large part of the scrap iron we use comes from England. If we could get free coal, free pig iron and free steel billets we would defy Pennsylvania.

H. W. Benedict, Auburn, N. Y.—I send you herewith five more names for enrollment. They were obtained at a meeting held to form a Cleveland and Thurman campaign club. There were a goodly number of single tax men there.

James Corning, Meriden, Conn.—Here are twelve signatures. We want literature. We will cheerfully distribute it.

Mark F. Roberts, Pittsburg, Pa.—Please enroll me as a single tax Cleveland voter. We had a club of forty-one members, all save one or two, protectionists. I am certain that ninety-five per cent of them will now vote for Cleveland and Thurman and the “first step toward true free trade.” The democrats, thanks to the splendid editorials in the Pittsburg Post, are loud in their denunciations of the tariff fraud and robbery.

Samuel E. Sperry, Brooklyn.—With this I send you fifteen more signatures. As soon as I can give time to the business I will get more.

F. A. Clark, Newark, N. J.—Inclosed find six names for the single tax roll. Four of these men voted for Blaine four years ago.

John Bennett, Philadelphia, Pa.—Inclosed find a small contribution to the campaign fund. I am sorry that I cannot send more, but it is a hard fight to maintain an existence in this highly protected locality. We are rapidly learning by bitter experience that the producer gets none of the fat of protection.

J. M., Amsterdam, N. Y.—Enroll me as a single tax man who will vote for Cleveland and Thurman. All our single tax men of last year are with us for Cleveland and against Hill.

J. H. Griffes, Chicago.—I send you a list of fifty single tax Cleveland voters. No one was asked to sign who had not seen “the cat.” There is no such thing as the united labor party in Chicago. Out of all those requested to sign the enrollment only three refused, because they believed in independent political action.

C. S. Hopkins, Buffalo, N. Y.—Had a red hot discussion in a hotel here with about a dozen protectionists and a miscellaneous audience of seventy-five. I laid out the protecs so completely that the democrats had a love feast, and the evening democratic paper published an account of it.

In the Ninth District.

NEW YORK.—The heavy rain storm of last Saturday evening did not have the slightest dampening effect on the single tax free traders of the Ninth congressional district. They were on hand sharp on time, at their club room, 105 Second avenue, to listen to the promised addresses on the question of the campaign. The meeting was rapped to order by Edw. Zimmerman, who, after a few preliminary remarks, introduced W. B. Estell, a coal miner of Freeland, Pa. Mr. Estell gave an interesting description of the life of a coal miner, the hardships he endures, his beggarly requitement, and the life of miserable poverty that as a rule the miner and his wife and children have to endure. Mr. Estell dwelt at length on the wages paid to miners for the past fifteen years. He showed that before a tariff was put on coal the miners had more work and better daily pay than they got after the first duty was put on; and since then wages had fallen and work had become shorter, until now the average earnings of coal miners were one-half what they used to be. Mr. Estell said that the coal miners of Pennsylvania had of late been thinking over the causes that have led to the slough of despond in which they now find themselves; and now they are seeking for the measure that will bring them relief. It would not be long before the miners of Pennsylvania [would all?] be in line in favor of the single [tax on?] land values. There were a good many of them standing on that line now. The result of the change of thought would be made evident in the coming election, when the republican majority would be considerably reduced. If the single tax campaign for this election had been commenced in Pennsylvania last spring that state would now have been debatable ground.

William McCabe followed with a short speech, after which the meeting resolved itself into a debating club, and a discussion ensued which lasted until after 12 o’clock. Five visitors who had been inquiring into the ideas involved in the single tax theory, but who still had some lingering doubts, had them thoroughly removed, and announced their intention of entering actively into the movement. It was a pleasant evening, despite the rain outside, and was a profitable one to all who attended.

SINGLE TAX.

p. 3, col. 6

Commerce.

Thou mother queen that ever reigns Unconquered o’er the earth, Thine is the blood that lifts its veins^sic In thee its life had birth; Without thee, wealth—though never told— Were lifeless pyramids of gold.

Nature’s arm before thee lowers; Thou scarrest deep her face, With her own resistless powers^sic . Annulling time and space; In thy iron-trod footprints lie These foes to thy prosperity.

Thy giant slaves, with spurning heel Bear o’er the seething sea, And thy vast webs of burnished steel Earth’s treasures home to thee. Thy couriers outstrip the sun And roll the wheels of progress on.

Yet far from perfected remains Thy lofty destiny, For foolish children cling in chains About thy bended knee, Impeding thy majestic stride In vain attempts thy course to guide.

Thy bounteous tide we idly dream To dam before our doors; We do but turn the golden stream Which seeks more open shores. Each land that would share in its good Must pour some tributary flood.

This world-wide sea doth ever flow With even measured sweep, Its changing currents come and go, But ever balance keep; Tear down all barriers to the waves, Or strand on rocks that mark their graves!

KATE HUDSON.

To Help Single Tax Strangers.

The following list contains the names and addresses of men active in the single tax cause in their respective localities, with whom believers wishing to join in the movement may communicate:

Albany, N Y—Robert Baker, 178 Madison avenue; J C [Roshirt?], 22 Third avenue, or James J Mahoney, secretary Single Tax Cleveland and Thurman club, [23?] Myrtle avenue. Alhambra, Mon Ter—W E Brokaw. Altoona, Pa—Joseph Sharp, jr., secretary Single tax club, 411 Tenth street; Albert C Rouzee, [924?] First avenue. Amsterdam, N Y—Harvey Book. Anacostia, D C—Carroll W Smith, office Anacostia tea company, Harrison and Monroe streets. Arkansas City, Kas—James B Hassett. Auburn, Me—F W Beals, secretary Single tax club. Avon, N Y—Homer Sabin. Baltimore, Md—John W Jones, sec Single tax league of Maryland, 125 N Bond street; John Salmon, Pres Henry George club, 415 N Eutaw street; Dr Wm N Hill, [1400?] E Baltimore street. Bayside, Long Island, N Y—Antonio M [Molina?]. Braceville, Ill—William Matthews, secretary Tariff reform club. Bradford, Pa—J C De Forest, secretary Land and labor club, 26 Newell place. Binghampton, N Y—L S Hinman, 42 Prospect ave. Boston, Mass—Edwin M White, 45 Eliot street; J R Roche, president Anti-poverty society, 15 Bowdoin street. Brooklyn, N Y—J Hickling, 41 Sidney place, president Single tax club. Burlington, Iowa—James Love, bookseller, or Richard Spencer. Burlington, Vt—Charles N Monahan, cigar manufacturer. Canisteo, N Y—H W Johnson, P O box 265. Chamberlain, Dak—James Brown. Charles City, Iowa.—Irving W Smith, M D, office opposite Union house. Chicago, Ill—Frank Pearson, secretary Land and labor club No 1, 45 La Salle street. Cincinnati, O—Charles H Fitch, care Henry George club. Clanton, Ala—O M Mastin or Alex G Dake. Cleveland, O—Frank L Carter, 132 Chestnut street. Columbus, O—E J Brackens, president Single tax club, 505 North High street; Sam F Caen, corresponding secretary, care Edward Hyneman, 348 1-2 South High street. Cornwall, Cal—Jeff A Bailey. Cramer Hill, Camden county, N J—Chas P Johnston. Dayton, O—W W Kile, 33 E Fifth street; J G Galloway, 263 Samuel street. Denver, Col—Charles G Buck, chairman State executive committee National tax reform association, new Fritch block. Detroit, Mich—J K [Finehart?], 45 Waterloo street; J F Duncan, secretary Tax reform association. Diamond Springs, Eldorado county, Cal—J V Lanston. Dunkirk, N Y—Francis Lake. East Cambridge, Mass—J F Harrington, St John’s Literary Institute. Eastport, Long island, N Y—J K Rudyard. East Rindge, N H—Edward Jewett. Elizabeth, N J—Benjamin Urner. Elmira, N Y—William Bergman, 712 East Market street. Farmington, Iowa—F. W. Rockwell. Gardner, Ill—T S Cumming. Glen Cove, Long Island, N Y—Herbert [Doromer?]. Glens Falls, N Y—John H Quinlan. Gloversville, N Y—Wm C Wood, M D. Grand View-on-the-Hudson, N Y—Henry L Hinton. Harrison, Tex—[illegible] J McCollum. Haverhill, Mass—Arthur F Brock. Hornellsville, N Y—George H Van Winkle. Hot Springs, Ark—W Albert Chapman. Hoosick Falls, N Y—F S Hammond. Houston, Tex—H F Ring, corporation attorney. Hutchinson, Kas—J G Malcolm, M D. Ilion, N Y—George Smith, P O box 502. Indianapolis, Ind—Herman Kuehn, 14 Talbot block; or L P Custer, member of Single tax club. Jersey City, N J—Joseph Dana Miller, secretary Hudson county Single tax league, 86 Ege avenue. Kingston, N Y—Theodore M Romeyn. Lonsdale, R I—Dr Garvin. Los Angeles, Cal—W H Dodge, 30 North Alameda street; W A Cole, 149 South Hill; or A Vinette, P O box 482. Lynchburg, Va—Thos Williamson, cor Fifth and Church streets. Madison, Dak—E H Evenson. Manistee, Mich—Albert Walkley or W R Hall. Mart, Tex—J L [Caldwell?], chairman Ninth congressional district organizer. Massillon, O—Samuel T Wright, 63 West Main street. Memphis, Tenn—R G Brown, secretary Tariff reform club, 59 Madison street. Middletown, Conn—John G Hopkins, P O box 530. Middletown, N Y—Chas H Fuller, P O box 115 Minneapolis, Minn.—C J Buell, president Anti-poverty society, 402 W Franklin avenue. Murrayville, Ill—William Camm, president Democratic club. Nashville, Tenn—P H Carroll, [255?] N High street, secretary American land league. Neponset, Mass—Q A [Lothrop?], member Henry George club, 43 Walnut street. Newark, N J—Rev Hugh O Pentecost, [58?] Oriental street. Newburg, N Y—D J McKay, secretary Single tax club, 238 Broadway. Newport, Ky—Joseph L Schraer, secretary Single tax league, 247 Southgate street. Nickel Plate, Lorain Co, O—Edw B Haskell. Ordway, Dak—R H Garland, member Tax reform association. Passaic, N J—J J Barnard, P O box 181. Paterson, N J—E W Nellis, Chairman Passaic county Single tax Cleveland campaign committee, 89 North Main street. Parkersburg, W Va—W I Boreman^sic, member of Single tax league. Pawtucket, R I—Edward Barker, [23?] Gooding street. Peoria, Ill—J W Avery. Philadelphia, Pa—Wm J Atkinson, [926?] Chestnut street; or A. H. Stephenson, 214 Chestnut street, secretary Henry George club. Piermont, N Y—Charles R Hood, P O box 13. Pittsburg, Pa—Mark F Roberts, 1727 Carey alley. Plymouth, Mass—C E Marks, box 51. Portland, Ore—S B Riggen, [48?] Stark street, or James P Kohler, 131 Grand street. Poughkeepsie, N Y—William C Albro. Pulaski, N Y—C V Harbottle. Ravenswood, Ill—W H Van Ornum. Reading, Pa—Chas S [Prizer?], [1013?] Penn street. River Falls, Wis—[George?] H Bates. Rochester, N Y—Charles Avril, 7 Morrill street. Roselle, N J—Read Gordon. Rutland, Vt—T H Brown, 11 Cherry street. San Francisco, Cal—Judge James G Maguire, Superior court. San Luis Obispo, Cal—Mrs Frances M Milne. Seneca Falls, N Y—Wm H Atkinson, P O box [54?]. South Gaston, N C—W L M Perkins. Sparrow Bush, Orange county, N Y—C L Dedrick, president Progressive association; John Sheehan, secretary. Spirit Lake, Iowa—J W Schrimpf, secretary Tariff reform club. Springfield, Mo—H A W Juneman, [665?] Nichols street. St. Louis, Mo—Geo S Bonnell, president Single tax league, [1527?] Leffingwell avenue; Miss Sarah N Gates, secretary, [1300?] Washington avenue. Stockton, Cal—D A Leonard. Syracuse, N Y—Charles S [Hopkins?], 9 Seymour street; A R Perry, 149 South Clinton street; or F A Paul, 4 Walton street; or James K McGuire, secretary Single tax club, 59 Greene street. Thomaston, Conn—Andrew Leary, sec Land and labor club, P O box [298?] Trenton, N J—H R Mathews, 9 Howell street. Troy, N Y—B B [Martin?]. Tuckahoe, N Y—Albert O Young. Unionville, Conn—John McAuliffe. Utica, N Y—Thomas Sweeney, 136 Elizabeth street, or Daniel M Buckley, grocer, southwest corner First and Catharine. Vincennes, Ind—Hon Samuel W Williams, rooms 2 and 3 Opera block. Waco, Tex—Frank Grady. Washington, D C—Dr. William Geddes, [221?] E street, N W, secretary anti-poverty society. Weatherford, Tex—William M [Buell?]. West New Brighton, Staten Island, N Y—A B Stoddard. Whitestone, Long Island, N Y—George Harnwell. Wilmington, Del—Geo W Kreer, 717 West Ninth [street?] [end of line obscured by damage at page edge] Woodstock, Ill—A W Currins. Worcester, Mass.—E K Page, Lake View. Yonkers, N Y—Joseph Sutherland. Youngstown, O—Billy Radcliffe, Radcliffe house. Zanesville, Ohio—W H [Longhead?], 27 Van Buren street.

A Scarecrow That Don’t Scare.

Milwaukee Daily Review.

In view of the great popularity of the single tax theory, it is somewhat ridiculous for the Milwaukee Sentinel, after having exhausted itself to find reasons why Congressman Smith should not be supported for re-election, holds up as a sort of scarecrow to the public the statement that he is a “Henry George man.” According to all indications it will not particularly injure a man’s chances for popularity to be an advocate of an idea that is growing at a prodigious rate in public favor.

Page 4

THE STANDARD, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1888.

p. 4, col. 1

A SIGNIFICANT ADMISSION.

The Press of this city generally utilizes its editorial page to tell its readers about the wonderful prosperity of American workingmen—the splendid wages they receive, the silk dresses their wives and daughters wear, the perfectly lovely time they are having generally. It is true that the news columns of the paper knock these pretty romances into flinders by telling actual facts about actual men, women and children. But the Press is so constituted that it doesn’t mind that; and it apparently has no dread of the possible effect upon its readers. It seems to think that when a man believes in protection his logical faculties are benumbed.

But the other day the Press editorial page took on a new appearance. Probably the regular editorial writer was away, and the news editor undertook to supply his place. Anyway, the Press, in double leaded type, said this:

It is, we think, generally conceded by labor organizations of all kinds that wages in nearly all industries, trades and crafts have reached what, from their point of view, is the danger line. That is the line beyond which American labor ought not to go if it expects to retain a standard of living superior to that of European labor. As a matter of fact, in some of the unorganized trades and occupations and in the unskilled labor market, wages have already gone below the danger line.

If this is not believed by wage earners of all kinds the Press wishes those who are interested would inquire of Mr. Powderly, who leads the Knights of Labor, or of Mr. Gompers, the leader of the federation of trades, if, during the last twelve months, any trade or craft backed by these powerful and useful organizations has been able to secure a single raise in the scale of rates of compensation anywhere.

And after thus confessing the complete failure of the protective system to do its acknowledged duty by the workingmen, the Press goes on to explain that the cause of low wages is that “the demon of cheapness is abroad in the land.” Things are altogether too cheap, it thinks, and that makes the present trouble. If the Mills bill should pass they would be cheaper yet, and there would be worse trouble. Hence an argument for protection. The Press doesn’t point out that this is a still stronger argument for the sugar trust, and the cotton seed oil trust, and the steel rail trust, and all the rest of them. Perhaps it expected its readers to see that without being told. Or perhaps, on the other hand, it thought they hadn’t sense enough to see it.

—

The direct tax law of Great Britain interferes even with marriage and other settlements. Any deed whereby any definite sum or share is settled upon or for the benefit of a person, for every £100 or part of £100 is taxed $1.50. If a British subject desires to settle [$20,000?] on his wife the government exacts a tax of [$60?], and if the settlement is $100,000 the tax is $300. Is such a tax likely to be so popular as a customs duty, which the man who pays it does not feel, and which helps along American industries!—[Mail and Express.

On mature consideration we think it is. The American workingman, of course, will feel badly at having to pay $60 every time he settles a paltry [$20,000?] on his wife; but, on the other hand, he will be able to settle shoes on his children free of tax. And when he gets very weary of the tax on settlements, he can abolish that impost, and lay all taxes upon land values.

—

A bright weekly paper, the Journal, has been started in Cohoes, under the editorship of Richard Monk. It warmly supports Cleveland and Thurman because of their attitude on the tariff question, and as warmly opposes Governor Hill because of his [veto?] of the ballot reform bill.

p. 5, col. 2

MEN AND THINGS.

Mr. Edward H. Ammidown, president of the American protective tariff league, informs the public, through the Mail and Express, that he sent last month the following letter to a vice-president of the league in Virginia:

NEW YORK CITY, Sept. 12, 1888. H. C. Parsons, Natural Bridge, Va.—DEAR SIR: I think if you can arrange for a joint discussion on the Mills bill in ten or more cities in Virginia, and assure our speakers liberal and attentive audiences, we can promise men with a national reputation and fully armed with facts for a fair and high debate of this simple economic question. Yours very truly, EDWARD H. AMMIDOWN, President, etc.

It is further stated, that in accordance with this suggestion, Mr. Parsons communicated with the chairman of the democratic state committee, suggesting a series of joint debates; and that to this communication no official answer has yet been returned.

We sincerely trust that the Virginia democracy will, even at this late day, accept the challenge so boldly made. At the same time, we must remind Mr. Ammidown that he himself, speaking for his tariff organization, has declined to put forward a champion to debate the issue of protection or free trade here in New York. The challenge was sent to him weeks ago, and declined. It is still open. We trust Mr. Ammidown is not afraid to do in New York that which he urges his vice-president to do in Virginia.

And while we are about it, we ask Mr. Ammidown’s attention to the following advertisement inserted some days since in the Press, of this city. It would be blasphemy to say that protectionists do not read the Press, advertisements and all. Yet up to date not a protectionist out of the whole lot of them has answered this advertisement:

WANTED—A protectionist to make an address before the Tenth congressional district Single tax Cleveland club, explaining how tariffs increase wages, and to answer questions put by the audience. Address BENJAMIN DOBLIN, Chairman, 12 Union square.

—

The republican national committee have done a righteous thing. They have advertised that they will pay $25,000 in rewards “for information resulting in the arrest and conviction of any persons guilty of violating the election laws in the impending national election in the cities of New York or Brooklyn, by false or illegal registration.” Two thousand dollars is to be paid for the first conviction, $1,000 for the second, $500 for the third and $250 for each subsequent conviction until the $25,000 shall be exhausted. Annexed to the advertisement is a certificate from the Garfield national bank, showing the deposit of $25,000, to be specifically applied to the payment of the rewards.

—

The trouble about protection is that it never protects all round. Somebody always has to pay for protecting the other fellow. Here are the farmers of the colony of Victoria, in Australia, meeting in convention in Melbourne to insist that something should be done for them. They are forced to pay heavy prices for manufactured goods, they complain, because of the protective tariff; and yet the much protected Victorian manufacturers unpatriotically go to New South Wales for their wheat and wool, for no better reason than that the New South Wales people can afford to sell wheat and wool cheaper. So the Victorian farmers want a whopping tariff laid on wheat and wool and things of that sort; and as wheat growing is a younger infant industry than wool growing, they modestly ask for a bounty on wheat production. The only thing they dont^sic want to see protected is labor. They think that costs altogether too much and ought to made cheaper^sic. And so they entreat the government to renew the system of assisted immigration and thus help them to get their wheat raised and their wool clipped at lower prices. Just where the laboring man comes in in the Victorian scheme of protection, it is rather hard to see.

—

A female World reporter lately assumed the character of a sewing girl looking for employment, and visited several New York establishment^sic, in which the highly protected industry of clothing manufact ure is carried on. Her experiences were interesting.

Her first visit was to a vest factory, where she was offered the choice of binding vests at four cents each, or finishing necks at half a cent to two cents. Declining work at these prices, the reporter passed on to an overcoat establishment, where she secured a job. By hard work she succeeded in finishing two overcoats in the course of the day, for which she received twenty-five cents. Here is her description of the place:

In this shop the slaves worked from seven o’clock in the morning until seven in the evening and seven days in a week. At eleven in the forenoon and three in the afternoon the factory was invaded by soda water and bread men. Nearly everybody invested in a pint bottle of soda, for which they paid two cents, the water being unfit to drink. Bread was sold for a penny, cut up in chunks weighing about four ounces, and the same price was accepted for a cheese sandwich. Fruit ped dlers offered a big apple or a small pear for a cent, and by a series of questions I learned that many of the workers were able to subsist on the investment of five cents a day or fifty cents a week, the extra fifteen cents paying for half a pound of coffee, which was prepared in the beer cans over the furnace fire. Besides venders of sausage, shoe strings, shirt buttons, handkerchiefs and notions in general, there were agents from various lotteries, the representative of the Louisville concern being the most successful. There was absolutely no retiring room for the unfortunate sewing girls to go to, and no provision whatever for creature comforts.

When the day’s work was over, the reporter, by offering to provide a beefsteak, induced the girl who had been sitting next her during the day, to ask her home to tea. It was not an ideal home to which they went:

In one room my little colaborer lived with her parents and six little brothers and sisters, the youngest being a babe of three months, the next two years, and the others under p. 5, col. 3 seventeen years, that being Anna’s age. The two youngest children were asleep on a pillow beside the kitchen stove, three played house on a dirty mattress that was tied up in a rope and used as a seat, and the fourth child clung to the mother’s skirts, crying piteously. All the bedding was hung out of the window; and on the sills were crowded cans containing milk, drippings and perishable groceries. The mother could not speak English, although she understood much that was said. In spite of the beefsteak and fresh biscuits we had brought she did not accord me a welcome sufficiently cordial to justify my remaining; and to be frank I was not sorry to quit the wretched abode, with its suffocating smell.

All this in the city of New York, in the year of grace 1888.

—

Mrs. Sophie Schreckner, of 455 West Thirteenth street^sic, is a woman who has committed many crimes. To say nothing of her wickedness in coming into the world in the first place, when she might have known there was no room for such as her, she has been guilty of getting married, of having two children, of becoming a widow, and of trying to make an honest living as a washerwoman. For all this it was proper that she should be punished, and she has been punished accordingly. One day last week, having nothing to eat in the house, she sent her two ragged, bare-footed little ones out to beg. A policeman arrested them, and a police justice turned them over to a charitable society. Now that Mrs. Schreckner has been deprived of her children, perhaps she will reflect upon the misdeeds we have enumerated, and make up her mind to cease intruding herself into a world where she clearly is not wanted.

—

A convention of Kentucky tobacco growers have adopted a foolish resolution recommending that no tobacco be planted in this country during 1889 and that the crop of this season be withheld from the market until next summer. They give as a reason for this extraordinary proposal that there is more tobacco now on hand than can be sold at a profit, and they have summoned a second convention for October 15 to arrange the details of the plan.

If the tobacco growers in the convention had possession of all the tobacco growing land in the country, they might, with the assistance of the blessed tariff, carry out this little scheme successfully; but as it is, the only effect of their trying to carry out their resolution would be to encourage everyone else to plant tobacco. If the convention persevere in their nonsense, they will find next year that there will be just as much tobacco planted as ever, and that their saved-up crop of 1888 will only help to break the market down. They are trying to form a trust without knowing how to do it. Trusts rest on monopoly. No monopoly, no trust. If these Kentucky gentlemen want to form a tobacco trust, they must begin by buying up all the tobacco lands.

—

A certain Mr. Proutt of Chicago, said to be a Christian scientist, comes before the public with a scheme for making 6,000 families rich, if not absolutely without work, at all events with very little labor. He proposes that the 6,000 families shall go west in a body, take up each 160 acres of land, and found a city, which, supposing each family to consist of five persons, will start into life with a population of 30,000 souls. The land within the city limits, Mr. Proutt estimates, will at once be worth $15,000,000, and that in the suburbs $9,000,000, making $24,000,000 in all, or a neat little property of $4,000 for each family.

Mr. Proutt’s idea is ingenious, only he hasn’t worked it out quite far enough. To make his proposed city truly prosperous he must arrange for a second detachment of 6,000 families to follow the first. These will not take up any public lands in or around the city, because the first lot will have gobbled it all; but they can rent land from the first comers. In this way the wealth of the city will be increased from $24,000,000 to $48,000,000 at least; and the first batch of emigrants will reap the reward of their prudence and sagacity by making the second lot work to support them.

Getting in Good Work at Lynn.

LYNN, Mass., Oct. 7.—I inclose you a list of eight Cleveland and Thurman single tax voters which I obtained in my few leisure moments. But one voted for Cleveland four years ago, two were independent and five were republican.

Mr. Theodore Perkins, secretary of our land and labor club, and other members are circulating enrollment blanks.

THE STANDARD is doing immense work in the enlightenment of the people in this section, the most gratifying evidence of which is the number of young men who are to be found on the streets and in the labor headquarters discussing the tariff question from its true economic standpoint. Their political opponents are not a little surprised and mystified at the information displayed by, and the readiness of the replies of, the young free trade advocates.

The rapid progress of true economic thought was also emphasized at a democratic meeting here last week, when the speaker, Mr. Russell, nominee for governor, said: “Whatever may be the views held by the people relative to the influence of the tariff in maintaining wages, I am of the opinion that neither free trade nor protection has anything to do with them,” which elicited hearty applause from a considerable portion of the audience. Again, the nominee for lieutenant governor, Mr. Cor coran^sic, speaking of the extortionate taxation of the tariff, asked, “And what do you receive in return?” I shouted, “Nothing!” “That’s it, exactly,” he returned; “you receive nothing.” And the applause of 2,000 people indicated that their eyes were being opened.

W. W. GRAY, President Land and Labor Club.

Teaching Brooklyn Democrats.

BROOKLYN, N. Y.—A single tax Cleveland and Thurman meeting was held last Saturday evening at Temperance hall, Brooklyn. Notwithstanding the very heavy rain that lasted all the evening, about a hundred people were present, most of whom were evidently desirous of hearing straight out free trade arguments. Rev. S. W. Laidler presided and delivered a first rate speech on the tariff bill just presented by the senate committee, and advocated absolute free trade. The other speakers were Louis F. Post and Wilbur O. Eastlake. Their speeches were received with great enthusiasm.

ONLOOKER.

p. 5, col. 4

THE CAMPAIGN “STANDARD” FUND.

“Credo’s” idea of a “sowing society,” whose members should pledge themselves to the payment of twenty-five cents monthly “for the purpose of disseminating the single tax doctrine through the medium of THE STANDARD,” seems to have met with some approval. Here are two of the letters that have reached us on the subject:

MORRISTOWN, N. J.—Inclosed find twenty-cents for monthly subscription to single tax sowing society, to be used in circulating STANDARDS. The idea of some kind of association, with regular dues, is much more likely to bring forth contributions than the plan of miscellaneous giving, even for a par ticular object. A. C. KIP.

BALLSTON SPA, N. Y.—“Credo” made a suggestion which I think is the best I have yet seen, and I act upon it at once. I would suggest that some kind of a card be printed, upon which each member could keep a memorandum when he paid, and thus be kept in mind of it. Our cause is making rapid strides. Three-fourths of the democrats are anti-protectionists already. R. FEENY.

We wait to see how many more STANDARD readers will pledge themselves to support “Credo’s” idea. The plan proposed is certainly simple and feasible enough. There are few friends of the single tax movement who cannot spare twenty-five cents a month for the purpose of placing THE STANDARD before people who otherwise might not be likely to see it. And anything like concerted action in this direction would supply the means of reaching a very wide circle. We hope to see the applications for membership in “Credo’s” “sowing society” come tum bling in.

—

But it must not be forgotten that there is special work to done now^sic, that cannot be delayed. The end of the campaign is drawing near; and when it shall have closed an opportunity will have vanished. Men’s minds just now are open for the discussion of economic principles as they have not been for a generation past. To force the doctrine of the single tax upon their attention nou^sic, in the heat of the campaign, while they are thus peculiarly ready to receive it, is the object of the campaign STANDARD fund. Were the fund twenty times what it is, it would still be all too small for its work. To swell its resources promptly is at present the most effectual way that single tax men can take of aiding the cause they have at heart.

Here are some of the letters from contributors:

BROOKLYN, N. Y.—I send you one dollar for the STANDARD campaign fund, and regret that I cannot increase the amount, as I know of no better way of spreading the single tax doctrine than by placing STANDARDS and free trade tracts in the hands of our opponents.

Unfortunately for me I am not yet of age, so I shall not have the pleasure of casting my first vote for Cleveland and Thurman and Miller this year. However, I hope at the next presidential election to be able to assist at the polls in the election of the candidate who comes nearest to supporting the single tax doctrine. GEO. N. OLCOTT.

MOUNT PLEASANT, Iowa.—I send list of names and $2 for campaign fund. The single tax idea seems to be gaining friends. I am buying five or six copies of THE STANDARD each week, putting them where they will do good. A. O. PITCHER.

PULASKI, N. Y.—Your weekly pleas for recruiting funds are irresistible. Much as I need funds for other purposes, this burden enlarges and will not down. I inclose a dollar, hoping this will relieve my sense of duty somewhat, and convert some blind soul. If this does not relieve me I may squeeze out more? C. V. HARBOTTLE.

NEW HAVEN, Conn.—Inclosed I send my name to be added to the list of single tax voters who will vote for Cleveland and Thurman. I voted for Blaine in ’84, but am now a free trader in the full sense of the word. I send $2 for the campaign fund. Wish I could send more. JOHN HOFER.

PORTLAND, Ore.—Inclosed find express order for $7, of which $5 is to pay for my subscription to the campaign STANDARD fund for October and November, and for the remaining $2 please send me forty copies of THE STANDARD of September 1, containing speeches by Henry George and William Lloyd Garrison. S. B. RIGGEN.

FULTON, N. Y.—Inclosed find postal note for $1.30. Put the dollar in the campaign fund, and for the balance send me two hundred copies of Judge Reid’s “A republican’s reasons for supporting Cleveland.”

I also inclose an enrollment blank signed, as I am a thorough convert to the single tax. I could not do otherwise. I have always been a republican, and voted for Blaine in 1884. I shall not vote for Hill. The believers in the single tax here number very few, but we are fighting as stoutly as we can.

E. C. ROGERS.

NEW YORK CITY.—Inclosed find $2 for the campaign. Wish I could send more, and may do so before the campaign is over. THE STANDARD arrives every week, and is the best paper I ever read. E. B. SWINNEY.

NEW YORK CITY.—I inclose $1, to be used as you judge best. I would have sent in my contribution sooner, but was out of work and could not afford to do it. Now I will do my best, and try and send you as much every other week. I always buy my STANDARD at a news stand, read it from beginning to end, and then put it in my barber shop.

A GRANGER.

NEW YORK.—Some time ago I noticed in THE STANDARD your suggestion to its friends that it might be possible to largely increase its circulation by each one asking some newsdealer who had not been keeping it on sale to procure three copies weekly, with the understanding that one copy would be taken immediately upon their arrival, and the remaining two at the end of the week if not sold. The idea seemed to me to he a very good one^sic, and so when a man who had recently lost his eyesight, and who had a wife and little ones dependent upon him, set up a news stand in the lower part of the city near the office where I am employed, I asked him to get three copies; told him I would take one as soon as received, and stipulated that the other two were to be displayed so that people passing might know that THE STANDARD was kept there for sale, agreeing to take them if they were unsold at the end of the week. The first week I was a day late in calling for my copy, and upon inquiring for it, was informed that four copies had been procured and sold. I told him to get more and to supply the demand, and that I would see that none were left on his hands at the end of the week. That was about two months ago, and my blind friend now sells from thirteen to eighteen copies weekly, of which number I usually take three or four to mail to acquaintances who I think may be attracted by something which I see (and mark) in them. Thus you see your suggestion put in practice by one of the friends of the p. 5, col. 5 cause has not only been the means of helping a blind man to support his family, but what is of far greater importance (even to him, I hope), has done something towards helping forward the crusade which I have faith to believe will eventually lead to a far higher and nobler development of mankind than has ever been dreamed of on earth. Of course I do not know that all these copies are sold to people who had not been previously buying it elsewhere, but it is fair to presume that a good part of them are; and it is in the hope that many others may be encouraged to try the plan that I write of my success with it.

FRED J. MILLER.

INDIANAPOLIS, Ind., Oct. 3.—Inclosed find $1; apply where it will do the most good; will try to send another before the campaign closes. I have a mother and niece dependent upon me besides my own family, hence the smallness of my contribution; wish I could make it a thousand. Every single tax man who is imbued with the glorious principle ought to contribute a mite at least.

Leo Miller, H. Martin Williams and Thomas Hudson, three single tax men, good and true, are making their voices heard in this state. The single tax doctrine is gradually taking hold of the masses, and has already passed the stage of ridicule in this locality.

A significant thing happened a few nights ago. When I was reading THE STANDARD, our chief operator, a man who has seemingly cared very little for questions of a political or economical nature, came up behind me and looked over my shoulder, and said: “What’s George got to say this time?” I read him a portion of one of Mr. George’s answers to a question at the last Cooper union meeting. He said: “I tell you that man George has the largest head on him of any man in this country to-day. I believe he is right, and the great strength of his doctrine lies in the fact that he bases it on the teachings of Christ and the Holy Bible.” I was a little surprised.

I am getting up a list of names for enrollment. L. P. CUSTER.

PROVIDENCE, R. I.—Inclosed please find one dollar from one of the 50,000 to whom you appeal in this week’s issue of THE STANDARD. I wish I could afford to do more. I get my STANDARD from the newsdealer here instead of subscribing for same at the office of publication, as I think this induces dealers to keep it on their counters and thus bring it more into public notice. I also inclose money for tracts. GEO. D. LIDDELL.

DETROIT, Mich., Oct. 3.—I inclose check for $5, being matured installment of my subscription to the campaign fund.

I heard Mr. Blaine speak to-day. He fought shy of tariffs, trusts and troubles generally and confined himself to a demagogic thrumming on the pension veto string and other irrelevancies. Yet he it was who said that any departure from the issue that a high tariff makes wages high to the laborer was a weakening of the campaign. Query: Is Mr. Blaine weakening? HERMAN KUEHN.

CHICAGO, Ill., Oct. 3.—By transfer of the list of the Labor Enquirer my name is now on your subscription roll and will be renewed from time to time as it expires. I accidentally came across THE STANDARD on its sixth issue, and having read “Progress and Poverty” I immediately sent for the preceding numbers, and haven’t missed a number since, frequently purchasing several, and encouraging different newsdealers to keep it on sale.

I am reminded by receipt of Mr. Croasdale’s circular of September that I have not been quite so active in urging the circulation of THE STANDARD as I might have been. I therefore inclose payable to you an order for $3 for which please send me ten copies of THE STANDARD until after the November election, and I will endeavor by that time to get as many or more permanent subscribers for a longer time. Recognizing the press as the great educator, I don’t know any better way for quiet single tax men to be useful than to urge his friends to read THE STANDARD and thus induce voters to think. I find where this can be accomplished every honest truth-seeker is sooner or later convinced, and most frequently in turn becomes a propagator of the truth.

Thousands of quiet people every day say God bless Henry George, and I hope every one will try and get as many subscribers for for THE STANDARD^sic as he can, so that the issue may be so large that its columns may be in great demand for advertisements and thus enable a reduction in the price of subscription and increase its circulation. I have found that I can induce many men to buy single copies who do not feel able to pay down a year’s subscription at once.

I will in a day or so send what signatures of single tax Cleveland men I can get. Please send this week’s issue for first numbers of STANDARD for my club.

As one of the tribe of Abou Ben Adhem I salute you. J. HARRIS, 76 Market street.

—

The subscriptions to the fund for the past week have been:

E. [C.?] Alphonse, East Orange, N. J. …… 1 00 T. Edward Ferguson, Brooklyn (monthly contribution) …… 2 50 George Datch, Pittsburg, Pa. …… 1 00 W. F. Elflin, Cleveland, O. …… 1 00 Rome Adams, Oak Hill, N. Y. …… 2 00 A. Granger, City …… 1 00 A. M. Segin, Memphis, Tenn. …… 72 Herman Kuehn, Detroit, Mich. …… 5 00 J. R. Hoadley, Rutland, Vt. …… 2 10 S. & W. Mendelson, City, (monthly contribution) …… 10 00 M. Williams, Bowling Green, Ky. …… 1 00 F. B. Swinney, City^sic …… 2 00 Dr. Stewart, Cookport, Pa. …… 1 00 J. L. G., Boston, Mass. …… 5 00 G. D. Liddell, Providence, R. I. …… 1 00 F. A. Simms, Lynn, Mass. …… 50 L. P. Custer, Indianapolis, Ind. …… 1 00 G. N. Olcott, Brooklyn, N. Y. …… 1 00 O. A. Pitcher^sic, Mt. Pleasant, Ia. …… 2 00 H. Gonzales, Melrose …… 50 E. C. Rogers, Fulton, N. Y. …… 1 00 L. Prang, Boston, Mass. (monthly contribution) …… 5 00 Fourth instalment O. M. & L. O. M., city …… 5 00 S. B. Riggen, Portland, Oregon …… 5 00 F. N. B., Cincinnati, O. …… 15 Richard Feeney^sic, Ballston Spa, N. Y. …… 25 A. C. Kip, Morristown, N. J. …… 25 J. W. Jakeway, City …… 1 00 R. T., Stapleton, S. I. …… 1 00 A. R. Wynn, Toledo, O. …… 1 00 B. Macdonald, Flushing, L. I. …… 5 00 C. V. Harbottle, Pulaski, N. Y. …… 1 00 T. W. Roberts, City …… 25 Credo, Newark, N. J. …… 25 John Hofer, New Haven, Ct. …… 2 00 James Perry, Brooklyn, N. Y. …… 10 00 Jacob Jordan, Troy, N. Y. …… 2 00

Total for the week …… $81 47 Previously acknowledged …… 3,316 44

Total to date …… $3,397 91

The Outlook in the West is Very Cheering.

CHICAGO, Ills., Oct. 3.—Six months ago I favored independent action, but soon saw how futile it would be, and now am convinced that by joining the democrats in their one short step toward freedom we not only compel them to go further than they intended and give the movement such impetus that it can never be checked until the whole tariff infamy is swept away, but have advanced the single tax cause more than would have been possible in a generation by independent political action.

I have traveled much through the west in the last six months, and am daily surprised at the steady and rapid growth of our principles. Everywhere men who a year ago were shocked at the mere mention of the single tax, are now interested, willing, even eager listeners. The leaven is working, and I bid all our single tax friends to be of good cheer, renew hope and courage, and p. 5, col. 6 press forward with unfaltering step. The promise of morning brightens, and some of us will live to see the noon tide glory of the perfected liberty that can only come when justice is done.

One good sign of the times is that where I buy what STANDARDS I can pay for, and where not long since many numbers remained unsold each week, for the last month the supply has been exhausted on the first day after arrival, and it is now common to see them being read studiously on railroad trains and street cars, in hotels, and wherever men have a few minutes leisure; and what is more, the reader invariably passes the paper to some one else, pointing out some articles that meets his thought^sic. It is the great political educator of the times.

WM. SPALDING, Room 16, 175 LaSalle street.

SOCIETY NOTES.

Almost everywhere it has been a gay and pleasant season, a little rapid in its onward course at some places, proportionately slow at others. At Newport and Lenox, where society people most do congregate, it may almost be said to have been brilliant. The most open-handed hospitality has prevailed, a hospitality that has been untrammeled by the influence of cliques, and that has excluded none where education and refinement gave a right to enter. Consequently no injurious scandals, having their origin in envyings and backbitings, have darkened the air. But the summer days with all their varied and multiplied pleasures have passed without a cloud.—[New York Sun.

John Nolan, old, sick and homeless, was picked up in the street the other day by the police of the Twenty-third precinct. He said that he was eighty-five and had been so long in his feebleness dependent on his children, who had little themselves, that he felt it to be his duty to rid them of the burden. So he crept into the street and gave himself up. The old man either could not or would not tell where his children lived, and was taken to Bellevue hospital.

The first meet of the Essex county hounds took place Saturday afternoon at the Country club house, Hutton park, Orange. Tea was served in the club house by Mrs. John Wilmerding, Mrs. Douglass Robinson, Jr., Mrs. Powers Farr, Mrs. Lydig and a host of Orange matrons, from half-past 3 until half-past 5 o’clock. There was a high-jumping contest at 4, and the hounds’ meet took place shortly after 5 o’clock. The meets will continue on Wednesdays and Saturdays throughout this month, and the hunt ball will then wind up the Orange season.

The Evening News of October 3 said that Robert S. Nicholas, aged thirty-eight years, of 28 Bowery, attempted suicide the night before by jumping off the dock at the foot of Market street. He was rescued, and is detained at the Gouverneur slip hospital. He said that as he was unable to find work he had no desire to live.

Persian, Chinese and Japanese furnish designs for fashionable tea gowns at present. One of the most beautiful of these gowns has just been imported by Mrs. Macdonald of Chicago. It is in the Yeddo design, and the back and sides composed of a rich brocade in deep pink covered with great butterflies in gold, purple, mauve, crimson and pale green. The butterflies are all hand embroidered, and each one has two genuine rubies for eyes. There are eighty-eight on the robe. The front is of China crepe, a delicate gold in color, and this is lined with sunrise pink silk and bound with a bright green silken cord; which also forms a girdle and is tied in front. The full angel sleeves are of brocade lined with pink and embroidered in tiny white flowers. The gown is said to have cost $1,500.

Two miserable looking children, George, aged nine, and Lizzie, aged six years, the offspring of Mrs. Sophie Schreckler, living on the top floor of [445?] West Thirteenth street, were arrested on Sixth avenue this morning for begging. The children had neither shoes nor stockings, and were shivering with cold. They were taken to the Jefferson market police court, where they said their father, Jacob, was dead, and that their mother took in washing. The mother was able to make enough money to pay last month’s rent, but having paid that, she found herself without a cent. As they were without bread, the mother sent them out to beg.

A new dinner table wrinkle is a dish of dark colored jelly, in the center of which is an electric light. The effect of its sudden illumination “is just too splendid for anything.”

Mrs. M. E. Van Wie, of No. 38 East Sixtieth street, called at the morgue last night and identified the body of the man who died suddenly in a lodging house at No. 16 Sixth avenue yesterday morning. She says that he was Lee Byrne, a native of Ireland, sixty years of age, who ten years ago was a millionaire white goods dealer in New Orleans.—[New York Herald, Oct. 5.

Baron Barthold Hoynigen Huene, who was married to Miss Annie Lothrop, eldest daughter of George Van Ness Lothrop, recently minister to Russia, made a handsome bridegroom in his full dress white uniform of the Chevaliers gardes of the empress of Russia. It was indeed an unusual sight to see both bride and groom in white. Baron Huene is a man of wealth, this being one of the requirements in his regiment, the outfit alone costing $5,000.—[New York Telegram.

The poormasters of Hudson county went to the almshouse at Snake hill on Friday and ex- amined all the paupers confined there. They decided that half a dozen of the men were able to earn their own living. They were put out. Among them was John Weisenrider, seventy-three years old, of Union Hill. Owing to his age he cannot secure work, and it is said he has no friends to take care of him. He once paid $6,000 a year in taxes on Union Hill property. Freeholder Waas will try to get him readmitted to the almshouse. Among the paupers who were not turned out by the poormasters is Gottlieb Jung, another resident of Union Hill. Some time ago a relative in Germany died and left an estate valued at more than $10,000 to Jung. Last week Town Clerk Ables of Union Hill got a letter from D. R. Jacobias, a lawyer who has charge of settling the estate, saying that Jung would get the money about Dec. 1. Jung will be allowed to stay at the almshouse until then. He is not seventy years old.—[New York Sun.

—

[Advertisement] MASS MEETING

MASS MEETING in COOPER UNION, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER. 15, 1888^sic, to advocate BALLOT REFORM and PROTEST AGAINST THE RE-ELECTION OF GOVERNOR HILL. — WILLIAM M. IVINS and HENRY GEORGE will make addresses.

JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON

How the Tariff Injures the Tariff Trade.

I. It shuts our manufacturers out of foreign markets. We have capital, plant and workers employed in woolen manufacture capable of supplying nearly double the amount of goods now consumed at home. The result is that the mills are closed or run on short time a large part of the year, occasioning a heavy loss to the manufacturer, reduced wages to operative, and general disturbance to the business interests of the country.

2. Many of the most valuable kinds of woolen goods cannot be produced here profitably, because the wools needed are not grown here, and are subject to prohibitory tariff. Such goods are thus of necessity imported in their finished state, employing foreign workers.

3. Ordinary American made goods are largely adulterated with shoddy, to enable our manufacturers to undersell the foreign merchant, thus robbing the public and debauching the manufacturer.

4. The cost of low priced woolen goods worn by the poor is more than doubled, while that of the more luxurious articles worn by the wealthy is only increased from thirty to fifty per cent, discriminating thus in favor of the rich and against the poor.

S. W. LAIDLER, Brooklyn.

The St. Louis League Does Some Challenging.

ST. LOUIS.—At the regular meeting this week of our single tax league Mr. Wm. [C.?] Bohannon, a very earnest single tax advocate, and the originator of the first land and labor club in this city, gave a clear, logical statement of single tax principles.

Our league has sent a general challenge to all of the republican clubs of the city to debate the tariff question. A special challenge has also been sent to the Abraham Lincoln club to meet us at any time and place that may be mutually agreeable. A large number of STANDARDS and tracts have been distributed.

At an election of officers of the league Miss Sarah N. Gates was chosen as secretary. The other officers were re-elected.

SARAH N. GATES, Rec. Sec., 1,300 Washington av.

The American System.

A significant phase of the wool question is shown in the following incident related in the San Francisco Alta:

Mr. William Dean, now deceased, was for many years a large eastern manufacturer of woolen goods. He was summoned before the tariff commission a few years ago. To the opening remark of the chairman, “Mr. Dean, you are a woolen manufacturer, I believe,” the irate old gentleman replied: “No, I’m not. Your infernal tariff drove me out of that business years ago. Now I’m a shoddy manufacturer.”

p. 7, col. 2

BOB WHITE’S THEORY.

“Hello, Bob; what are you driving at?” asked Sam Richards of Bob White, as they met on the street.

“Same old business,” said Bob; “making clothes for the multitude. Why don’t you come around; that overcoat of yours is a good deal the worse for wear?”

Sam was a printer, and his overcoat was not quite so slick as when it was made for him.

“Well,” he replied, “I am giving so much attention to election now that I haven’t time to look after my clothes.”

“Hard at it for Harrison and protection, I suppose,” Bob remarked carelessly.

“Not exactly,” said Sam; “I’m like the pups; my nine days are past and now I can see.”

“Ain’t a free trader, are you?”

“Exactly.”

“What!” exclaimed Bob, with an emphasis that kicked like an overloaded gun and knocked him back against the lamp-post.

“For a fact,” said Sam, when Bob had recovered from the recoil.

“Well—by—th-u-n-der! Why, look a here! Do you know that if we had free trade you could get that overcoat of yours new—new, mind you!—for what I would have to pay my men to make it now?”

“No, you don’t say so!” said Sam, astonished in turn.

“But I do.”

“Oh, I can’t believe that. The Press says we can get clothes just as cheap here as they do in England, but I don’t believe that either. Now be serious, Bob, and tell me what I could get this coat for if we had free trade?”

Bob hesitated, rubbed the lapel of the coat through his fingers, looked thoughtfully at the sky, and with some deliberation replied: “About twenty-five dollars.”

“And what will you make it for?” pursued Bob^sic.

“I’ll make you that coat for fifty dollars.”

“And is the difference due to protection?”

“Yes, sir.”

“Could I get a coat like this for twenty-five dollars less if we had free trade?”

“That you could my boy.”

Sam laughed in Bob’s face. It was not polite, to be sure, but he couldn’t help it. “Why, Bob,” said he, “how in the world does it do me any good to pay fifty dollars for a twenty-five dollar coat?”

Bob was staggered a little at first, but he soon recovered. “It’s this way, Sam,” he began, laying his hand gently on his friend’s shoulder. “You keep that extra twenty-five dollars in the country.”

“But I have to give it to you or some other fellow; I don’t keep it in my pocket.”

“No, you don’t keep it in your pocket, but it comes back to your pocket.”

“How so? You never buy anything of me.”

“No, not directly; but the extra twenty-five dollars you give me I divide with my men by giving them higher wages, and they spend more; then the part of it that I keep enables me to spend more. In that way we give employment to other people in this country, and so the money works around to you in higher wages for setting type. See?”

“That sounds pretty well for an old story, Bob,” said Sam; “but I’ll think it over, and when I get fifty dollars, may be I’ll call on you. You say the great point is to keep the money in the country.”

“Yes, that’s the point.”

“Isn’t it just as bad for me if I send to Chicago for my clothes as if I send to England? That extra twenty-five dollars wouldn’t work its way back to me from Chicago, would it? That’s a good ways, you know.”

“Of course it would,” said Bob; “Chicago is in the country, and as long as you keep the money in the country it’s all right.”

“Same thing if I sent to San Francisco?”

“Certainly.”

“But San Francisco is as far off as England.”

“Don’t make any difference. It’s all in the country. That’s the point. Don’t forget that.”

“I won’t,” said Sam, with an air of serious thought, and the two parted.

A few days later Sam Richards called on Bob White at Bob’s tailoring shop. He looked over the stock, and finding some goods that answered his purpose, asked Bob the price of an overcoat.

“Fifty dollars,” said Bob.

“And if it wasn’t for protection it would be twenty-five.”

“That’s about the figure; but the money would go out of the country, and then your wages would go down.”

“Yes, I’ve thought over that talk of yours.”

Bob was glad to know he had made an impression.

“By the way,” said Sam, “I see Ben Black has a tailoring shop in this building, right across the hall from you. How’s he doing?”

“Oh, underselling, underselling.”

“That’s bad,” said Sam thoughtfully. “Stops the extra money from getting back to his customers, don’t it?”

Bob looked dubiously at Sam, but Sam’s face was serious. After walking up and down the room he said:

“Hold on awhile, Bob, I want to see Ben, and I’ll just step across to his shop.”

Bob, a little nervous, possessed his soul in patience until Sam should return; but Sam did not return, and when the two next met, he wore a new overcoat for all the world like the one Bob wanted to make for him.

“Where did you get that overcoat?” asked Bob, a little testily.

“Of Ben Black,” Sam replied, shaking Bob warmly by the hand.

“But you promised to get your overcoat of me?”

“I know I did Bob,” said Sam, “and if it would have made any difference to you I would have kept my promise. But while I was in Ben’s place he offered me this coat for forty dollars. At first I didn’t want to disappoint you; but then thinking over what you said to me, I saw clearly that you would be just as well off if I bought of Ben. I saw that the money I paid him would stay in the country—why, it would stay right in your own building, p. 7, col. 3 and your share would work its way around to you; so, don’t you see, it is just the same all around as if I bought of you. Indeed, Bob, old boy, it’s better, for now I’ve got ten dollars to spend and both our shares of that will work its way around too. I never before thought there was so much in this idea of spending our money in the country. It’s a great thing. Why we get our clothes and keep our money, too; don’t we Bob?”

“Yes,” said Bob.

LEWIS FREELAND.

“Who Gets the Plunder.”

Walt Whitman in Specimen Days and Collects.

The protectionists are fond of flashing to the public eye the glittering delusion of great money results from manufacturers, mines, artificial exports—so many millions from this source and so many from that—such a seductive, unanswerable show—an immense revenue of annual cash from iron, cotton, woolen, leather goods, and a hundred other things, all bolstered up by “protection.” But the really important point of all is, into whose pockets does this plunder really go? It would be some excuse and satisfaction if even a fair proportion of it went to the masses of laboring men—resulting in homesteads to such, men, women, children—myriads of actual homes in fee simple in every state (not the false glamour of the stunning wealth reported in the census, in the statistics or tables in the newspapers), but a fair division and generous average to those workmen and workwomen—that would be something. But the fact itself is nothing of the kind. The profits of “protection” go altogether to a few score select persons—who, by favors of congress, state legislatures, the banks and other special advantages, are forming a vulgar aristocracy full as bad as anything in the British or European castes of blood or the dynasties there of the past. As Sismondi pointed out, the true prosperity of a nation is not in the great wealth of a special class, but is only to be really attained in having the bulk of the people provided with homes or land.

From Bitter Root Valley.

ALHAMBRA, Montana.—A friend of mine recently went to Bitter Root valley to look for land. He wanted a home of his own. He is now a tenant. He found a fine country and some government land. But he didn’t take any. Why? Because he couldn’t. The water front is all held by speculators. Various persons have taken up claims and attempted to farm without irrigation, but they were starved out. The cheapest farm for sale was one with a dilapidated fence and one-third of a water right, for $1,000. He returned discouraged, and concluded to continue to rent, but he started four men whom he met on his trip on the single tax track.

One of them was a bright young lawyer. Another of his neighbors was very slow to see the cat, but when the assessor came around and fined him for the new house he had built he came to see it mighty quick. I know an earnest young single tax man who lost a good position because he was “an agitator.” The monopoly that owns so mnch^sic of this fine northwestern country could not allow a single tax “agitator” to continue in its employ. He must now be a Nicodemus or lose his present position. Nevertheless he is doing a good deal in a quiet way to help the cause.

I hope to be able to organize a single tax club here before spring, although very few around here have yet heard of the movement. There are plenty of chances to illustrate land monopoly in such a way as to show up the cat without going out ot^sic Montana. Yours “for the war,”

W. E. BROKAW.

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Music Furnished for Parades, Meetings, Concerts, Entertainments, Parties, Balls, and other occasions.

Strictly Union Music for Union Rates. Communications addressed to JAMES BEGGS, “Standard” Office, 12 Union Square, or [154?] Seventh Avenue, Brooklyn, will be promptly attended to.

SINGLE TAX CLUB MEETINGS.

THE ST. LOUIS SINGLE TAX LEAGUE meets every Sunday evening at 7:30 p. m., at Ninth street and Franklin-avenue. Secretary, [B. E. Bloom?], [8925?] Lucky street.

p. 7, col. 4

[Advertisement] THE TARIFF QUESTION.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE? by Henry George; paper, 35 cents.

THE EXISTING TARIFF fully indexed so that the rate on each article can readily be found, 25 cents.

LEADING SPEECHES ON THE MILLS BILL, containing the speeches of Mills of Texas, McMillan of Tennessee^sic, Wilson of West Virginia, Scott of Pennsylvania, Cox of New York and Carlisle of Kentucky on the democratic side, and Reed of Maine, McKinley of Ohio, Burrows of Michigan, Butterworth of Ohio and Kelley of Pennsylvania on the republican side: 50 cents.

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[Advertisement] A RARE OPPORTUNITY.

PORTRAIT OF HENRY GEORGE IN COLORS.

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The man whose right principles and deep convictions have made the great movement for the single tax on land values thus far successful, must be dear to thousands who watch and approve his course.

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[Advertisement] Single Tax Doctrines in a Nutshell.

SINGLE TAX DOCTRINES IN A NUTSHELL.

Thirty pamphlets on various phases of the social problem. The question of the hour. All should understand it. Will be sent post paid on receipt of fifteen cents in stamps, or will be sent free to any one sending twenty-five cents for six months’ subscription to the Tax Reformer, a sixteen page journal. Address, [SINGLE TAX?] PRESS, 1791 Lexington ave., N. Y.

[Advertisement] The Democrat.

THE DEMOCRAT.

A RADICAL REVIEW MONTHLY.

The Democrat advocates Land Resumption and those reforms which are necessary to make the English people a free people. It asks “compensation” not for those who have benefited by unjust legislation, but for those who have suffered thereby.

For one dollar the Democrat is supplied for 18 months to any address in the United States or Canada.

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GEORGE WILSON.

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[Advertisement] BELFORD’S MAGAZINE.

Edited by Donn Piatt.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE, published monthly, is devoted to politics, fiction, poetry, general literature, science and art.

In politics the new magazine will give an independent support to the democratic party and to the present administration. It will advocate the extinguishment of the surplus by a reform of the present iniquitous and burdensome tariff in the direction of free trade, or of a tariff for revenue only.

The department of fiction will be exceptionally full. Instead of a serial story, dragging its length through several months, and exhausting the patience of the reader, a complete novel will be published in each number; and each issue will also contain one or more short stories complete.

Colonel Donn Piatt is assisted by a staff of sub-editors, and also by a large number of able contributors, among whom are

BELFORD’S MONTHLY is a first class medium for advertising, as the publishers guarantee a bona-fide circulation of at least [70,000?] copies per month.

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[Advertisement] TARIFF BOOKS.

[Advertisement] AN APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AS A JURY.

SPEECHES ON THE TARIFF delivered in the House of Representatives in the great debate, April 17—May 19, 1888.

SPECIALLY SELECTED FROM BOTH SIDES.

Carefully revised and published by authority. Compiled by William G. Terrell. Large 12mo. cloth, $1; paper, 50 cents.

The following is a list of the names of the honorable gentlemen whose speeches are printed in the work:

Hon. Mr. Mills of Texas. Hon. Mr. Kelley of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Wilson of West Virginia. Hon. Mr. McKinley of Ohio. Hon. Mr. McMillin of Tennessee. Hon. Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Hon. Mr. Cox of New York. Hon. Mr. Burrows of Michigan. Hon. Mr. Reed of Maine. Hon. Mr. Carlisle of Kentucky.

Special editions of not less than 2,000 copies for campaign purposes made at greatly reduced prices. If required, all the republican speeches can be had in a separate volume, or all the democratic ones likewise.

[Advertisement] THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF: WHAT IT DOES FOR US.

BY GENERAL HERMANN LIEB.

Fourth edition, with revisions and additions. 12mo. Cloth, $1.00.

THE PRESS UNANIMOUS IN ITS PRAISE.

This book shows the practical effect of the protective system upon the country. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the book is its exact alignment with the message of President Cleveland. But for the fact that the General’s work was in print before the message was made public, it might be supposed he had written it to defend the president’s position on the tariff.

The position of Mr. Blaine’s “Twenty Years in Congress” is taken up, his assertions upon the tariff are analyzed, criticised and made to furnish their own refutation.

The arrangement of the subject is in a most convenient form, and renders what is usually considered a most abtruse^sic subject easy of comprehension. It would serve as a tariff primer for the learner as well as a text book for the learned.

For sale everywhere, or may be had of the publishers on receipt of price, free of postage.

[Advertisement] A Great Literary Hit. OLD MAN GILBERT.

By Elizabeth W. Bellamy.

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[Advertisement] WHAT DREAMS MAY COME.

A Romance by Frank Lin.

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A Novel. By Lewis Benjamin.

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By J. P. Ritter, Jr. With Illustrations by Coultaus.

Cloth, $1. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

In this poem the author tells an interesting love story in an exceedingly bright, clever and amusing fashion that reminds one a good deal of Byron’s “Beppo.” Incidentally, he satirizes society in a light vein of humor, and in a style that is graceful and epigrammatic. The volume contains over forty illustrations, and is an admirable specimen of the book maker’s art.

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p. 7, col. 6

[Advertisement] Heaven and Its Wonders (Swedenborg).

HEAVEN AND ITS WONDERS, THE WORLD OF SPIRITS AND HELL, described from things heard and seen, by EMANUEL SWEDENBORG, “Servant of the Lord Jesus Christ.” Also THE LAST JUDGMENT, as witnessed by him in the spiritual world in 1757; The Doctrine of Life, The Sacred Scriptures, The New Jerusalem and its Heavenly Doctrine, in all, 750 octavo pages mailed prepaid for $1.00. Discount to the trade. Address, American Swedenborg Printing and Publishing Society, 20 Cooper Union, New York City. [stray mark: “c”]

[Advertisement] Own a Single Tax Paper.

OWN A SINGLE TAX PAPER. MUCH effective work in and after the campaign can be done by the publication of a local paper. We can furnish 500 [20?]-column papers, containing much free trade single tax matter, for $2.50 per issue. These will be headed and dated at any village or city. At a little extra expense items of local interest, making points against local opponents, will be inserted. The publisher will have complete control over his own paper; he can insert in it any reading matter or advertisements he pleases, collecting his own pay for subscriptions, sales and advertising. All we have to do with the plan is to furnish the work from a central office and divide the expense among the publishers. These papers can be entered at local post offices as second class matter, and can then be mailed at a cost of four cents per 100 copies for postage. This is a very important item for clubs and groups to consider. Samples free. Write for fuller information to

TAX REFORM COMPANY, 52 Concord street, Brooklyn, N. Y.

[Advertisement] HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

[Advertisement] LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY

The following is a list of tracts in print:

1. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
2. Land and Taxation. David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages.
3. Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pp
4. A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty. Hugh O. Pentecost. 2 pages.
5. A Sum in Proportion. T. L. McCready. 2 pages.
6. Settler’s Nightmare. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
7. New York’s Docks. J. W. Sullivan. 4 pages.
8. Unemployed Labor. Henry George. 4 pages.
9. Mysterious Disappearance. Lewis Freeland. 6 pp.
10. How to Increase Profits. A. J. Steers. 2 pages.
11. The American Farmer. Henry George. 4 pages.
12. Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
13. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
14. Only a Dream. Abner C. Thomas. 4 pages.
15. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pp.
16. My Landlord. John Jones. 4 pages.
17. “Thou Shalt Not Steal.” Henry George. 8 pages.
18. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington 4 pp.
19. Poverty and Christianity. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pages.
20. The Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
21. Religion vs. Robbery. Rev. Dr. McGlynn. 3 pages.
22. Back to the Land. Bishop Nulty. 16 pages.
23. Anti-slavery and Anti-poverty. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pp
24. Tenement House Morality. J. O. S. Huntington. 4 pp.
25. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.
26. Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson, with answers by Henry George. 2 pages.
27. Objections to the Land Tax. Thos. G. Shearman. 4pp
28. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
29. Horse Sense. W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages.
30. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. 8 pages.
31. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages.
32. What We Want. Everett Glackin, ex-president Typographical union No. 6. 2 pages.
33. How John’s Father Saw the Light. W. C. Woods. 2pp
34. The Distribution of Wealth. T. G. Shearman. 16 pp
35. Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers. Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages.
36. What the United Labor Party Want. Henry George. 2 pages.
37. Stories for Farmers. 4 pages.
38. Electoral Reform. A. T. Rice. 4 pages.
39. A Practical Illustration. Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages.
40. Hints as to What You Can Do. Henry George. 4 pp.
41. To a Bookkeeper. Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages
42. A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms. Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages.
43. A Piece of Land. The late Francis G. Shaw. 2 pp.
44. The Tax on Buildings. William T. Croasdale. 8 pp.
45. My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man. William McCabe. 4 pages.
46. Election Reform. Louis F. Post. 12 pages.
47. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages.
48. The Single Tax in Canada. 2 pages.
49. The Knights of Labor Catechism.

QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

TO SINGLE TAX CLEVELAND VOTERS.

The conference of single tax men held at Cooper union, New York, on Monday, August 6, decided to make an enrollment of all single tax men who propose to support Cleveland and Thurman. All who desire to have their names added to this roll can do so by signing the blank given below and forwarding it to this office. One blank can be made to serve for a number of signatures by clipping it out and pasting it on a sheet of paper.

I authorize the enrollment of my name on the list of voters who propose to support Cleveland and Thurman in the coming election, on the ground that any step toward tariff reduction tends toward the abolition of all taxes on the products of labor, and the final transfer of such taxes to land values.

NAME,…………………………………………..

ADDRESS,…………………………………………..

Send this blank when signed to THE STANDARD office, 12 Union square, New York. p. 8, col. 3 agreed upon. In general use, however, the term “commodity” does not signify anything affording a convenience, but a thing in commercial exchange. If you spoke of ditches, bridges, wells or orchards as commodities, you might cause confusion, for though these are labor products, they are not usually regarded as commodities.

Labor is not a commodity, either logically or in common understanding. It is sometimes metaphorically spoken of as a commodity, but every one understands, or will readily see, that what is really referred to is not labor, but results of labor.

A Terse Statement of Principles.

BROOKLYN, Sept. 2.—The questions of correspondents, and your answers as printed in THE STANDARD, of which I am a constant reader, interest me very much, but the thought occurs to me whether a great many of such questions, the answers to which necessitate reference to figures and statistics whose accuracy cannot always be depended upon, could not be rendered superfluous and unnecessary by a clear understanding of first principles.

For example, let us commence with the fact that everything that man needs to supply his physical wants is the product of labor. Second, that all trade between nations or individuals is really an exchange of the products of labor.

Now, supposing these two propositions to be admitted, a denial of which by thinking men seems incredible, then it follows that if we could find some race of men rich enough and benevolent enough to supply us as a free gift with everything which we need to supply our wants, then the whole of the labor which was previously required of us to supply those wants would be rendered unnecessary, and all the time which was before occupied in such labor could be employed in education or amusement. This being admitted, then any nation which is willing to supply us with the products of labor at half price (half of the labor cost of production by ourselves) would render one-half of our labor unnecessary; if they were supplied to us at three-fourths of the price. then we would^sic save one-quarter of our labor, and so on proportionally for any reduction in price.

Such truths as these once clearly fixed in the mind render all comparison as to cost of raw materials, labor, or machinery, or natural resources, wholly superfluous; and as in the great majority of cases we have when arguing for free trade to deal with persons who are wholly uneducated in political economy, it seems desirable that we should endeavor to simplify as much as possible first principles in order to avoid confusing the mind with a multitude of details and of involving it in the fog which to the uneducated mind surrounds the subject of money and exchange. Truly yours,

GEORGE WALLACE, 208 Warren street.

Henry George in Reading.

READING, Pa.—Henry George’s lecture on the tariff question before the Teachers institute of Berks, in the opera house of this city, on the evening of the 25th, has been the heaviest blow protection has ever received in this vicinity, and has provoked more comment and discussion than any speech ever delivered here. I have met no less than half a dozen persons who declared themselves converted to the free trade principle by it, and eager knots on the streets and in stores have been talking it over, sometimes in Pennsylvania Dutch and sometimes in English, ever since. The comments of the papers are amusing. Both sides speak highly of the lecture, but the republican paper, the Times, puts him forward as a man who dares to say what the democrats think, and declares that “the more ultra free trade Mr. George’s expressions were the louder he was cheered by the democrats in the audience,” while the Telegram, the democratic paper, gives prominence to Mr. George’s own statement: “I am not a republican, and I fancy the democrats would not claim me,” and speaks of him as “the first and only free trader in the country,” but shows undisguise satisfaction^sic at the way he hammered protection theories. The Telegram is mistaken. There are already many as thorough free traders as Mr. George himself in the country, and they are increasing daily.

W. F. M. p. 8, col. 5

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THE BEATING OF THE DRUMS.

No workingman should be gulled into the belief that the tariff has been the means of better wages in this country.—[The Industrial West.

They tell us that we get higher wages here. In one sense, on an average, perhaps we do, but no thanks tc the protective tariff^sic.—[Houston, Texas, Echo.

The proof is conclusive that the politicians have used the tariff as a means to rob the people, and the manufacturers have divided the spoils in the way of furnishing a campaign fund.—[Pike County, Ill., Banner.

If the tax imposed on the people of the United States, on the pretext that it is necessary to maintain the rate of wages, should be paid directly to the workers, it would make them all rich men.—[St. Paul Globe.

It is true that wages average somewhat higher in this country now than thirty years ago. But the same thing is true in England and other countries. Whatever rise of wages there has been all over the world is due to the progress of civilization and not to either protection or free trade.—[Boston Globe.

The rich people of New York are laying in their coal now. That is wise and prudent. The poor people of New York can’t do that, so they will buy it by the bucket in January and pay at the rate of about ten dollars per ton. Trusts are “private affairs.”—[New York Herald.

The history of tariff legislation in this country shows beyond dispute that no reduction of tariff taxation ever brought about a consequent reduction of wages. The ups and downs of tariff taxation have no other effect upon wages than their influence in increasing or lowering the cost of living.—[Philadelphia Record.

A novel electric railroad is undergoing construction in a suburb of St. Paul, Minn. The railroad is an elevated structure, and the cars are hung below it close to the street level. They hang from sets of wheels, taking their power from the tracks above, which are charged with electricity. A speed of from eight to ten miles an hour is claimed for the cars.

Labor needs nothing. It has everything. Capital needs all the protection. Robbers need protection, and the robbers whom Mr. Blaine represents in this campaign need the protection of the high tariff in order to secure $52.30 of net profit on a ton of beams made by laborers who received less than $5.70 for their share of the product.—[Chicago Herald.

It is not disputed that the sudden readjustment of society and values to the world’s estimate, and the renunciation by the protected employers to the toilers of the immense sums now virtually exacted, might precipitate industrial turmoil. But even with that event, the losses and the disappointments would be the result of protection—not of free trade.—[Chicago Herald.

The whole earnings of labor in the protected industries only amount to $18 in the $100 of product. The average tariff tax is $47 in the $100. If foreign labor should be twice as cheap as our own labor, a tax of $9 on the $100 would make good the difference in labor cost. The remaining $38 in the $100 is wrung from the earnings of workingmen, who receive no equivalent in wages or advantage.—[Philadelphia Record.

Buildings lighted with incandescent lights can now be supplied with storage batteries, which are charged with electricty^sic at the central station and then brought round to the buildings. This, in place of a costly and troublesome connection by wire, is a great improvement. The storage battery acts as a meter too, for it holds a fixed quantity of electricity. In railroading the storage battery system grows in favor. The underground railway of London has for some time been investigating the various systems of electrically operating railways, and word comes now that this company has decided to adopt storage batteries for running their cars which require 600 horse power motors when run in trains.

The Beneficence of Lotteries.

DETROIT, Mich.—Lotteries are institutions with which the post office department ought to have no particular right to interfere. A lottery distributes money. The distribution of money is a public benefit. Therefore a lottery is a public benefactor. Nothing can be plainer than this. It is true that these distributions of money are made to a few persons at the expense of the many, but the funds are taken from the dupes who pay them in such an indirect way that the drain is not felt. Any interference with lotteries is a step in the direction of the ruin of some of our industries. Think of the ticket sellers who would be thrown out of employment were the lotteries to cease! Think of the blindfolded boys who draw the numbers from the wheels! Think of the generals who superintend the drawing! But above all, remember the drawers of prizes who use that money to “give work” to our laboring classes. If the country had only enough lotteries it would be rich indeed, for every process which takes from the many and gives to the few enables the fortunate prize drawers to employ labor, and in that direction lies prosperity. By all means let us have a dozen lotteries in every state, so that we may become a rich and happy people.

HERMAN KUEHN.

Ralph Waldo Emerson on Free Trade.

From Lecture, “Fortune of the Republic,” March 30, 1878.

> The genius of the country has marked out our true policy—opportunity. Opportunity of civil rights, of education, of personal power, and not less of wealth; doors wide open. If I could have it—free trade with all the world without toll or custom houses, invitation as we now make to every nation, to every race and skin, white men, red men, yellow men, black men; hospitality of fair field and equal laws to all. Let them compete, and success to the strongest, the wisest and the best. The land is wide enough, the soil has bread for all. p. 8, col. 6

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[Advertisement] The Keystone Watch Club Co. 

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