November 10, 1888 Vol. IV, No. 19Whole No. 97

THE STANDARD

NO. 97–VOL. IV, NO. 19. | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1888. | PRICE FIVE CENTS

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THE CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN.

The Rising Tide in England.

HOBOKEN, N. J.—A London paper having a circulation among the comfortable classes, after examining the matter, concludes that emigration is the “safety valve” whereby the dangerous classes can be expelled from the country of England. To get rid of the “surplus population” they create in order that their class may be uninterruptedly perpetuated is the desire and the study of the titled land usurpers of Great Britain. They foresee revolts and insurrections in the alarming increase in the number of the unemployed, whom they pauperize and criminalize in the sight of the world, and to whom they prescribe “labor tests.”

The proletariat has no man or body of men to strike the first blow at the authors and instigators of their degradation and suffering. Trades unionists have only mocked their

p. 2, col. 2 misery. They make a Falstaffian feint of resistance, and then turn about and make peace with the enemy on terms to suit themselves. “Look what a lot we have done for the working classes,” they shout out. Yes, you have done a lot for them. You ought to feel easy after doing such a lot for them. Knights of Labor, how much of deliverance have you fought out for the paupers and criminals, made and making? Get out of our way with your sham championship; henceforth we heed you not.

The common people of Great Britain have undergone and are undergoing the racking and crushing process more stringently and relentlessly since Cecil assumed the government. He represents the restrictive murdering policy of that entirely plundering body called the aristocracy, owners of the territory of Great Britain “by law.”

Gladstone, being a strict constitutionalist, stands by and warbles of things unconnected with their immediate relief. Having a sweet voice he sings lullaby to them the while—his latest advice recommending the more extensive cultivation of fruits and vegetables throughout Great Britain. He is above noticing that the main material, the land, must be had first before the people can grow strawberries and carrots. He refrains from meddling with the tenure of land in a way that would be popular.

The duke of Westminster—his pet duke—has set apart 100 acres to be divided into small holdings of a quarter acre each, to be let out to the common hinds at the low rate of £5 an acre rent. That may have solved the question of the “dangerous classes” in Gladstone’s judgment, but the avalanche is just as surely and as irresistibly coming, for all that.

Can Great Britain not produce some younger man or men of grim indomitable spirit who will spurn formulas, who will front Cecil with the whole pack of land usurpers and usurers at his back and blot them out of existence as hereditary land owning, hereditary law making, heritary^sic law administering class—a class which has made the name of Great Britain a name of reproach amongst progressive nations? But there are English and Scottish people in Great Britain with quickened intellects whose spirit within them rages for retaliation on these forestallers of their rights, these insatiable devourers and wastrels of their and their children’s sustenance, and world wide democracy is getting more broadly awake to what ails it and discerns more clearly from what quarter its ailments emanates. If democracy is a living thing it is time it made its power and presence known and felt in every country. The most inveterate enemy of popular government and popular freedom throughout the world is the English aristocracy. Against that murdering, enslaving power let the united forces of democracy be directed until it is annihilated.

JOHN BLAYLOCK.

The Real Fight Now Begins.

BROOKLYN, Nov. 7.—The fight now begins in earnest. Cleveland’s defeat is as nothing to the grandeur of his victory in placing so prominently before the public a question which has roused in the hearts of thousands of people to an appreciation of the injustice done to the poor by the working of principles which neither rich nor poor have ever before given more than a dreamy thought to.

I, for one, caring nothing whatever for parties, but believing that humanity is bound to see some deliverance from the bondage of its own oppressions, feel that we have had a Bunker Hill or a Bull Run, but a Waterloo, never.

We’ve been asleep; the world’s been asleep. Just now the poor man is awakening to a sense of his condition and strength. He stretches himself, and wonders if he wasn’t born the same, physically, mentally and morally, as the rich, and why he shouldn’t receive the same meed of justice. Cleveland’s defeat is the ringing echo of a victory, not for politicians, but for the unselfish army that is determined that the poor man shall have justice.

F. W. MOORE.

Why Cannot We Have a Lecture Bureau?

NASHVILLE, Tenn., Nov. 1.—Since my last arrival here in March I have devoted all my spare time to the cause and have spent what I could in the distribution of books and papers. We have many converts and the future will be easier. Judge Reid’s coming out in favor of our cause is a great help. His whole heart and soul are in the movement. Why cannot a single tax lecture bureau be opened, say in your city, and contributions called for from friends throughout the country. When sufficient funds are raised send the most popular speakers in the movement through all large cities in each state, and when the people in the cities become acquainted with the doctrines they can adopt similar plans to reach out into the rural districts We are pushing the Australian voting bill, and it is our intention to bring it before the legislature. With hope for the election of Cleveland I remain yours very truly,

P. H. CARROLL.

The Work in Oregon.

PORTLAND, Ore., Oct. 31.—The Henry George men are getting in good work in Portland. One of them, W. C. Owen, one of the brightest young men on the coast, addressed a large democratic audience Friday evening. Every allusion he made to the land question met with tremendous applause. S. B. Riggen delivered a speech last night (Oct. 30) that made a deep impression. The house showed by its wild excitement that absolute free trade was what they wanted and no mere tariff tinkering.

F. H. MONROE.

The Great Things to Come.

New York Press (Protectionist).

The result of the election insures a period of unprecedented prosperity. Capitalists will feel secure in investing their money, new factories will spring up, and old ones now closed and barred on account of uncertainty will soon hum with busy operatives. All sorts of business enterprise will go forward, for free traders have been taught a lesson that will last them several years. Especially will the results of yesterday’s election benefit the new and industrial south, and as our southern brethren realize more and more the wisdom of this northern policy of protection it will break up sectional feeling and make a united nation.

The outlook is likewise good for a change in the complexion of congress. If the republicans have a majority they will be able to pass the senate bill, amended and still further revised in the interest of American labor and American industry. The passage of this bill would not only make all the needed reduction in the revenue, but it would give employment to thousands of idle workmen and operators at advanced wages. It would enable our labor organizations to raise the scale of wages. It would allow honest American hands to make millions of dollars’ worth of products which are now imported. And it would give us a tariff in the interests of this country, and not of Great Britain.

Why New York Was Lost.

New York Herald.

The political lesson of the election is that the national supremacy of the democratic party has been sacrificed to the ambition of David B. Hill and Abram S. Hewitt, and the fact which democrats throughout the country should lay to heart that, in this game of politics, their possession of the imperial patronage of New York city is of far more importance than the government of the Union.

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THE CAMPAIGN OF 1888.

The Single tax Cleveland and Thurman campaign committee closes its work for the campaign of 1888 with mingled feelings of regret and satisfaction—regret that through the timidity of democratic leaders and the treachery of the ambitious demagogue who forced himself on the democratic party as its candidate for governor the democratic national ticket has encountered defeat, and satisfaction at the great progress made in the advocacy and support of free trade principles.

The single tax people have given to Mr. Cleveland in the canvass just closed a sincere and ardent support, and it is largely owing to their efforts that the bugaboo that caused his defeat through the loss of votes in the rural districts lost its power in manufacturing centers.

While the committee regrets the outcome of the election, it has the right to congratulate itself that it has found in the advocacy of the measure of tariff reform recommended by the democratic party such an opportunity for the presentation of the doctrines of free trade and single tax as could not have been attained through any direct action in behalf of our principles.

It further congratulates itself and single tax men generally, that wherever the fight has, through our influence, been made on radical lines, the democracy has gained adherents or held its own, while the democratic losses have been encountered in those parts of the state where the timid and half-hearted policy of the party machine has prevented a vigorous attack on the protective delusion. We have certainly prepared the way for a more radical declaration in the future of what were once democratic principles as the only hope of democratic success.

Shortly after the organization of the committee as the result of the conference at Cooper union, the members divided themselves into sub-committees, as follows:

New York, Jerome O’Neill, chairman.

Brooklyn, John Keenan, chairman.

New Jersey, Read Gordon, chairman.

Each sub-committee has made arrangements for local meetings to which speakers have been assigned by the chairman of the general committee. The work of the latter has also extended beyond New York and its immediate vicinity, and numerous meetings have been held in this and other states with the most gratifying results in the way of conversions to the single tax doctrine. We have held large meetings as follows:

Brooklyn, 9; including the great demonstration at the Clermont avenue rink, which was one of the largest political gatherings held in that city during this or any other campaign.

New York: Cooper union, 5; Wendell’s hall, 2; Parepa hall, 1; Bleecker building, 1; Harlem, 2.

New Jersey: Newark, 1; Paterson, 1; Elizabethport, 2; Nutley, 1; Passaic, 2; Morristown, 1.

New York State: Albany, 2; Port Jervis, 1; Dunkirk, [1?]; Lockport, 1; Rochester, 1; Syracuse, 1; Middletown, 2; Auburn, 1; Ithaca, 1; Binghamton, 1; Olean, 1; Ellenville, 1; Medina, 1.

Pennsylvania: Reading, 1; Philadelphia, [3?]; Harrisburgh, 1.

Meetings have also been held at Baltimore, Md., and Pawtucket, R. I., at all of which the single tax doctrine was presented by our ablest speakers to large and interested audiences.

In addition to these meetings, we have held numerous small meetings in the city of New York, and effected more or less vigorous organizations in every congressional district in the city, except in those districts that have branches of the New York free trade club.

During the last week of the campaign our speakers were assigned to the trucks used for street speaking by the democratic party, and the truck chiefly manned by them was one of the most effective of the four.

The expenses of the movement have been met by collections at the meetings and contributions from a few gentlemen who are deeply interested in its success, while numerous speakers have generously contributed their time and energy to the public presentation of the single tax ideas and the earnest advocacy of the election of Cleveland and Thurman.

This committee shares the general regret that ignorance and corruption have combined to delay the movement toward free trade and the abolition of all taxes on the products of human labor, but it cannot find cause for surprise in the failure of the democrats to elect their candidates in view of the fact that that party has for twenty five years [allowed?] to go, almost unchallenged, and certainly unrefuted, the preposterous republican pretense that the object of tariffs on goods is the protection of American labor and the maintenance of high wages for the American workingman. Considering the fact that the democratic party has so long acquiesced in this pretense, and that it has numbered in its ranks men who are at heart protectionists, and some of whom still hold high places in its councils, there is every reason for rejoicing at the remarkable progress that has been made in opening the eyes of the peoplo^sic to these false pretenses. This committee has rendered to the cause of progress no more signal service than through the influence it has exerted to radicalize the democratic campaign and force the discussion of the tariff on those who are disposed to avoid or suppress the question. This movement long ago made it possible to talk absolute free trade to applauding audiences of workmen in the city of New York, but during the campaign we have been able to demonstrate to many others the fact that it is talk of this kind that can alone overthrow the superstition on which the protective idea is based.

In addition to holding numerous meetings, the committee has made a large distribution of single tax and free trade literature throughout the country, and has carried on the work of enrollment as rapidly and effectively as possible. We now have in type the names of more than eleven thousand single tax advocates throughout the country, and this list will serve as a nucleus for the expansion of the movement until the time shall come for national and state organizations, should such ever be necessary. No attempt has been made to commit men to any other principle than that of the single tax as a condition to the admission of their names on our enrollment list, and my own opinion is that no attempt should be made to organize those enrolled into a separate party that will antagonize others. Our policy seem to me^sic to be to ascertain our strength, promote intercommunication between single tax people, and to continue the work of propaganda through spreading documents as rapidly as possible and securing signatures to a petition yet to be framed. In this way we avoid the political antagonisms that have isolated us in the past and apparently crippled our usefulness in the promotion of reforms in which the majority of us feel an interest. The experience of the campaign just closed has shown that the best opportunity for making people acquainted with our doctrines, without arousing antagonism, is found in our companionship with others in minor work in behalf of reforms, and there can be no doubt that one result of this association has been to lead men of intelligence and influence to give a careful consideration [to?] the proposal to transfer all

p. 2, col. 4 taxes to land values which they refused to give when it appeared to be simply the creed of a small faction antagonizing parties to which thinking men look for reforms in which they were interested.

It seems to me that our experience during the recent canvass points out clearly the wisdom and necessity of maintaining and increasing our enrollment as a directory and record of single tax advocates, without attempting to promote local organizations, through leaving the signers entirely free to make such if they see fit.

Perhaps for the purposes of correspondence and intercommunication the best plan would be to ask the single tax men of each locality to appoint a committee similar to this and with which this committee could always easily put itself in communication. If this be accomplished and a suitable petition substituted for the recent enrollment blank, I have no doubt whatever that the names of single tax men could be gathered even more rapidly after the election than has been done during the past few weeks.

If arrangements are made for continuing the work on this line, I suggest that it is important that the petition shall be printed on a blank to contain but a single signature. The reason is that the moment a petitioner’s name is received, blanks could be sent him to enable him to get to work himself, as has been done thus far, whereas in case any one attempts to procure a long list of signatures, he is sure to hold them back and thus deprive those who have already signed of opportunity for going to work themselves. There would be no objection to petitions in this form, as they could be cheaply bound into small books alphabetically arranged for each town, and then forwarded to congress, if a national petition be decided on. A petition in such shape would demand and receive more consideration than an enormous roll, since each congressman would at least be likely to see how far it represented his own constituency.

This is intended as merely an outline of the work done in the past and a suggestion of that proposed for the future.

WM. T. CROASDALE, Chairman.

STRAWS WHICH SHOW THE WIND.

Taxation without justification is a crime against property.—[Kansas City Star.

Free trade and the single tax would mighty soon bring the infamous copper trust to its knees.—[Clinton, Ind., Argus.

Those who are not posted in regard to the single tax may shortly find themselves in as awkward a predicament as the republican protectionists who are unable to debate or answer questions in reference to the tariff.—[Harlem Tax Reform Advocate.

If the Australian system of voting were in force in New York this year there would not be much of this talk about “knifing” and “trading votes.” It would be useless to “trade,” for no one could be sure that the bargain would be carried out.—[Boston Globe (dem.)

The time is not distant when no journal claiming to be a “people’s paper” will dare to advocate indirect taxation, under which a poor shirtmaker pays three hundred times the tax of a multi-millionaire’s widow, in proportion to their respective means.—[New York Tax Reform Advocate.

Advocacy of the Australian system of voting was made a prominent plank in the state democratic platform, and the republicans followed up by adopting a similar resolution. So that whichever party may have control of our next state legislature, it will be instructed to legislate the Australian system into existence in this state.—[St. Paul Globe-Democrat^sic.

Why cannot the municipal governments of large cities own and operate their own lines of street railway, as well as their systems of water works? Both are institutions for the public benefit, and should not be allowed to get beyond public control; then, with the wages and hours of the street car employes permanently fixed on a fair basis, these constantly recurring strikes would cease.—[Cincinnati Evening Post.

The objections to the Saxton bill, if real objections there were, might all have been overcome by a proper and friendly intercourse between Governor Hill and the legislature. But this was not to be. The governor simply vetoed it, and it does seem as though the veto was for the purpose of continuing the easy manipulation of the ballot and the nomination of the ruff scruff which now is hanging around the saloons.—[Rochester Times.

Our election laws are a disgrace and danger. The question of their reformation runs beyond party, and it should be taken up by citizens irrespective of party and demanded in such a manner that all parties would vie with one another in the race to reform them. The morality and enlightenment of the time have agreed upon one system as the only one which absolutely guarantees pure elections, that is the Australian system.—[Indianapolis News.

Martin Foran was one of the three democrats who voted against the Mills bill. At the convention to nominate a congressional candidate for his district Mr. Moran^sic was retired and Tom L. Johnson, not only a free trader but a single tax advocate, was nominated. This is another of the many indications that the democratic party has shaken off the lethargy which came from its contact with slavery and has taken up the baton of progress.—[Houston, Tex., Echo.

The first plank in the platform of the Connecticut labor party is as follows: “We demand of our state a system of taxation whereby land shall be assessed according to its value and not according to its area, exclusive of improvements, and to devote to the common use and benefit those values which arise alone from the growth of society, that it may be made unprofitable to hold land for speculative purposes, but freer opportunity be accorded for the employment of labor and the building up of homes.”

The Item of Richmond lifts up its voice against bribery at elections. The evil is a monstrous one, and honest men of all parties should co-operate to destroy it. Pure and honest elections are the safeguards of the republic, and where votes are trafficked in like merchandise, popular institutions cannot long survive. What is needed—not only in Indiana but in many other states—is an awakening of public sentiment upon this subject. It is coming, too.—[Indianapolis Sentinel (dem.)

The comparative buoyancy with which the people of the United States recover from trade depressions or other industrial vicissitudes is due entirely to our superior natural resources. Our cheap lands and sparse population make us very independent as to the means of subsistence. The English people, whose agricultural resources do not permit them to feed themselves could not endure the restrictive bonds with which the limbs of trade are tied in the United States.—[Philadelphia Record.

The Forbes land nationalization league, acting on the suggestion of Mr. C. J. Price, is about to initiate the getting up of a monster petition for presentation to the premier, protesting against the sale of any more of the land of New South Wales, and urging that in future all land be leased at its unimproved value. Copies of this petition are now being printed, and will be sent for signature to every part of the colony. That such a petition would be signed by a majority of the people if they can be reached there is no doubt, and its effect would be great.—[Australian Land Nationalizer and Lithgow Enterprise.

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WORK AND WAGES IN COLORADO.

The first biennial report of the bureau of labor statistics of Colorado, prepared under the direction of James Rice, secretary of state, and C. J. Driscoll, deputy commissioner, has a good deal in it worth reading.

Colorado, with an area of 104,000 square miles and a population of 325,000 is a fair sample of the newer part of the country, where wages are supposed to be much higher, and are considerably higher, than in the east.

The most interesting parts of the report are the answers given by wage workers to questions asked them by the bureau and a summary of the facts obtained by agents who answered a number of “help wanted” advertisements.

On pages 251-4 is a table giving the answers of [138?] adult male workers, clerks, miners, printers, farmers, laborers and others, about hours of work, rate of wages, actual yearly earnings, loss of time, expenses, etc. Of these, forty-seven, mostly miners and stationary engineers, report that they work seven days in the week—that is, they work on Sunday. The majority have not had steady work during the past year, twenty six having lost one hundred or more working days apiece, forty two having lost fifty or more, and others still do not report the number of days lost, but the discrepancy between the amount actually received in the year and the daily rate of wages shows they must have lost much time. The above figures take no account of time lost by sickness but only of time when there was “no work.” Following the table are some extracts from statements and opinions of the men on the labor question in general. No. 12, a butcher, says: “Butchers work fifteen hours daily. For years I have had no time to read the newspapers nor attend meetings. As for going to church on Sunday, I couldn’t think of it.” No. [23?], a miner in Archuleta county, says: “The principal mines are held by large companies with foreigners for bosses, and not one American in five hundred can get work or will work for them.” No. [328?], Park county, says: “Six days are surely enough for any one to work. If we refuse to work on Sundays employers threaten to discharge us.”

As to remedial measures the majority favor an eight hour law and weekly or semi-monthly payments. A considerable number have seen the cat; in Pitkin county Nos. [338?], [339?], 341, [344?], 346 and 348 all favor the single tax, and land tax talk crops out here and there all through the list. Governmental control and ownership of railroads and telegraphs is also advocated.

On page 313 commences that part of the report devoted to female wage workers. Of these workers, 145 returned the blanks sent them by the bureau; 132 gave information about wages; of these 5 were forewomen and four domestics. This leaves 123 others, of whom 58, or almost half, were paid at the rate of six dollars or less per week, while employed. Only one worked less than 9 hours a day; [45?] worked 10 hours. Under the head “remarks,” No. [68?] says she makes $4.50 to $5 a week at making dresses; No. [84?], a cloak maker, says those in her place make $4 to $5; another dress maker earns $5.50 a week and pays $2.50 a month for a sewing machine; No. [109?], a shirt finisher, says the pay in her trade is small, but if they object there are plenty of Chinese ready to take their places; No. 132, a seamstress, earns on the average [$4.80?] a week; her total earnings last year were $170; she says she would be in debt if she had not had money saved before she came to Colorado.

Then come the answers to advertisements. They were mostly in reply to people who wanted household servants. One woman advertised for a girl for general housework and laundress. When applied to she said that she had changed her mind and would require the applicant to do all the work including cooking and laundry work. “She had recently returned from a visit to the east and was impressed with the large amount of work done for small wages.” There were nine persons in her family, including three boarders. Wages $25 per month. Girl would be expected not to go out. Another one read: Wanted—Millinery apprentice at No. — Sixteenth street. They said when applied to that the apprentice must have talent and sew well. Must serve six months and then, if talented, would receive [$3?] a week; later on $5. An apprentice who had been there some years had been promoted recently and now received $6. Hours, 8 a. m. to 6 p. m., with an hour at noon.

In another case a girl was wanted for general housework in a family of three. Must do all work, including cooking, in a six room house. Wages, [$2?] per week.

An advertisement for a seamstress was answered, and it was learned that the employer would pay $4 or $5 a week for a good worker. Hours, 7.30 a. m. to 6 p. m. They said none but the very best dressmakers could get $1 a day.

On the whole, while the railroads and land speculators and newspapers of Colorado are talking about the lack of sufficient workers to do the work in that state, there seems to be reason for the complaint of one of the miners that such reports are simply calculated to induce men to come and take the bread out of other men’s mouths.

MAKING A GRANDEE.

The Madrid correspondent of the New York Times describes at some length the ceremony of initiating a Spanish gentleman into the small and select society of real nobility.

It is not enough, it appears, for a Spaniard to be merely a nobleman to make him truly noble. An ordinary nobleman is a very every day sort of fellow, about as high in the social scale as an American congressman, and considerably below a first-class American political boss. According to the last census there were in Spain 96 dukes, 900 marquises, 750 counts, [130?] viscounts and 76 ordinary barons, and it is believed that the numbers are increasing rapidly. It doesn’t count for much being a count or marquis in Spain. Any man, the Times correspondent tells us, can become a nobleman by the simple process of marrying a noblewoman. If his wife is a countess, he becomes a count, and may put the arms of his ancestors by marriage on his carriage doors and bill heads. If the facilities for divorce in Spain are anything like up to the level of ordinary civilization, it is evideet^sic that a man can rise rapidly through the various degrees of the peerage by a judicious alternation of marriages and divorces; and starting as a plain mister, become a duke of fourteen hyphenated names, with blood of the truest indigo color, in less time than it takes in this country for a simple commoner to rise to the rank of president of a sugar refining company and ruling spirit of a trust. All this, of course, detracts from the value of a Spanish title, in Spain: though if the holder chooses to emigrata^sic to England or the United States, he can play duke with the best of them, and be the very cream of aristocracy.

But a grandee is different. There are only 243 grandees in Spain, including the new made one, whose initiation the Times man tells about. This is the way they make them, according to the Times:

On the appointed day last week the grandees who happened to be residing at the time in the city assembled in the small throne room of the palace and took their seats on carved stools upholstered with crimson velvet cushions, which were ranged on either side of

p. 2, col. 6 the room at right angles with the throne, the gentlemen being on the right and the ladies on the left thereof. Punctually at [3?] o’clock the queen regent made her entry in state, accompanied by her sisters-in-law and attended by the proud duchess of Fernan-Nunez, her camarera-mayor or grand mistress of the robes, by the duke of Medina-Sidonia, who is her majordomo-mayor or grand marshal of the court, and by other great officers of her household. As soon as she had taken her seat on the throne she turned to the right and the left with a slight inclination of her head, and, addressing the grandees present, exclaimed, “Be seated.” A moment afterward the folding doors at the further end of the room were thrown open, and, preceded by a chamberlain and conducted by the two grandees appointed to act as sponsors, the postulant for admission to the grandezza made his appearance, and after bowing profoundly three times—once on entering the royal presence, once on reaching the center of the room, and once on approaching the throne—stood still and awaited her majesty’s orders. A stool and crimson velvet cushion having been brought and placed on the lowest step of the royal dais, the queen commanded that the candidate should be seated, which he did with another low obeisance. Christina then addressed a few complimentary words to him, recalling the services rendered by his family to the dynasty in times gone by, and, after extending her hand to be kissed, signified her desire that he should assume his place among his peers. Retiring backward from the royal presence he was in the first place conducted by his sponsers^sic to the side of the hall occupied by the ladies of grandee rank, to whom he made a low bow, and then to that of the men, whom he saluted in a similar manner. He thereupon put his hat on his head, his example being instantaneously followed by every grandee present, and all remained covered until his stool and cushion having been removed from the steps of the throne and placed beside those of his peers, the newly created grandee had seated himself thereon.

It will be seen that in all this there is nothing to offend the delicacy of the most refined, nor disturb the nerves of the most timid. No jumping on indiarubber spikes, or tumbling into a hogshead of wet sponges, or anything of that sort. Even the playful ceremonies with which the old sea king Neptune welcomes visitors to his court at the Equator are omitted, and the candidate is neither shaved with a rusty iron hoop nor made to swallow a handful of slush when he opens his mouth to answer the monarch’s questions. Everything is conducted with the utmost dignity and refinement. The candidate just bows, kisses a lady’s hand, sits down upon a cushion—it is to be hoped with a chair beneath it—listens to a few fairy tales, and puts his hat on. And thereafter he enjoys, in common with 242 other grandees, the proud privilege of wearing his hat in the queen regent’s presence, and presumably also of keeping his seat in the Madrid elevated railway cars while the wretched monarch hangs on to a strap. It is a proud thing to be a Spanish grandee, especially if one can afford to wear a decent hat; and we respectfully suggest to Mr. Ward McAllister that he should select from his band of 400 the best dressed and most empty headed [243?], and get up an initation^sic grandee society for the aristocracy of New York.

Servants in England.

Olive Logan in the Mail and Express.

The English servant, like everything else English, is an accretion of many centuries. The common saying in England is that it takes three generations to make a gentleman. But the truth is that the gentleman, like the poet, is born, not made, while the English servant comes not of three generations only, but of a long line of ancestors in servitude. These servants also receive individual training to fit themselves for the work they engage to perform. Organizations for the tuition of duties necessary in house and home work are exceedingly numerous in England, and every humble cottage is the scene of daily drill of children by a mother ambitious to see her offspring installed as permanent, if humble, members of the household of well-to-do people.

English domestic servants have a certain social status which is a matter of envy among themselves. Readers of Thackeray are acquainted with the consequential humor of Jeems Yellowplush; but Americans find it difficult to understand how any man—especially a tall, heavy, fine looking man, as these servants usually are—can be proud of occupying the position of a servant. It is all a matter of how the community in which one lives regards these things. In England the upper servant, male or female, has a higher social rank than that of a male or female artisan. The life of servants in wealthy families is an exceedingly comfortable one, in which almost all the pleasures of wealth are enjoyed without any of its carking cares. However they may be looked down upon by their employers, the servants of the families of title are the potentates of their own social world. The butler or valet of a duke meets with the same social deference in the world of servants as does his master in the exalted sphere in which he individually moves. . . .

I have often heard American ladies speak in unstinted admiration of the neat and pretty appearance of the women servants who always open the front door in what are known as middle-class households in England. Great families, of course, have their butlers, their valets, their footmen, their grooms of the chambers; but modest households have generally only two women servants, and go when you will, one or the other of these will be found bright, clean and smiling, ready to open the front door. An inexorable though unwritten law governs this matter, which might with advantage be enforced in some American houses. It is this: The cook must be dressed and do no dirty work from 9 to 12 every morning and be ready to answer the door bell; the second girl must have got through all her dirty work and be dressed at 12, ready to take the cook’s place in answering the door bell. The cook then goes to her kitchen (after taking off her nice clothes) and there she works until after the dinner is over. Evening door duty they take on alternate evenings. The girl who is dressed is supposed to do needle-work either for the family or for herself in the intervals of the door bell.

English servants speak of my “master” and my “mistress” exactly as the southern slaves used to do. To address an employer as “Mr.” or “Mrs.” So and So, would be considered great impertinence on the part of a servant. “Sir” or “madam” is expected to accompany every remark, and while employers very rarely say “thank you” to a servant, servants frequently say “thank you” to employers when there is nothing whatever to thank for. American listeners often look upon this as fearful obsequiousness. In reality it is only meant and received as one of the forms of politeness in vogue in the servant world of England.

While young servants are carefully trained for domestic service, old servants are shielded from want and care when past work, in families which they have faithfully served. Only in England is the obituary notice often seen of so and so, the faithful friend and servant for sixty years of lord or lady this or that. An English friend of mine, who had had great financial reverses, was advised to discharge her servant as a worthless expense. “Discharge Elizabeth!” she exclaimed; “why she has been a servant in our family for forty years. You might as well advise me to discharge my mother!”

This term of endearing relationship used by a proud woman of rank when speaking of her servant was one of the many instances I observed in England of deep moral affection existing where socially there was a great gulf fixed.

Another Single Tax Paper.

The Port Angeles, Washington territory, Commonwealth has recently come under the editorial control of Dr. F. S. Lewis and Mr. E. B. Mastick and has come to be a stanch advocate of the single tax.

IN A NEW ENGLAND TOWN.

THE CAT AT THE ANTIPODES.

FROM OHIO.

WOODS AND FORESTS.

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

Published weekly at

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SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1888.

THE STANDARD is forwarded to subscribers by the early morning mails each Thursday. Subscribers who do not receive the paper promptly will confer a favor by communicating with the publisher.

THE STANDARD advocates the abolition of all taxes upon industry and the products of industry, and the taking, by taxation upon land values irrespective of improvements, of the annual rental value of all those various forms of natural opportunities embraced under the general term, Land.

We hold that to tax labor or its products is to discourage industry.

We hold that to tax land values to their full amount will render it impossible for any man to exact from others a price for the privilege of using those bounties of nature in which all living men have an equal right of use; that it will compel every individual controlling natural opportunities to either utilize them by the employment of labor, or abandon them to others; that it will thus provide opportunities of work for all men and secure to each the full reward of his labor; and that as a result involuntary poverty will be abolished, and the greed, intemperance and vice that spring from poverty and the dread of poverty will be swept away.

THE “CHRISTIAN UNION’S” REMEDY.

The latest phase of the “labor movement” is the attempted formation of a national federation of railway employes, embracing the Brotherhood of locomotive engineers, the Brotherhood of locomotive firemen, the Switchmen’s and trainmen’s union and the Union of railroad conductors. The precise purposes of the new organization have not been made public; but it may safely be assumed that foremost among them will be the maintenance of wages at the highest possible point, the regulation of the hours of labor and the restriction of the privilege of work to members of the associations. The new federation will be, in short, a gigantic industrial army, seeking to preserve peace by constant readiness for war.

Commenting on this new combination of wage workers the Christian Union says:

Our own judgment as to the methods which should be taken to meet the possible danger threatened by so vast a labor combination as this is very clear. It is not by legislation denying the right of laborers to combine, but by legislation giving them some other means of correcting grievances than that of a strike. The tendency of our time toward combinations both of labor and of capital is too strong to be resisted. The economic advantage of a combination of capital is too great to be foregone, and the combination of labor is a necessary result of the combination of capital. State, and perhaps national, legislation should recognize labor organizations, should incorporate them, and might possibly declare illegal such combinations as were not chartered. The railroads should be treated as servants of the public. They have claimed the advantages of such servants, and the courts have distinctly declared them to be such servants, and as such servants they should be put under governmental control. They should be required to submit all questions at issue that may arise between them and their employes to the arbitrament of independent tribunals. If this were done labor unions would have some other means of securing redress for grievances than the barbaric means of an industrial war; and all history is ready with its attestation of the double truth that men will go to war when no peaceable means for the securing of justice are provided, and when such means are provided, adequate and reasonable, war ceases.

The Christian Union is a fair representative of that large class of men who believe in solving the social paradox by playing that nothing of the kind exists. The problem of the irresistible force and the immovable body has no terrors for them. Disdaining to search for the cause which has brought the body and the force into opposition, they calmly tell us that all that is necessary is that the irresistible shall be resisted, and the immovable be made to move. Legislation is to accomplish it all. Complexity is to cure complexity. The way out of the labyrinth is to be found by making the labyrinth more intricate.

“Treat the railroads as servants of the public,” says the Christian Union. “Put them under government control.” Does this mean that the railroads are to be operated by governmental authority, for the public benefit? Oh dear no! They must continue to be the privately owned monopolies that they now are. Only when they have a dispute with their employes they should be required to submit “to the arbitrament of independent tribunals.” But suppose they elect to discharge the employes rather than have any dispute with them? Is that right to be denied them? Suppose the employes decline to respect an adverse decision of the “independent tribunals,” and contumaciously refuse to go to work? Are they to be driven to their tasks like slaves,

p. 4, col. 2 and forced to labor whether they like it or not? By what canon of law or equity are disputes about wages, hours of labor, etc., to be decided by the “independent tribunals? As well might the Christian Union propose that the daily quotation of the produce exchange should be settled in the court of general sessions.

The Christian Union is strangely wanting in perception when it asserts that the combination of labor is a necessary result of the combination of capital. In reality there is no connection between the two. The combination of capital has for its object the greater efficiency of production. The combination of labor is for the purpose of securing to laborers a more equitable share of the wealth produced by the joint application of capital and labor to the raw material of nature; and the one reason for its existence is the denial to labor of the right to find employment upon the natural raw material which abounds on every hand. If the equal right of all men to the use of natural opportunities were admitted, there would still be ample opportunity for the advantageous use of capital in combination; but the combinations of laborers into trades unions and other associations for industrial offense and defense would fall apart and vanish with the removal of the restrictive laws which now bind them together. Let the Christian Union think this out, and it will change its judgment as to the methods which should be taken to meet the danger it sees threatening.

THE TRIBUNE FOR FREE TRADE.

A recent decision of the United States supreme court has brought out from the Tribune a most remarkable declaration for free trade.

Texas has been imposing a tariff on non-resident commercial houses for the privilege of sending drummers into that state. The object of this tariff was the same as that of our national protective tariff, namely, to reserve the home market for home products. Several southern states have imposed similar tariffs for the same purpose. Of this the Tribune makes special complaint, saying that the free trade creed seems “to have been forgotten by our southern brethren so soon as the commercial traveler appeared upon the scene with his sample boxes.” It is quite true. Our southern brethren have in these instances taken a leaf from protection text books. Texans, for example, have learned that “a tariff is not a tax,” that “a state needs protection against invasions of goods,” that “an excess of imports over exports impoverishes,” that “people living under the same government should keep their own markets for their own products,” and should not allow peoples living under other governments to came into^sic their markets without paying for the privilege; and having learned these things, have become protectionists and have put the protection idea into practice for the benefit of their own states. It is not the part of wisdom for a strong protective organ like the Tribune to abuse these apt scholars in the philosophy of “protection to home industry.” They should be encouraged for having thus seen the beauty of protection as a theory, and in a small way imposed its blessings upon themselves. Who knows how soon they may be fully converted and split the solid south by becoming national as well as state protectionists.

But the little scolding which the Tribune gives to “our southern brethren” for their inconsistency in preaching free trade and practicing protection is not the notable part of its comment on the supreme court decision. Instead of condemning that decision as an invasion of the right of a people to protect themselves against inundations of cheap goods and its working classes from competition with pauper labor, the Tribune actually condemns the Texas protective tariff as “a harassing interference with that free competition for the American market which has always been the keystone of our industrial prosperity.” What! Free competition the keystone of our industrial prosperity! Is it not restriction of competition, obstruction to competition, embargoes on cheap goods, non-intercourse, and all that, and not free competition, which have been the keystone of our industrial prosperity? Has the Tribune forgotten its cue? It would seem so, and if there were any doubt about it the following should put the doubt at rest: “The enormous increase of sales by sample is one of the distinguishing features of modern trade, and there is scarcely a single vocation which has enlisted so much energy, enterprise and skill as that of the commercial traveler.” What more could any free trader ask?

The Tribune, having now discovered that free trade between the states of this union is a good thing, should keep its thinker at work until it discovers the truth that universal free trade is a better thing. Meantime, it would be interesting to have it explain why the interests of Texas are promoted by keeping out of its market the goods which John Wanamaker manufactures in Germany and letting in those which he makes in Pennsylvania.

TIME FOR HER TO GO.

In those long vanished days when the United States had a foreign commerce, and Americans had not yet learned to hide themselves behind a fence of protective duties and shudder with dread at the idea of having to compete with foreigners—in those good old times, the fame of the American clipper ships was world wide, and their superiority over the vessels of other nations unquestioned. It was no idle boast that we of this country could build better ships and make better

p. 4, col. 3 passages in them than the builders and sailors of other nations could pretend to do. In the East Indian, Chinese and Australian ports “a Yankee ship and a Yankee crew,” commanded higher freights and found quicker dispatch than competing Englishmen. Foreign merchants sent to our yards for the ships their own builders could not produce. An American vessel offered for sale found a dozen ready purchasers in whatever foreign port she might be lying. American ship builders led the world, and American sailors regarded the mariners of other nations with boisterous contempt, spoke of them disdainfully as “limejuicers” and “dagoes,” and religiously lived up to the faith that a single Yankee tar could whip two Englishmen and an unlimited number of continental Europeans. It was a vainglorious, boasting, half absurd sort of creed, but it rested on a solid foundation of actual superiority.

And in those good old days what American boy didn’t know the Dreadnaught, peerless among ships, and think her captain greater than a king. To be a boy on board of her was better than a cadetship at West Point—it was to mount the first round of a ladder that with joyous adventure and excitement led upward to assured fame and fortune. She was a ship that justified the pride we took in her. She beat the Cunard steamer Canada from Liverpool to Boston. She ran from Sandy Hook to the Mersey in thirteen days eight hours. And as if that were not enough, she made the passage from Sandy Hook to Queenstown in nine days and seventeen hours. Storms, head winds, calms, seemed all alike to the Dreadnaught. Whenever she lay in the Mersey crowds flocked to visit her. Foreign builders crossed the ocean to see her in the dry dock, and study the secret of her model. Yet foreign builders could never match her. For though they might duplicate the wood and iron, and copy the clean, graceful sweep of the lines, and reproduce the spars and rigging, yet always the soul was wanting—the restless, energetic, driving American sailor spirit that held the ship to her duty and never failed to get from her the fullest possibility of effort. Those were days of pride for our seamen. He would have been a bold and careless man who should have dared to hint then that American shipowners and sailors needed protection against foreign competition.

And now a brief newspaper paragraph announces that the old Dreadnaught has been lost—foundered off the Banks of Newfoundland. And to nine Americans out of ten the news brings up no memory of glories past and gone, no regretful sigh for the days when Americans built ships and sailed them, and scornfully defied the world. It was time for the Dreadnaught to be lost. The spirit that combined her planks and timbers and made her famous among ships has vanished years ago. Our shipbuilders of to-day shiver as they watch the triumphs of the English yards, and whiningly protest that without the aid of public charity American keels can never enter foreign ports. “Protection to American labor” has killed one branch of American labor most effectually.

The province of Manitoba in the dominion of Canada is potentially one of the great wheat producing states of the world. Almost equal in extent of territory to England and Scotland combined, it possesses a singularly fertile soil and a climate adapted to the growth of cereals. It is to Manitoba that the English and Scotch landlords are forwarding their tenantry, finding it more profitable to raise their wheat supply four thousand miles away on the cheap and fertile prairies, and reserve their own territories for the raising of sheep, cattle and game. This is a little hard upon the tenants, who have a foolish notion that, being Englishmen, they have a right to live in their own country; but there can be no doubt that it does, to some slight extent, relieve that congestion of population in Great Britain of which the owners of British vacant lands complain so bitterly.

But merely to raise wheat successfully is by no means sufficient for the prosperity of the dwellers in Manitoba. They can use their wheat to make bread and grits withal, but they cannot wear it, nor salt their food with it, nor shelter themselves with it, nor use it for a hundred other purposes necessary to civilization. To get the full benefit of the application of their labor to the Manitoba soil, they must exchange their wheat for clothes, lumber, salt, shoes, hosiery and other things that can be produced to more advantage at a distance from Manitoba; and right here is where the Canadian Pacific railway comes in.

The Canadian Pacific railway is a corporation chartered by the Dominion government, with a guaranteed monopoly of the traffic along its line. It traverses Canada from east to west, and crosses Manitoba about sixty-five miles north of the United States tariff line. Having the power to tax the Manitoba farmers at its own pleasure, it naturally exercises that power pretty freely; and the result is that by the time the farmer gets back from the eastern provinces or from Europe the cloth or shoes sent in exchange for his grain, he finds that a considerable portion of his labor of wheat production has gone to enrich the stockholders of the railway. This is called in Canada encouraging Manitoba agriculture, because it forces the Manitoba farmer to raise more wheat or get along with fewer shoes and stockings.

But in the United States, right across the American tariff line, is a great system

p. 4, col. 4 of railways eager for business and ready to transport wheat and bring back shoes and other things at considerably less than the Canadian Pacific charges for similar service. The Manitoban farmers realize very clearly that if they could send their wheat to market over the United States lines they would get back considerable more in exchange for it than they now do. So they have organized a company under a local charter and commenced the construction of a railway to give them access to the United States system. And now comes forward the Canadian Pacific company, declaring that this new railway must by no means cross their line, either on a level, or in the air above, or through the ground beneath. And the Dominion authorities, being appealed to, say the Canadian Pacific people are in the right, having a guaranteed monopoly in the encouragement of Manitoban agriculture. And so for the present the new railway is at a standstill.

On protectionist principles all this is a decidedly a good thing^sic for the United States. It would be dreadful if the millers of St. Paul and Minneapolis should be flooded with wheat from Manitoba and compelled to grind it in competition with the pauper labor of Canadian and English mills. And on common sense principles, it is a good thing for the English landlords, because, by making the production of wheat less profitable in Manitoba, it will enhance the anxiety of farmers to secure the privilege of raising wheat in England and so increase the English landlord’s rent. But it would be hard to discover any principle on which it could be deemed other than a curse and an oppression by the poor people of Manitoba.

In Germany, as in the United States, protection benefits chiefly the people whom it is intended to injure, at the cost of the people whom it is intended to benefit. The North German Lloyd company established last year a line of steamers between Bremen and Antwerp and China and Australia on the strength of an annual subsidy of $500,000 from the German government. The report of the first year’s operations shows that the ships have utilized barely one-third of their carrying capacity. and that the line, notwithstanding the subsidy, has been run at a loss. This is, of course, a good thing for Chinamen and Australians who have been enabled to levy a tax of over half a million dollars on the German people in the shape of reduced prices for German and Belgian goods; but it is difficult to see what possible benefit the Germans can have derived from it. Nevertheless, the subsidy is to be continued, and the company is about to add another steamship to the line. It is a pity that Prince Bismarck does not carry his protectionist theory to its logical conclusion and pay all the expenses of the steamship line, on condition of its carrying freight and passengers for nothing. If that didn’t result in giving Germany control of the Chinese and Australian trade, it would only be necessary to carry the principle a little farther, and furnish goods as well as freight for nothing. The expense would be easily covered by a few additional import duties, and the development of German home industries would be simply immense.

We reprint on the seventh page of this issue a most interesting article by Professor Le Conte of the university of California upon the problem of the flying machine, which we take from the current number of the Popular Science Monthly. Professor Le Conte is not merely a scientist of high attainments, but he has in remarkable degree the power of popular presentation upon a subject which has probably presented itself to the imagination of every man and woman who ever lived since Adam and Eve—or in deference to Professor Le Conte, the paleolithic man and his paleolithic mate—saw the first bird dart through the yielding air. As the protectionists, who it is to be hoped regularly read THE STANDARD, read the professor’s demonstration of the impossibility of flying machines, their hearts will be gladdened, for when flying machines are possible protective tariffs will become impossible except at the cost of roofing our country in. But when they come to the professor’s suggestion of the possibility of aerial swimming ships—the submarine vessels of the upper ocean—their confidence must fail. Politically considered, Professor Le Conte is a free trade democrat—probably even an absolute free trader.

Boston Single Tax League Reorganized and Ready for a New Campaign.

The Boston single tax league has reorganized for the year, and proposes an active campaign in the city and surrounding towns. The following changes have been made in the list of officers: President, Hamlin Garland; vice presidents, Louis Prang, Mark W. Cross, Kenneth R. Cranford, Robertson James, Rev. John Hayes, Rev. Samuel Brosser, Andrew Garbutt, W. A. Ford, Edwin T. Clark; recording secretary, J. C. Anderson; treasurer, William Hannaford; corresponding secretary, E. M. White.

Tbe league has planned for a series of suburban meetings during the winter in which it invites the co-operation of the local single tax men and the correspondence of the single tax organizations or individual believers of the state. Address all letters to Hamlin Garland, 7 Beacon street, or to Edwin M. White, 39 Court street.

It is desirable that the single tax men of the state have as complete knowledge of each other as possible in order that we may assist each other in holding meetings, printing and circulating petitions and the like. Speakers will be furnished by the Boston league whenever possible. The single tax campaign has just begun. It is time to strike hands.

E. M. WHITE, Secretary.

p. 4, col. 5

O Music.

Harriet Prescott Spofford in The Century for December.

Last night I heard a harper strike his strings all suddenly and sweetly,
And one sang with him in a voice blown like a flute upon the dark,
And as a bird’s wings climb the air, forever palpitating fleetly,
The song soared, and I followed it, lost where the panting echoes hark.
The song soared like a living soul in naked beauty white and stark,
Commanding all the powers of tune with solemn spells of subtle might,
A flute, a bird, a living soul, the song swept by me in the night!

Commanding all the powers of tune, commanding all the powers of being,
While on the borderland of sleep half lapped in dreams my senses stirred,
Heaven after heaven the strain laid bare, sweet secret after secret freeing,
And all the deeps of music broke about my spirit as I heard.
And past and present were as naught within that trance of rapture blurred,
And heights where white lights seethed, and depths night-blue and full of singing stars,
Were mine to tread the while that tune beat out the passion of its bars!

Then I remembered me of Saul, the young man mighty and victorious,
While towering dark and beautiful anointed on the roadside king,
And over him a fuller chrism streamed sempiternally and glorious,
The dew of dawn, the flush of day, that morning of an ancient spring.
And faring silent on his way, he lifted not his voice to sing,
He saw no glow upon the hills, upon the sky he saw no bloom,
Earth was the same old earth to him wrapped in the mantle of his gloom.

But when he met along the hill a company of prophets hasting,
Striking psaltery, harp, and tabret, and the pipe’s breath blowing clear,
When singing all at once they came, in wild accord their music wasting,
The mountain answering tune for tune with mystic voices hovering near,
With sweet rude clamor storming heaven, with faces rapt in holy fear,
Singing of smoke of sacrifice from altars on the hills and scars,
Singing of power that bends the blue, that holds the leashes of the stars—

Then as the measures round him beat and left him thrilling to their gladness,
A flame swept up and compassed him and burned the withes that bound his might,
And all his strength, to music set in a swift and sacred madness,
Broke at his lips in prophecy and filled his darkened soul with light.
For thine, O Muse! child of God, the wings that lift to awful height;
The order of the universe is thine, and thine the flight of stars,
And the soul treads its kingly home but to the passion of thy bars!

ROBBING PETER TO PAY PAUL.

NOTES FROM CORRESPONDENCE.

William Christie, Visalia, Cal.—THE STANDARD is well received in this section and is doing good work. The new ideas are abroad and are making converts. One of the factors in this forward movement is the pressura^sic brought to bear by the big land syndicates with which the state is cursed. The hay crop and fruit yield have been large and farmers would be happy were it not for the threatening shadow cast by these great grab-alls. The Kahweah co-operative colony association, which has purchased a large tract of land in the foot hills of the Sierra Nevada mountains, comprising fruit, timber and grazing lands, is attracting considerable attention. It is organized on purely democratic lines and proposes to give the worker a chance and not grind him under the heel of somebody else, as is done elsewhere in the state under our system of landlordism.

Mr. W. H. Ryan, one of the most active and enthusiastic workers in the single tax cause, writes from North Carolina, where he has been located for a year past, as follows: “In Wadesboro I met with more success than at any place. I found two George men one Captain Little^sic, a leading citizen, and considered, as he is, one of the best read men there. He told me he had for many years long before he heard of Mr. George, believed in the George theory. The other was a young man, the son of a wagon maker and a mechanic, a young man of brains. I gave both of them my papers and some tracts and books which they had not read. Now we have the town. We first got the sheriff of the county, then the Episcopal minister, who is now a subscriber to THE STANDARD, then others, until now we have nearly all the thinking people of the place.”

Mr. Jas. R. Angier, of Akron, Ohio, writes: “The members of our club are anxious to have THE STANDARD on sale at every news depot in this city, and I will work to that end from this on, as well as to increase by every means in their power its general circulation. No fact is more clearly recognized by us than that upon its clear, able and resistless logic must our effort and success depend.”

[This is the kind of practical effort which counts for both the cause and THE STANDARD as nothing else can. Every regular reader added to our list means ultimately, and surely, a helpful worker in the cause, and friends in Akron have set a most worthy example.—ED. STANDARD.]

Luther S. Kelly, Parashute, Col^sic.—Chance brought to me “Progress and Poverty,” and I have just finished reading it. I will not say how strongly it appeals to my reason and sense of justice, but I am astonished to think that I have not read it before and how nearly I missed reading it at all. I think it should be introduced into the curriculum for young men and women.

SOCIETY NOTES.

Indian summer, with its atmosphere of warmth and softness, has arrived. The consequence has been a new flight to Tuxedo, where the beautiful club house is filled to overflowing. The club dining room, where visitors divide into small parties and entertain themselves and each other as they would do in their own houses, has presented every evening a gay scene. Fair women and handsome men dining in full evening dress, with surroundings and appointments that suggest a nobleman’s palace abroad rather than a club house in a new country, is a pleasant sight to see. Within three years Tuxedo park has been transformed from tangled wilderness into a garden of loveliness and luxury such as centuries of care and expenditure can hardly procure even in England. Two new trout ponds have been added to the grounds, and what may be called an aquatic nursery for the production and nurture of these dainty fish. Of course the outlay has been enormous, and already may be counted among the millions.—[New York Sun, Nov. 4.

Because he was out of work and homeless, James Ryan, twenty-six years of age, on last Thursday swallowed a dose of carbolic acid. He was taken to Bellevue hospital and placed in the cage a prisoner. He remained perfectly conscious up to last night, when he died. He refused to give the names or addresses of his relatives or friends. He was apparently well educated.—[Mail and Express, Nov. 1.

The tea gown has become a gorgeous wonder. It is an elegant trained, embroidered, bejeweled, trimmed, belaced and beribboned robe of the highest ceremony, fit to wear under the subdued rays of rose shaded lamps, and by the light thrown over a well appointed drawing room from the glowing bars of one of these basket grates, filled with “live coals”—lumps of colored glass that simulate all the colors of burning anthracite when gaslighted from within. It is made of the richest gold brocades, plushes and silks sent out from the looms of France, and its fit and finish are as fine as that of the costliest dinner or ball gown. It may look loose and comfortable, but it is close fitted, and worn over a fine French corset.

A woman who keeps a coal cellar on Cross street, Boston, when asked regarding the amount of coal which the poor people buy, answered “very little, a basket or two lasts them a week. Very often they cannot get that much. The more money they have the more coal they buy, but they never have a steady fire burning; they cannot afford it.”

Henry Carpenter of No. 101 Christopher street, suffering from aberration of the mind, caused by overwork in Hazzard’s preserve factory, was sent to Bellevue hospital by Justice Ford to-day at Jefferson market.—[Evening World, Nov. 1.

Campaign “Standard” Fund.

The publisher of THE STANDARD acknowledges the following contributions to the campaign STANDARD fund for this week:

J. B., Cie Elum, W. T^sic. . . . . $5 00
C. T. C., Boone, Iowa . . . . 15
J. H. L., Boone, Iowa . . . . 15
W. C. Kip, Morristown, N. J. . . . . 25
A Granger, City . . . . 1 00
Jas. [McQuade?], City . . . . 1 00
Rev. Alfred Cross, Dighton, Mass. . . . . 1 00
W. Dalglish, Omaha, Neb. . . . . 1 00
[Fred. Hales?], Chicago, Ill. (Sowing Society) . . . . [illegible]
J. L. [Murphy?], Providence, R. I. . . . . 1 00
J. F. Muller, Abilene, Kan. . . . . [5 00?]

Total for the week . . . . [illegible]
Previously acknowledged . . . . [illegible]
Total to date . . . . [illegible]

A Powerful Appeal for Ballot Reform.

Indianapolis News.

The set of the sun to-day will put an end to one of the most humiliating and shameful exhibitions ever made by any nation, great or small, on this globe of ours. Here we have sixty millions of the most prosperous, wealthy, intelligent, educated, moral, elevated, enlightened people that ever lived, the leaders, we boast, in all moral and material enterprises for the improvement of mankind, for three months accusing each other incessantly of lying, forgery, fraud; corruption in every form, from buying a drunken voter to bribing a legislature; filling the papers every day with countless repetitions of every variation of the imputation of falsehood, “liar,” “infamous lie,” “scandalous lie,” “willful liar,” malicious liar, till^sic positively there has been hardly anything else discernable except an occasional police item, and that was a record of theft or violence or prostitution. If any nation ever made such an exhibition of itself before we don’t know where to look for the story of it.

MEN AND THINGS.

It is queer to see protectionists fighting protection and insisting that the same grand principle both keeps them alive and works their destruction. The law makers of various non-manufacturing states, impressed by the constant cry that the only way to develop manufactures is by securing for them a monopoly of the home market, have been for years endeavoring to do on a small scale what the protective tariff does on a large one. They have tried by various devices to keep the products of other states out of their local markets, serenely confident that, as a result, manufacturing establishments would spring up within their own borders, industries would become diversified, and everybody grow rich by paying everybody else more for his product than it was legitimately worth. It was a noble idea, and quite in consonance with protectionist principles.

Of course these local statesmen couldn’t impose protective duties. The constitution forbids it. But they could and did impose heavy license fees on drummers from other states; and by thus making it difficult for their merchants to buy the products of other states, they could and did maintain a high scale of prices for things supplied by producers outside their own borders. The result was that their farmers when they sold their produce had to accept prices fixed by general competition in distant trade centers; while when they bought calicoes, or plows, or shoes, they paid extra prices for them. This, the farmers were told, would ultimately make them rich, by encouraging men to set up mills and factories. The plan required time and would be a little expensive at first; but it would work out right in the end—if the farmers could only manage to live long enough.

But, curiously enough, the very manufacturers who had been howling most loudly for protection by tariff rose up in arms against this system of protection by license. They actually declared that it impeded production; and in direct blasphemy of the great protection fetich, they proved that it would seriously injure any state that tried it. And when they found that their free trade arguments produced no effect, they actually went to law about the matter, declaring that states had no right to protect their own citizens in any such destructive way.

And now the protectionist free traders—or the free trade protectionists—have won their case. The supreme court of the United States, in the case of Asher vs. the state of Texas, has declared that all state laws imposing a license tax upon non-resident drummers are unconstitutional and inoperative. And so the protection fetich has had its face slapped again. And its own worshipers stand round applauding.

The latest application of electricity is to the driving of an ordinary wagon upon an ordinary road. An inventive Englishman has produced a vehicle which carries four persons and can maintain a speed of ten miles an hour for five hours upon an ordinary London street. The carriage with its fittings weighs a little over 1,100 pounds.

There is a whole chapter of political economy in this advertisement, which we take from the Age of Steel:

SHEFFIELD, ALA., the iron manufacturing center of the south. At the head of navigation, on the Tennessee river, Sheffield is the natural outlet for the mineral and manufacturing products of Alabama and neighboring states seeking a water route to points on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and to the Gulf of Mexico, as well as the best distributing point over Alabama, Eastern Mississippi and East Tennessee, South Carolina, Georgia and Florida for northern and western produce, groceries, provisions, machinery, etc. Three railroads already completed and in operation, and several others assured. Principal shops of Memphis & Charleston railroad, in which cars and locomotives are to be built, are under contract to be erected here. These will employ between four hundred and five hundred mechanics, and consequently, with their families, will make an increase in population of at least two thousand people. Shops of three other [railroads?] are contracted to be located here, some of them being now under construction.

Five completed blast furnaces have a capacity of [700?] tons of pig iron per day. Experts do not hesitate to say that iron can be manufactured more cheaply at Sheffield than at Birmingham, and its river transportation facilities will enable Sheffield iron to reach the principal markets at a saving of from $2 to $2.[50?] per ton. The quality of the iron produced is pronounced by consumers to be the best from any furnace in the south. Stove works, capacity fifty stoves per day, now in operation. A first-class daily newspaper is regularly issued. Furniture factory, bottling works, bakery, dummy street railroad, a 90-inch Morse cotton compress, electric lights, agricultural implement works, three steam brick works, two hand brick works, two steam wood working establishments, water works, two banks, a savings bank, and steam job printing office already in successful operation, 15-ton ice machine just completed, and a five story hotel, with all modern appliances, now being erected; the Cleveland hotel, Park house and numerous boarding houses furnish accommodations to travelers; paint works nearing completion; other manufacturing establishments under consideration, among them a large cotton mill soon to be commenced. Good water, free public schools and churches. Drainage excellent. Health and climate unsurpassed.

Splendid Opening for Men of Push and Energy. No Better Point for Profitable Investment. No “Old Fogy” Element Here. Sites for Manufacturing Enterprises, and for Free Public Schools and Churches, Donated by Sheffield Land, Iron and Coal Company.

Population Jan. 1, 1887, [704?]; Aug. 21, 1887, by actual census 2583. Increase of population, [300?] per cent in eight months, and only limited by accommodations. Present estimate (August, [1888?]), fully 3,500. Three years ago the site of Sheffield was cultivated as corn and cotton plantations, and was without a railroad. Numerous two and three story brick business houses and one and two-story dwellings have been and are being erected. The class of buildings will compare favorably with those in cities of 20,000 inhabitants.

Limestone of excellent quality for fluxing iron in unlimited quantities at the furnaces’ sites. First class building stone and brick clay abundant. Rich and extensive deposits of brown hematite iron ore within twenty miles, along the lines of two Sheffield railroads, which by actual results in the furnaces, yield above [fifty?] per cent metal. Iron of high grade is being made with a pound of coke to a pound of metal—a result never before accomplished with southern ores and coke. The Sheffield and Birmingham railroad runs through the heart of the Warrior coal fields, which abound in first-class coking, steam, gas and grate coal. Timber is abundant and cheap. The Memphis and Charleston railroad, Sheffield and Birmingham railroad, and Nashville, Florence and Sheffield branch of the Louisville and Nashville railroad are now in operation into Sheffield. Surveys of three other railroads have been recently completed to Sheffield, which will soon be the best combined river and railroad transportation center in the south. Every merchant and every established manufacturing enterprise is doing a profitable business. More are needed. For further information address WILLIAM L. CHAMBERS, Vice-President and Manager, Sheffield Land, Iron and Coal Company, Sheffield, Ala.

It will be observed that the Sheffield land, iron and coal company, whom we take to be the owners of Sheffield, Ala., have a pretty clear idea of the best way to stimulate productive industry. They don’t offer the manufacturers whom they invite to settle in Sheffield any facilities in the shape of a monopoly of the market or anything of that sort. They don’t propose to guarantee the first manufacturer who may accept their invitation that no competing manufacturer shall establish himself next door. What they offer is not monopoly, but freedom—not special opportunity to a few, but equal opportunity to all. Free land for manufacturing enterprises, for public schools, and for churches. It is the sure way to encourage their establishment.

Strange, isn’t it, that places like Shef-

p. 5, col. 2 field, that want to attract industries, should see so clearly how to do it, while other places—like New York, for instance—whose industries are already established, should so totally neglect the lesson? Suppose every town in the United States should follow Sheffield’s example? To which pitch of industrial development might we not attain?

The absurdity of the notion that the building of a tariff wall round the United States will, in some occult way, be good for Ireland and bad for England, is being beautifully illustrated among the Irish fishermen. The sea around the coast of Ireland swarms with mackerel of the choicest kind. The land bordering on the sea is inhabited by men who ask nothing better than to go mackerel fishing, if only they can find a market for their fish after they have caught them. Such a market exists in the United States, where the supply of mackerel is far from being equal to the demand. Putting these facts together, certain of the Irish fishermen have resolved to go into the business of putting up mackerel for the American market. That it would be a good thing for them and a good thing for us, that they should do so, is unquestionable. We should get our mackerel, and they would in turn secure the things for which they exchange the mackerel, both at a less cost of labor. But the tariff wall stands in the way. And the net result of the situation is that the Irish fishermen will make less money, the hated Saxons will get their mackerel cheaper, and a few American schooner owners will continue to make fortunes by importing Canadians to go fishing and selling mackerel to us at artificially enhanced prices.

The attorney general of the state of California has instituted proceedings for the forfeiture of the charter of the American sugar refinery company. The ground of action is that the company has disregarded the purpose for which it was incorporated, by surrendering the control of its business to the sugar refinery trust, which the complaint alleges is an “association of individuals residing out of and not residents of the state of California, formed and operated for the purpose of limiting the supply and thus advancing the price of sugar, and is not a corporation, but is an unlawful combination and a monopoly acting in restraint of trade.”

Another ocean disaster is receiving the customary minimum of newspaper attention. The Norwegian bark Nor and the British steamer Saxmundham met in collision in the English channel, off the Isle of Wight, on a perfectly clear night. Both vessels were sunk, the steamer immediately, and the bark after the lapse of a few hours. The Norwegians escaped with their lives, but thirty-two of the Englishmen were drowned.

Had this been a railway collision, somebody would probably have suffered for it; and at all events the families of the thirty-two men killed would have recovered some money compensation for their bereavements. As it is, the matter has already ceased to be talked about. The insurance companies will pay for the vessels and their cargoes, and the families of the slaughtered men must get along as best they can; which, for some of them at least, will probably mean going to the poor house.

The Weekly Register, a Catholic family paper published in London, contains, in a recent issue, a letter from a country priest commenting on the discourteous reception given by the marquis of Salisbury to Cardinal Manning’s appeal on behalf of the suffering poor of England. “You evidently want,” said the marquis, “to introduce a system of national workshops.”

Taking this expression for his text, the Register’s reverend correspondent points out that there is “one sufficient ‘national workshop’ provided by God, and not by any government;” the only trouble being that Lord Salisbury and others like him have secured the key and persist in keeping the door locked:

In it is room for all workers: in it is wealth for all the nation. Why do we mock ourselves by calling it “the national soil,” if we cannot work upon it, or stand upon one square foot of it, without the permission of one of the few owners of England? Some Londoners lately wanted to work for a living in a street near the river. They were permitted to begin to do so when they gave Lord Salisbury £200,000 for his own use. Why should he not scoff if deputations trouble him with everlasting talk about the unemployed? “Do you want national workshops? Why don’t all people do what is done in the Strand?” . . .

When shall we preach this truth boldly, in season and out of season? How long shall we go on hopelessly bewailing “our losses;” in other words, bewailing the indifference to high spiritual considerations of men who tramp from York to Newcastle, or from Liverpool to Cardiff, seeking permission of masters upon earth to make something to eat? They come to us begging, because they think “employment” is to be found only in towns, and, in every town that they leave behind, human beings, far from being wanted, are a drug in the market. And we know that (for instance) there are at the present time in England a million and a half less acres under wheat than there were twenty-five years ago. Whose acres are those? Why must men, willing to toil, walk through them, not daring to turn to the right or to the left? Why does God Almighty’s “national workshop” remained^sic closed against men needing and willing to provide themselves therein with daily bread by honest labor? It is not He who has ordered this “lockout.”

The utterances of this English priest may be studied with profit by men of other creeds and sects.

Boulangism in France has had one good effect: It has compelled the government to undertake seriously the revision of the constitution. Disturbed by the portentous majorities at Boulanger’s command, the ministers have determined to make his war cry their own; and in place of his nebulous, indeterminate programme of constitutional reform, they offer to the French people a definite scheme of change. Elections to the legislature are to be made by single constituencies, and not, as now, by the people of an entire department voting for a whole list of candidates, as the citizens of an American state vote for presidential electors. The ministry is to have a two

p. 5, col. 3 years’ lease of life, subject to a vote of censure by the chamber. The chamber of deputies is to have a continuous existence, one-third of the members being elected every two years; and the somewhat supererogatory senate, instead of renewing its members by thirds every three years, will be placed on the same footing as the chamber, one-third of its members being renewed every other year.

That these changes may quiet the clamor of popular discontent for a time, is possible and even probable. For the discontented among the French people have not, as a rule, learned to formulate their discontent, still less to propose any definite scheme for its removal. Their inquietude is like one of those vague rheumatic pains of which the sufferer is quite sufficiently conscious, but which he cannot locate with any definiteness. It is not at all unlikely, therefore, that they may consent to essay the Floquet scheme and possess their souls with more or less patience while the new remedy is being tried.

But it is certain that neither Floquet, nor Boulanger, nor any of the other political doctors who have France’s case in charge, can do more than temporarily quiet the dissatisfied murmurings of the French people. For what Frenchmen really want—what they have been blindly, unknowingly, vaguely struggling to secure for the past hundred years—is not this or that system of elections and legislative bodies, but genuine freedom. They want liberty, equality, and fraternity in the true sense of the words—equal right of access to the natural opportunities of which their country has such plenteous store, equal freedom to enjoy every man the fruits of his own labor without tax paid to some non-working fellow man and the true fraternity that is possible only among equals. Short of this nothing will content them; the difficulty of the situation is that they don’t know it.

The Royal horticultural society of Great Britain has been holding a conference of small fruit growers at Chiswick, near London, at which the best methods of fruit culture were discussed by practical men, and the extraordinary profits of the business pointed out. Sir Trevor Lawrence, who presided, was enthusiastic on the subject, and declared that farmers who had been driven out of the wheat market would find a new field for their energies in the growing of apples and plums. In other words, the owners of England will be able to let their land to fruit growers at sufficiently satisfactory rents, and let American farmers attend to the less remunerative business of wheat production.

It is pleasant to think that all this is largely the result of our great American protective system. It is our tariff that enables the British landlord to collect his rents. Were it not for the absurd laws which forbid American manufacturers of fruit preserves to buy sugar, pottery, glassware, corks, and other essentials of their business as cheaply as their English competitors, this would be, as by rights it ought to be, the leading fruit producing country of the world. As it is, we look to England for our jams and marmalades, and encourage English industry, while our own farmers and laborers spend their days in unremunerative toil, or more unremunerative idleness.

Speaking of the recently formed salt syndicate in England the London Star uses this significant language:

After all, however, the worst of all corners is the corner in land. A corner in corn or coal or salt is bad enough, but it only concerns a perishable commodity, fresh supplies of which can apparently be obtained to break down the monopoly ring. But the withholding of land from the market in order to enhance its price means a corner in the cause of all values whatsoever—in the prime condition of wealth itself. Strike at corn and salt corners, by all means, at the disposal of a civilized state; but strike first at the evils of land monopoly, which are the causes of half the woes of poor London.

When a newspaper with a quarter of a million circulation talks in that style it is evident that the day of industrial emancipation is not far distant.

The great strike among the coal miners in England is spreading fast and seems destined to achieve at least a partial success. In Staffordshire the employers, as soon as a strike was threatened, met the men half way, conceding five per cent advance, against ten per cent demanded. This the miners agreed would be satisfactory “for the present.” Other mine operators are said to be on the point of yielding.

It is worth noting that while here in the United States the miners strike unsuccessfully against reductions, in England they are demanding an increase, and seem fairly likely to get at least a part of what they ask. Perhaps this is one reason why our protected manufacturers are so urgent that workingmen should vote against free trade. Naturally they abhor any system under which their “hands” are encouraged to strike for higher pay.

By no means least important among the signs of the times is the statement that Mr. Gladstone proposes, at the coming session of parliament, to push the question of the taxation of ground rents and mining royalties. The story may be unauthorized, but the mere fact that it finds extensive credence in England is sufficient evidence of public feeling in regard to fundamental reform.

To Make the Walls Speak.

LONDON, England, Oct. 22—Walls are said to have ears, and it is certainly within the power of single tax men to endow their neighbors’ environment with eloquent speech in favor of land reform at no greater expense than is involved in the printing of narrow strips of gummed paper perforated into checks, carried in the pocket, and industrially affixed at any and every point where they will meet the eye of the traveler and the passerby.

They should be printed with some such legends as the following:

THE MODERN INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM CONSIDERED AS A FINE ART.

The study of political economy and the law of rent teaches that free trade in land is free trade in men; the prices obtained for the use of land and other natural elements reducing wages to a bare living and profits in trade to a minimum; in effect constituting producers the industrial slaves of the various owners of the planet.

H. BATTY.

p. 5, col. 4

THE SO-CALLED AMERICAN SYSTEM OF PROTECTION.

An Old Man’s Idea of Death.

The following lines were written at the close of a letter to the editor of THE STANDARD. The writer, Henry Abram, is now lying in the Savannah hospital, partially paralyzed. He was eighty years old the day before this election:

The footsteps of Death grow quicker and bolder, And now she is peeping just over my shoulder— A beautiful angel, God bless her! I could throw my arm round her and kiss her.

For it’s long since I’ve thought that it is a great error To look upon Death as the king of all terror. No; Death is an angel, beauteous and fair, With soft, loving eyes and long, flowing hair; And when she shall press you unto her cold breast, Your sorrows are gone and your soul is at rest.

p. 5, col. 5

[Advertisement] The Century Magazine in 1889

[Illustration: display advertisement spanning columns 5–6. At upper left, a wood-engraving of a bearded man in a long coat standing in a shackled pose, captioned “An Exile to Siberia.” At centre, a facsimile of Abraham Lincoln’s signature (“A. Lincoln”) set diagonally in a frame, with the text wrapped around it. Display type for “THE CENTURY”, “WHY”, “BECAUSE” and “FREE”.]

“THE GREAT MONTHLY MAGAZINE OF THE WORLD.” (Pacific Churchman.)

THE CENTURY MAGAZINE IN 1889.

[caption under illustration:] An Exile to Siberia.

WHY has it such an enormous circulation? Experts estimate that between two and three millions of people read each number of THE CENTURY.

BECAUSE THE CENTURY is above everything a leader. It led the development of wood-engraving in America. It has fostered the development of American authors. It is alive to the issues of to-day. What it prints, sets people to thinking and talking.

BECAUSE whatever other periodicals may come into the family, the great reading world has found out that “no household can keep abreast of the times without THE CENTURY.” It has been said, “Its success is explained by its contents.”

BECAUSE the greatest writers of the world like to have their work read by the greatest number, and therefore to such a magazine as THE CENTURY the best naturally comes. It was for THE CENTURY that Gen. Grant first wrote his reminiscences of important battles; it was for it that the leaders on both sides in the Civil War have been writing the famous “War Papers.”

BECAUSE it is publishing the Life of Abraham Lincoln, by his private secretaries. Of this it has been said, “The young man who is not reading it robs himself of that which he will one day hunger for,” and again, “The person who does not read it will be considered unintelligent; it is classic.” The coming year presents the most important part of this great history, which may be begun at any time.

[facsimile signature:] A. Lincoln

BECAUSE THE CENTURY is printing those remarkable articles on “Siberia and the Exile System” by George Kennan, which are attracting universal attention and are being reprinted in hundreds of foreign newspapers, but are not allowed to enter Russia. The “Chicago Tribune” says that “no other magazine articles printed in the English language just now touch upon a subject which so vitally interests all thoughtful people in Europe and America and Asia.” They are “as judicial as the opinion of a Supreme Court tribunal,—as thrilling as the most sensational drama.”

BECAUSE—but we have not space here to announce the new features of THE CENTURY for 1889. Any person, mentioning this paper, can have the prospectus, with our “Catalogue of Special Publications” (with original illustrations), mailed

FREE of charge. This advertisement will not appear again.

Address, THE CENTURY CO. 33 East 17th St. New-York.

[boxed:] The subscription price of THE CENTURY is $4.00 a year,—35c. a number. All dealers and postmasters take subscriptions, or you can remit directly to the publishers. Begin with November.

[end of advertisement spanning c5–c6; column 5 text resumes below]

IN A NUT SHELL.

A card containing the following inscriptions has just been issued by the Single tax Cleveland campaign committee, and will be mailed to any address in the United States on receipt of a two cent stamp. On one side is this:

THE CAT.

On Sunday, November 6, 1887, Hon. James G. Maguire, justice of the superior court of San Francisco, addressed two great meetings at the Academy of Music and Steinway hall, New York, in behalf of the single tax, and in the course of his speech used an illustration that has made the cat the emblem of that movement. Judge Maguire said:

“Did you ever see what we call a concealed picture? It is one of those pictures of trees, animals, birds, grass and plants, which at first glance don’t appear to amount to much. But, if you look at the bottom of the picture, you may see the words”Where is the Cat?” You examine the picture, but don’t see any cat. By and by somebody comes along who has seen the picture before, or who has had the cat pointed out to him. He asks, “Don’t you see that twig?” “Yes.” “Don’t you see that white strip between the twig and the trunk of the tree?” “Yes.” “Well, that is one leg of the cat.”

Still you don’t see any cat, and you may be ready to swear that there is no cat there. Then he shows you the little dovetailed arrangement of grass and weeds down near the bottom, and tells you that is the claws of the cat. Still you don’t see any cat. He next shows you a little branch which represents the eyes, but still you can’t see the cat. Finally he points out another branch that represents the ear. Instantly you behold the cat, and if you do not see that picture again for twenty years, the very minute you glance at it the first thing you see is the cat.

“So it is with a simple natural truth. So it is with the great truths that are involved in the single tax idea. People may look at the proposition, see nothing in it, and have parts and details explained to them, and still see nothing in it. But the very minute they take in the whole situation they become enthusiasts and point out the cat to everybody else. After a while they forget how hard it was for them to see the cat and actually think that a man who can’t see it in an instant must be a fool because it is so clear to them.”

Ever since this speech was delivered, when one single tax man wishes to indicate that another has come to fully understand all that is involved in the transfer of taxation to land values, he says that such a person “has seen the cat.”

The reverse side of the card says:

THE SINGLE TAX.

Taxes on the products of labor tend to restrict production. Therefore no taxes should be imposed on improvements or commodities.

A tax on land values does not restrict production or lessen the reward of the users of land, but, by making it unprofitable to hold land out of use it opens natural opportunities for labor and stimulates production. Therefore all taxes should be levied on land values.

Every man is entitled to the full results of his own labor or enterprise in producing goods, erecting buildings, improving lands, etc., but that value which attaches to land by reason of the increased competition for its use that arises with the growth of population and public improvements belongs justly to the whole community. Therefore the public should take by taxation the full rental value of land.

Whenever ground rent is thus taken for the support of government, industry and enterprise will be relieved from taxation, and no inducements will remain for holding land without using it. Land speculation will cease and natural opportunities will be opened to labor. Workmen who cannot make fair bargains with employers will then be able to employ themselves; not that everybody will take to farming, but that with agricultural, mining and building lands accessible to [these?] willing to put them to use, there would be no lack of employment, and wages in all industries would rise to their natural level—the full earnings of labor. The labor problem is, How shall all men willing to work always find opportunity to produce wealth? The single tax, by opening natural opportunities, and at the same time relieving industry from burdens, solves the labor problem!

No man can intelligently advocate taking all taxes off the products of labor and their transfer to land values, and at the same time favor placing tariff taxes on goods. Therefore the single tax involves absolute free trade.

For a complete exposition of the single tax doctrine, read “Progress and Poverty” and “Protection or Free Trade?” by Henry George.

The Benevolence of the Republican Party.

The following editorial from the Mail and Express of Nov. 2 is worth reading even after election. For the information of those who might suppose it to be the utterance of a satirical Cleveland paper, it may be well to say that the Mail and Express is a republican paper, stanchly advocating protection, owned and edited by Col. Elliott F. Sheard^sic, one of the Vanderbilt family.

Probably the world never witnessed such a leading of employes by employers toward high wages, with all the comfort, education and homes which they bring, as is presented in this campaign by the republicans.

It is manifestly for the interest of wage earners that our protective tariff should be maintained, in order that they may continue to receive the unprecedented wages which are now paid in this country.

But in what other country in the world was the spectacle ever witnessed, of masters, as they are called in European countries, employers as they are more correctly called here, counseling their servants, in English dialect, employes in American, to vote so as

p. 5, col. 6 > to enable and require the payment of high wages!

Where else would not a reduction of wages be hailed by the employer and everything brought to bear that would depress them?

It is only in Christian America that this grand exhibition of human nature has ever been made, far exceeding in rare, valuable and noble features any world’s exposition ever before opened to the gaze of wondering nations.

This is directly the outcome of the spirit of Christianity, and of the American republican philosophy. Since the republican party abolished slavery and established the principle of manhood suffrage in the national constitution, which is the fundamental law of the land, the tendency in all the states has been toward abolishing property qualifications and confiding the elective franchise directly to each individual citizen; and in this way the welfare of each citizen has been made the concern of all.

The employer, from his wider experience with men and affairs, has a greater range of vision and intelligence as to the causes operating and the effects resulting in the industrial world, and, instead of keeping these to himself as he might, we find him earnestly explaining them to and teaching and educating his employes, so that they may understandingly exercise the franchise as it relates to their homes, their wages and their general happiness.

And the destiny of the workingmen of this country is, under God, to be decided next Tuesday for many a long year.

It will not be the fault of the employers of the country if this decision shall be suicidal, which may heaven prevent.

This noble attitude of employers toward their men cannot be sneered into nothingness by democratic scorn or misrepresentation; the discussions of the immortal year of 1888 establish it, and equally conclusively show that this benevolence is the offspring of the republican party. No better illustration of the unity of labor and capital can be needed. They work together in harmony because they are identical.

A Woman’s Voice.

Frances E. Russell, like most others who have seen the light, is doing what she can to bring it to the view of others. She writes The Woman’s Tribune, of Beatrice, Neb.:

Mrs. Chandler well says: “To control the means of subsistence is the first condition of liberty, as it is the first right of existence.” But this is no narrow Americanism. It is the law of humanity.

We must admit then that every human child, being created a land animal, has a right to a footing on the earth, an equal right with every other child to obtain for itself the necessaries of life as nature yields them bountifully in the storehouses of this planet. This abstract right is a very real one and it will never be sneered at by any true lover of justice, or intelligent believer in the goodness of God.

Very few of the wise men and women who have asserted this principle have ever been able to see any practical application of the law to modern conditions. To-day there are great numbers of intelligent men and women, in all parts of the civilized world, who do see clearly a way for its practical application.

It seems almost [incredible?] that it can be done just by a change in the method of taxation. So [ridiculous?] in its simplicity does it seem to many of the wise and prudent, that they will not stop to examine it.

It is thus: Though no one living has a moral right to absolute ownership of any part of our common inheritance, the earth, every one has a right to its use. I may not want to till any portion, or to dig coal or gold personally, or even to build a house for myself. But though I live in the sky parlor of a ten-story tenement, I shall begin to get my share of the grand estate my Father in heaven has given to all his human children when the “single tax” goes into operation.

Anti-Monopoly in a Pulpit.

Rev. David N. Utter of the Church of the Messiah, Chicago, in a recent sermon devoted entirely to social questions, gave his congregation something to think about when he used the following language:

One function of government is to guarantee equal rights and opportunities to all its citizens, another is to see that nobody is helplessly robbed. Our government says to its citizen, that nobody shall be robbed to any great extent—they shall not be robbed in certain ways, in other ways it shall be quite permissible. It is not lawful for one to stand beside a road, with a gun, and take even a small portion of the money that travelers who pass that way have with them. But it is yet lawful for men to take possession of coal mines and petroleum wells, iron mines, and all such things, and take from each purchaser several times as much money as the labor costs to take oil, coal or iron out of the earth. Some day this will be seen to be robbery; at the present time the commercial world seems to consider it all right.

A Fine Stroke of Practical but Honorable Politics.

District assembly No. 50 of Detroit, Mich., in order to learn definitely the views of candidates for the legislature concerning matters in which they were most interested, put a series of questions to all such candidates. The first was: “Will you, if elected, vote for a measure to give the voters a secret ballot similar to the Australian system?” Out of eleven candidates, six answered categorically in the affirmative. All the others answered substantially that they were unacquainted with the details of the Australian system, but that they would vote for any measure which would carry out the avowed objects of that system.

THE SCHUSTER.

“You see dot man ofer dere,” said Mr. Kreuscher to me, pointing to a dirty, unkempt man who stood leaning against a barrel of apples in front of the grocery store; “dot vas a landsmann of me. He gome from mein heimath von year after I gome here. Ven I vas here a liddle [vhile?] he wride to me und ask me how goes it in America. Und I answer him badt, fery badt. Vell, he don’d belief dot und so he gome ofer, too. Dot vas now four years ago, und now you can see how it goes by him. He is—vot you call dot—a dramp; ya, he is a dramp.”

“What was he in Germany?” I asked.

“In Chairmany? In Chairmany he vas a schuster—vot you call a shoemaker; ya, in mein heimath vas he a schuster.”

“Well, how is it that he became a tramp here? Can’t he get any work to do?”

“Ya, ya, he gan get some vork to do; he gan get too much vork to do!” and Kreuscher laughed.

“Then what’s the matter with him? If he can make plenty of money why has he become a tramp?”

“Blenty of money? I say noding aboudt blenty of money. I say blenty of vork; too much vork. He gan to-morrow get a blace by his old boss vhere he vill vork from morning half-past six o’glock—bis efening nine, ten or twelf o’glock. Dot store is in a liddle cellar on east Houston streedt, und all day long und efening must mein freund by lamplight vork mit two oder schusters. Vell he did dot for dree years. He make enough to lif und safe perhaps a liddle. Dann his vife she died; und von day he gome to me und say ‘Vell, Vilhelm, I guess I don’d vork no more. I haf no childrens; und Lena she is now dead’—Lena vas his vife—‘und I guess I vork not any more yust now. Ven she vas mit me I haf someding to vork for, und I dink all day long how glad she vill be to see me when I gome home at night und how ve [vill?] sit for a liddle vhile togeder und eat some supper, und dalk aboudt our heimath und our friends, und dann I don’d feel so much dot vork und dot hot room, ven I dink aboudt dot; und I say by mein vork: Dot vas for Lena. But now she is dead. I could not belief dot at first, dot she vas dead. Somedimes I vould forget it und I dink I see her vhen I go home und I dink vot I say to her und vot she say to me; und dann I look down und see her ring on mein finger, und dink: Vhy vas dot ring on mein finger? Und dann, mein Gott! I remember Lena vas dead; und I must shump up und go oudt for a liddle und valk roundt.’ Und he dells me dot he vill vork no more. Dann I ask him why he don’d go home to Chairmany, und he say he could not do dot, because vhen he gome ofer here he told eferybody dot he would make money here und Lena vould haf a nice home und all, und he could not go back poor und mitout Lena. Eferybody vould say he could not support her und vould laugh at him. He is a fery proudt man. He vas schmart, fery schmart. He read more und know more als any man in mein heimath.”

Just at this point the man outside turned around and fixed a pair of piercing dark eyes on us as if knew we were talking^sic about him. Kreuscher smiled and said, in German, that he would be with him in a moment, and immediately afterward went behind the counter, took some money from the till and went out. They walked round the corner, and in a few minutes Kreuscher came back alone. “Ya,” he said, “now he is gone again. I wonder if he gomes back. Dot vas how he vent avay before after he talk to me und dell me dot he vould not vork no more.”

“Does he need money?” I said.

“Ah, you see dot. You see I take some money out mit me. Ya, I do; but ven I ask mein freund if he vant some money he vas angry, fery angry. He say to me: ‘Vilhelm, you dink I take money from a poor man like you? No; I take noding from you; I take from dose rich, dose capitalisten.’ Dann I say: ‘Lieber Gott, Johann, du bist nicht ein anarchist? You vill not go mit dose Herr Mosts und dose peobles?’ Und dann he vas more angrier als before. He say: ‘I go mit none of dose peobles. I am yust a dramp;’ und after a liddle he laugh und say: ‘Ya; und vhen I gan no more als dramp mein lifing get, dann I go to Lena,’ und vhen he said dot he took a fery liddle bottle from his bocket und held it up und say: ‘Dis vill take me to Lena pretty quick,’ und laugh again. Ach, dot vas terrible. Johann, Johann, das willst du nicht thun.”

Then turning round suddenly, Kreuscher went to the door that opened on the stairs and called his wife. He asked her to take charge of the store a minute, and then beckoned to me to follow him upstairs. When we reached the sitting room he went to a closet and pulled out a large packing case. “Here are all his books und dings,” he said, and began to take the things out and put them on the floor. Two clay pipes? Yes, clay pipes; but what are those things in the bowls? Corks, and little glass tubes in the corks. What use could an East Houston street schuster, working in a cellar thirteen or fifteen hours a day, have for blowpipes? Books, some of them French. And the subjects? Ah, yes; that explains the blowpipes; they are mostly on chemistry, blowpipe analysis and like subjects. Here is pile of paper sheets^sic each holding a carefully pressed plant or flower with the common name written above and the botanical name below, the whole tied up with a book describing the flora of the Harz mountains and labeled “Herbarium.” A note written on the fly leaf of the book says that he has specimens of all but about forty of the plants that grow in the Herz^sic. And here are more books, including one which is covered in paper and turns out to be a volume of Schopenhauer’s. The shoemaker, with grim sort of humor^sic, has given it a new title; he calls it “The Gospel of Pessimism.” And lastly came a lot of vials with chemicals. Yes, sure enough, the contents of some of them would take him to Lena pretty quick.

“Now, yust look at dot,” said Kreuscher, “yust look at dot; you vould dink

p. 6, col. 2 dot man haf blenty to do here mitout dot he must go to some oder vorld.”

“Maybe he finds it too crowded here,” I said.

“Too growded! Ach, you make fun. You know better als me, how many eckers are here in America. (Kreuscher meant acres.) In Chairmany is it too growded, but here are fiel, fiel eckers.”

“Maybe somebody else got hold of his acres,” I said.

And then I began to think of that shoemaker. Perhaps if he had not been married he might have got his head above the level of the whirlpool like a Hugh Miller, a Chambers or a Johnson. Or even as it was, if he had had somewhat more of that surface education, that polish which a well to do person moving in good society receives without any effort, he might have found some philanthropist to boost him up a little. But he was only a Harz village schuster with a fierce dark eye and the beard of a typical anarchist. Patronizing such a man was out of the question. I imagined myself in his place. I make shoes fourteen hours a day. That leaves me three hours for blowpipe analysis and gospel of pessimism and seven hours for sleep. Here is a world composed, as blowpipe analysis shows of so much carbon, so much oxygen, so much nitrogen and so much something else. Here am I, composed of similar elements, including some thinking material which we will call phosphorus, making shoes all day in a cellar for some other chemical compound who has less phosphorus and doesn’t know and doesn’t want to know what he is composed of. And here is the gospel of pessimism which says: This is the worst of all possible worlds. I guess it’s right, at least so far as I, the East Houston street schuster, am concerned. Therefore, having no children and no wife, I’ll turn tramp, and without being too anxious about the morrow I’ll carry a little prussic acid in my pocket, so as to be ready for an emergency in the way of hunger.

“Vot you dink so long about?” said Kreuscher.

“Oh, I was only thinking how glad your friend would be to see his Lena again.”

W. B. SCOTT.

Letters Four Thousand Years Old.

London Weekly Dispatch.

A discovery, some fruits of which have been added to the treasures in our national thesaurus of antiquities, has just enabled modern learning to rifle the escritoire of the Pharaohs before the Exodus, and to explore their correspondence.

The presence of large numbers of Semites in ancient Egypt has always been a puzzle to historians, and what first led to their migrating from Mesopotamia to the land of the Pharaohs has never hitherto been made clear. Quite recently, however, the British museum has become possessed of a number of cuneiform tablets which throw considerable light on the subject. Early in the present year a number of these tablets were offered for sale in Cairo. They had been dug up from the grave of a royal scribe of Amenophis III and IV of the eighteenth dynasty, which had given up its records; and not only records, but seals and papyri of great historical and artistic value. Some went to the Boulak museum, some to Berlin, others to private persons, and eighty-one have found their way to the British museum. These last have now been arranged and catalogued by Mr. Budge, the well known Egyptologist, whose investigations have brought to light a most interesting chapter in the history of ancient Egypt. Not only do the tablets explain the historical crux mentioned above, but they introduce us to the family life of the early kings; they picture to us the splendors of the royal palaces; they enable us to assist at the betrothal of the kings’ daughters, and to follow the kings to their hunting grounds. Most of the tablets are letters addressed to Amenophis III, and some are from Tushratta, king of Mesopotamia.

Amenophis III was a mighty hunter, and once on a shooting trip in Mesopotamia after big game, he, like a king in a fairy tale, met and loved Ti, the daughter of Tushratta. They were married in due time, and Ti went down into Egypt with 317 of her principal ladies. This brought a host of their Semitic countrymen along, who found in Egypt a good field for their business capacities, and gradually, like the modern Jews in Russia, got possession of the lands and goods of their hosts The influence^sic of the Semitic queen is attested by the very fact that this library of cuneiform tablets was preserved. And, under the feeble sovereigns who followed, her countrymen doubtless held their own. But at last came the nineteenth dynasty, and the Pharaoh “who know not Joseph^sic.” Then they were set to brick making and pyramid building, till the outbreak which led to the Red sea triumph.

Mr. Budge has translated three of the letters. One is from Tushratta to Amenophis. After many complimentary salutations he proposes to his son-in-law that they should continue the arrangement made by their fathers for pasturing double humped camels, and in this way he leads up to the main purport of his epistle. He says that Manie, his great nephew, is ambitious to marry the daughter of the king of Egypt, and he pleads that Manie might be allowed to go down to Egypt to woo in person. The alliance would, he considers, be a bond of union between the two countries, and he adds, as though by an afterthought, that the gold which Amenophis appears to have asked for should be sent at once, together with “large gold jars, large gold plates, and other articles made of gold.” After this meaning interpolation he returns to the marriage question, and proposes to act in the matter of the dowry in the same way in which his grandfather acted, presumably on a like occasion. He then enlarges on the wealth of his kingdom, where “gold is like dust which cannot be counted,” and he adds an inventory of presents which he is sending, articles of gold inlay, and harness, and thirty eunuchs.

Another letter is from the king of Karadunivash, the traditional garden of Eden. A third is from the king of Alashiya, asking for the return of the goods of a deceased subject who had died in Egypt, and sending many consolatory presents—bronze vessels, some trees and a bull. In return he asks only for “two kukupu jars and a man who understands eagles”—just as a medieval magnate might ask for a falconer. There is also a (supposed) reference to the plague.

Imperial Traveling Expenses.

London Truth hears that the emperor of Germany’s tour in Austria and Italy will cost not less than £40,000. The amount which he has to give away to the servants of the sovereigns whom he visits is something fabulous, and the presents of various kinds cost a frightful sum. The emperor took with him from Berlin eighty diamond rings, one hundred and fifty silver stars, fifty scarf pins, all richly jeweled; thirty diamond bracelets, six splendid presentation swords, thirty large photographs of himself with the empress and their children, all in gold frames; thirty gold watches, with chains (one of these is the correct present to a kitchen functionary); one hundred cigar cases, with the imperial arms and monogram in gold; and twenty stars in diamonds of the orders of the Black and Red eagle. When the emperor Nicholas came to England about 1843 he stayed a week, and his presents of various kinds to the royal household and servants cost £20,000. The emperor of the French was nearly as profuse when he was a guest at Windsor in 1855.

p. 6, col. 3

THE FLYING MACHINE.

A Vision of Justice.

Not as the Greeks once saw her did she look, With blinded eyes, and smiting sword uplift, As one who in requital could not brook The thought of mercy to the tyrant, lest Some weakness in the avenger stand confessed, But with a sweet, entreating gesture, mild As the unspoken pleading of the child, She brings a peace to all of human kind; Tyrant and slave are equal heirs of her When she shall come—when all the world astir Shall rise and free the long enchained mind, Banish the leaden cloud, and hail the sky. I saw the form of Justice, throned high, With her sweet eyes, ineffably kind.

JOSEPH DANA MILLER.

The Most Formidable War Ship in the World.

London Times and Echo.

The large battle ship launched on Wednesday at Castellamare, near Naples, and christened Re Umberto, deserves to be noticed if only for the reason that, so far at least as offensive purposes are concerned, she will, when she is completed some four years hence, be the most formidable warship in existence. She is a twin screw steel built deck protected barbette ship of [13,298?] tons displacement, and her dimensions are: Length, 400 feet; breadth, 76 feet 9 inches; while her main draught of water will be 28 feet [8?] inches, or more than that of the Great Eastern. She will have no side armor, but her deck in the neighborhood of the water line will becovered with armor plates^sic having a total thickness of 3¼ inches, and her barbettes will be protected by 19 inch armor. She will, moreover, be divided into about 180 watertight compartments, and her sides and bottom will be formed of three separate steel skins with intermediate water tight cells. The engines are of the compound triple expansion type, and will work up to 19,500 indicated horse power, a power sufficient to drive the ship under forced draught at a speed of 18 knots. There will be bunkers to contain 12,000 tons of coal^sic. The guns of the Re Umberto will include four 104-ton 17 inch Armstrong breechloaders—two in each barbette, twelve 4½-ton breech loaders, six 3-inch guns, and ten machine guns. The Italian 104-ton gun is not equal to our 111-ton weapon. It throws a 2,000 pound projectile, with a charge of 900 pounds of powder, and can penetrate over 33 inches of wrought iron; whereas our gun can penetrate 36 inches. But, whereas we have no ship that carries or will carry more than two of these monsters, the Re Umberto will carry four of the slightly inferior weapons. This gives her an advantage over our Benbow, and renders her the most powerful offensive vessel in the world. Her broadsides will weigh about 4,480 pounds; the Benbow weighs only 2,300 pounds. The Re Umberto’s guns are each 40 feet 9 inches long. They will be placed about 28 feet above the water, and, consequently, they will have a very extensive range, and will be capable of being fought in all weathers. Two sister ships of this battle ship, the Sicilia and the Sardegna, are also being constructed, the one at Venice and the other at Spezzia. They are to be completed in 1893 and 1894, respectively. Meanwhile, three ships almost equally powerful, and still better protected, have just been finished; and the Italian navy already takes a high rank among the navies of the second class maritime powers.

p. 6, col. 6

NEW IDEAS, METHODS AND INVENTIONS.

There is a talk of applying telephones to the infectious wards of the French hospitals, so as to enable the sick people isolated in their contagious sufferings to have the comfort of hearing their relatives’ voices without any risk of conveying infection by an interview.

Portable electric lamps for mining work are now extensively used in Great Britain. They cost from [$5?] to [$8?] apiece, give a light of from one to five candle power, and the cost of maintenance in the way of chemicals, is about ten or twelve cents a week. The batteries weigh about eight pounds.

A petroleum engine is now being exhibited in England, and is attracting a great deal of attention. The petroleum is placed in a tank in the bed of the engine and is forced through a pipe into an apartment where a blast of air turns it into a fine spray. A small battery in the rear supplies an electric spark, and the spray coming in contact with this electric spark furnishes the motive power. The engine works with admirable regularity. The piston needs no oiling, the petroleum vapor filling this necessity.

A shoemaker named Pichereau, living in the town of [Paimbœuf?], France, was recently accused of stealing [200?] francs. He stoutly denied the charge. The judge before whom he was tried believed him guilty, and called in the services of a professional hypnotizer. Pichereau’s eyes were blindfolded and he was placed under “the influence.” The hypnotizer was successful, and the money was found concealed under a stone wall. The shoemaker was convicted and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment.

The Lewiston Journal recently propounded the following questions: 1. Of what nature will be the next economic invention? 2. What great economic invention is most needed and called for by the world? 3. Does anything remain to be invented by man which shall be as revolutionary in its effects as the application of steam power? These were the answers received from General A. W. Greely: 1. The storage, without appreciable loss, of electricity produced by natural forces, such as waterfalls, tides, etc. 2. A cotton picker. 3. No.

Mr. Dubus [Bonnet?] of Lille, France, has invented a process of spinning and weaving glass into cloth. The warp is composed of silk, forming the body and groundwork, on which the pattern in glass appears, as effected by the weft. The requisite flexibility of glass thread for manufacturing purposes is to be ascribed to its extreme fineness, as not less than from fifty to sixty of the original strands are required to form one thread of the weft. The process is slow, for no more than a yard of cloth can be produced in twelve hours. The work, however, is extremely beautiful and comparatively cheap.

Electricity has been successfully applied for tempering watch springs and other forms of spring steel, whether in the form of ribbon or wire. The steel is wound on a spool, whence it passes down through a bath of oil. An electric current is sent through the wire, of such strength as to keep it at the proper redness to answer the desired requirements of temper. As the heating is not done in contact with the air, but is entirely beneath the surface of the oil, there is no trouble from blistering, as in the ordinary methods. The final temper is drawn in the same manner, and the wire or ribbon is finished by means of rolls. The process is also applied to a number of springs besides those for watches, including piano wires. In all cases the process can be controlled to a nicety, both as to the exact temper and its uniformity through the wire.

There has lately been invented a new system of synchronism which, it is claimed, will make it cheaper to telegraph messages than to mail them. Dr. J. Harris Rogers of Washington, D. C., the inventor, says the system reduces the English alphabet to ten elementary characters. The messages are prepared by means of a machine resembling a typewriter and manipulated in the same manner. With the use of ten keys, one for each character, any desirable message can be written. Dr. Rogers for the past fourteen years or more has been at work trying to perfect synchronism, which signifies “at the same time.” Its [application?] in telegraphy is to make two wheels, one at each end of the line, revolve [simultaneously?]. According to Dr. Rogers over two hundred words can be transmitted in a minute by his new system. A test of the new apparatus was held and a message of seventy-six words sent over in twenty-five seconds and printed on a tape in plain Roman characters. The inventor says that he can by this system make one wire do the work that ten do now by the system in vogue.

The Harvey steel company has purchased a tract of land on the Central railroad of New Jersey, and is about to erect large works there for the manufacture of steel by an entirely new process invented by Mr. Harvey. The process of manufacture, which is patented in this country and in Europe, does away entirely with the use of crucibles and with all melting. No ingots are made, and thus a great loss by “piping” is saved. Mr. Harvey [began experimenting?] on this particular invention several years ago, and finally succeeded in his experiments sufficiently to satisfy himself and others of its practicability. The system was submitted to rigid tests by scientific men, and then a company was formed, who erected works at Jersey City, and for more than a year past have been experimenting with the new process. For the last twelve months they have been turning out a ton of steel a day, and have put it on the market in competition with the best English and American steel, and have been eminently successful. In conversation with a Press reporter Mr. Harvey said: “My system does away with crucibles; it makes the steel by absorption. Let me illustrate: If you place an open can of milk in a refrigerator with a lobster the milk will absorb some of the chemical properties of the lobster, and will betray the fact to the taste. I make steel by my process somewhat in the same way. I let the iron absorb enough carbon to convert it into steel. You know the ancients made steel somewhat in the same fashion. They buried the iron and applied a slow fire to it. In time it became steel. I use no fire, and convert the iron into steel in a very short space of time.”

Pray for Rain, But Who Gets the Benefit?

Here is an extract from a communication to a bright South Australian single tax newspaper, the Port Pirie Advocate, relative to public prayers which were offered up in the church for rain:

What I want to know is, if the Christian people who united in prayer for rain last Sunday had really any reason or right whatever to expect that the God of the universe would grant their request, in face of the lamentable, the deplorable fact that the church—all churches—“the ecclesiastical machine,” I think it was happily dubbed by an enlightened ecclesiastic—ignores the expressed will of God in regard to the very land on which he is now asked to send rain! If God gave his land to all his children of men as a > free gift, how is it to be reconciled that men who own they are anxious that God’s will should be carried out in his own world ignore the monstrous state of things that obtains in in this world owing to the land, on which and from which all must live, being treated as the private property of those who can possess themselves of it? If it be true, as stated by a bishop, that “the land of every country is the common heritage of the people of that country, because its real owner, the Creator who made it, has given it as a gift unto them,” and “if any settlement of the land of this or any other country that would deprive even the humblest of his share in the common heritage is not only a wrong done to that humblest, but an impious violation of the benevolent intention of the Creator,” how can Christian folk, who take no trouble about this “impious violation,” expect God to answer their request in respect to rain?

QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

Yes, This is What the Fight Means; and the Single Tax Has Pushed Ahead.

London Star.

A new and rather interesting phase of the electoral campaign in America is presented by Mr. W. E. Hicks, an American journalist in London. According to this gentleman the contest is so momentous that it ought to interest Europe far more than it appears to do. Superficial observers may see in it but the preliminary agitation to a free trade struggle. But it is more than that. It is the opeuing of the fight for the nationalization of land; or, ac it will be more easily understood, for the adoption of the Henry George idea, and the putting all the taxes on the land. In the midst of all the speeches for and against free trade, the current is growing stronger every day in favor of Georgeism. The

p. 7, col. 3 advocates of the latter principle are the most active political propogandists^sic America has seen since the anti-slavery days. Once a George man always a George man, seems to be the rule. These single tax men have enlisted in this reform with a moral grimness that makes them among the most formidable assailants protection has ever had. In the last few months the single tax theory has made wonderful strides. Newspapers that twelve months ago denounced Henry George as a communist now announce that thirty members of congress favor the single tax. The focusing of debate and thought upon the question of taxation as a result of President Cleveland’s attitude on the tariff question has brought this about. . . . The most ominous sign for the lovers of the present order are the petitions that are being circulated in the various states for presentation to the legislatures requesting that the tax laws be so amended as that all taxes shall be concentrated on land. In several states, notably Texas, this petitioning has made decided headway, and within a short time every state will be alive with petitions. It does not require a man to be a disciple of George to see that on the wall of existing landlordism is written, “Mene, mene.” This growing change in a country where land is the most plentiful under the sun ought to make the landlords and statesmen of Europe pause and think. Anyone who has noticed how quickly political parties develop in America need not be surprised if within five years the Henry George theory be the dominant political issue. Henry George, in the same brilliant style that has made his “Progress and Poverty” one of the most widely read books of the century, is pushing forward his doctrines in his powerful paper, THE STANDARD of New York. With such a vigorous philosopher sounding a new battle cry every week, the people must, says Mr. Hicks, weary of the old idealess shibboleths.

Curiosities of a Chinese Missionary Hospital.

The last report of the Anting missionary hospital in Pekin contains some interesting information in regard to certain classes of Chinese patients. Suicides are very common in Pekin, a strong extract of opium being most commonly employed for the purpose, but stabbing with a knife in the abdomen is common. In one case of this kind which was treated at the hospital the reason assigned for the act was that the man had applied to a friend for a loan of money and was refused. In order to spite the niggard he committed suicide that his spirit might come back and perpetually annoy the latter. Possession by demons or animals is a complaint for which patients constantly require treatment. The animals in question are most commonly the fox, weasel, hedgehog, snake and rat. Persons possessed of one or other of these are supposed to have extraordinary power in revealing future events, curing diseases, or indicating lucky days or numbers. One patient constantly attends to complain of a man inside him who keeps up a perpetual conversation which in time grows monotonous. A strong cathartic keeps the intruder quiet for few days^sic, but the dose must be frequently repeated, as the “inner man” soon begins to trouble again. Insanity is not so common as in countries where the conditions of life are more exacting and wearing, but a maniac is a frightful scourge to a poor family living in one or two rooms. Chinese law does not admit insanity as an excuse for crime. In Pekin insane cases are of a less violent kind, the patient usually contenting himself with holding imaginary conversations with different persons, or insisting on sitting in one place without either eating or drinking. The amount of suffering among the poor is described as appalling, the misery in winter especially being very great. The half naked beggars are said to rub on their skin a preparation of arsenic, which deadens somewhat their sufferings from the cold. The professional beggars deserve little sympathy, as they are well organized and prey on the shopkeepers, who stand in fear of them.

Chinese Prisons.

A writer in the Chinese Times says of Chinese prisons that the amount of extortion that goes on in them is amazing, and the warders and others display surprising ingenuity in extracting money from the unhappy prisoners. The new comer almost invariably forgets to fee the night watchman. The consequence is that sleep is rendered almost impossible by the terrible noise which is kept up outside his window all night, and he speedily apologizes for his forgetfulness and makes good the oversight. If the coolie who cleans out the cell is not satisfied he collects all the insects he can find, and introduces several hundreds into the apartment of his victim, who is then only too glad to call his services into requisition to get rid of them again, even at an exorbitant price. Many of the warders and servants are criminals who have escaped capital punishment by the omission of the emperor to mark their names for death when the list for the autumn executions is submitted to him. This list, which sets forth the name and condition of the criminal, and the circumstances of his crime, is divided into three parts. The first contains the new cases, the second those which were not marked the previous year, the third those which have escaped marking for two years. It is said that the emperor marks about eight names in ten, and that a man who escapes once is safe from subsequent marking, although he has to go down to the execution ground the two following years. The list is brought from the palace direct to the place of execution, and until its arrival neither criminal nor officials know who are to die, the unhappy victims only being sure of their fate upon hearing themselves called on to pay the last penalty. The prisoners who have escaped are imprisoned for life, but they have a very easy existence, and as they are employed in the prison and share in the extortions practiced on other prisoners, they often amass considerable wealth.

[Advertisement] Scott’s Emulsion

[Illustration: display advertisement with ornamental lettering on a hatched ground; a fisherman in a sou’wester-style hat and oilskins stands carrying a very large cod slung over his shoulder and hanging to the ground, with a harbor and ship rigging behind him.]

SCOTT’S EMULSION OF PURE COD-LIVER OIL AND HYPOPHOSPHITES

ALMOST AS PALATABLE AS MILK.

So disguised that the most delicate stomach can take it.

Remarkable as a FLESH PRODUCER. Persons gain rapidly while taking it.

SCOTT’S EMULSION

Is acknowledged by Physicians to be the FINEST and BEST preparation of its class for the relief of CONSUMPTION, SCROFULA, GENERAL DEBILITY, WASTING DISEASES OF CHILDREN, and CHRONIC COUGHS.

ALL DRUGGISTS. Scott & Bowne, New York.

[Advertisement] Unity Congregation

UNITY CONGREGATION.

HUGH O. PENTECOST,

MINISTER.

MASONIC TEMPLE,

Sixth avenue and Twenty-third street.

SERVICES,

Sunday Morning, 11 o’clock.

[Advertisement] Concord Co-operative Printing Company

CONCORD CO-OPERATIVE PRINTING COMPANY (Ld.)

104 Elm street, cor. Canal, N. Y.

BOOK, JOB AND NEWSPAPER PRINTING.

[Advertisement] The Orange Grove

THE ORANGE GROVE! Sample a dime, or 1 year with a box of Florida sea shells, maps, list of lands, $1. Address GROVE, Liverpool, Fla.

p. 7, col. 4

[Advertisement] Prang’s Art Publications

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

PRANG’S ART PUBLICATIONS.

WHO TAKES THE PRIZE?

[Illustration: boxed engraving of six babies seated in a row on a draped couch; at left a baby in a frilled bonnet and dress faces the others, as if judging them.]

The above illustration gives only the outlines of a picture which bids fair to be one of the most popular we have ever issued. It is one of our latest productions, and has all the charm of novelty. It is called the

PRIZE BABIES

and represents a baby judging upon the respective merits of a row of the most bewitching little babies that the suns of six months have shone upon. The face of the sweet baby judge is clothed in doubt, and well it may be, for surely such a collection of ideal darlings was never seen before.

The colors are exquisitely soft and tender, and the expression of the baby faces run the whole gamut of delight and wonder. It is a picture which will appeal forcibly to every mother’s heart, and is altogether an admirable selection for a Christmas gift.

The picture comes mounted with a wide mat of two styles, one plain and one on which in choice hand decoration are daisies on meadow grass. Size, ready for framing, 17 by 11 inches.

Copies of this latest and most attractive picture can be found at any leading stationers. Ask for Prang’s “Prize Babies.” We will supply them by mail, if not found in stores, post paid on receipt of price, viz.: In plain mat, $1; in daisy mat, $2.

We want also to call the attention of mothers and fathers to our

NON-POISONOUS COLORS

for the use of children learning to paint.

These paints represent all the latest art colors and tints, and can be given to even the youngest children with absolute safety. They come mounted upon neat, tin palettes, or in tin boxes. They are all specially prepared for us by the most eminent manufacturer of colors in Europe—Mr. Gunther Wagner, of Hanover, Germany. They must not be classed with ordinary children’s paints, put up in cheap form and made of injurious and poisonous materials. They are really fine art colors in convenient form for use and made especially non-poisonous for the needs of children.

PRANG’S OUTLINE PICTURES.

With these non-poisonous colors for children we issue several series of outline illustrations of familiar subjects as practice sheets. The original design is furnished in each case by some leading artist, and is strictly correct in form [and detail?]. Directions how to paint them are [furnished?] with every series. One specimen sheet of each series is furnished, colored by hand, in order to serve the children as a guide for harmonious coloring, and as an example of artistic work is the foundation of taste. The instruction is all the more successful because supplied in the form of amusement.

PRICE OF PRANG’S NON-POISONOUS COLORS:

Palette Colors—

Palette A, containing six colors with brush, 10 cents.

Palette B, containing nine colors with brush, 15 cents.

Eagle Colors—

Box No. 2, containing eight colors and brush, 25 cents.

Box No. 4, containing twelve colors and two brushes, 40 cents.

One box No. 2 of Prang’s non-poisonous colors and one package of Prang’s outline pictures (eight in a package with an extra copy of one of them painted by hand and full directions) 50 cents.

Or one box No. 2 of Prang’s non-poisonous colors and three packages of Prang’s outline pictures (each package different in design), $1.00.

To be found at all leading stationers, or will be sent by mail postpaid on receipt of price.

A RARE OPPORTUNITY.

PORTRAIT OF HENRY GEORGE IN COLORS.

Only One Dollar.

The man whose right principles and deep convictions have made the great movement for the single tax on land values thus far successful, must be dear to thousands who watch and approve his course.

But his features are not so familiar, and the esteem in which he is held has prompted many requests for the publication of his picture in worthy and permanent form.

Realizing this urgent demand, we beg to announce the publication of an entirely new and very striking portrait of

HENRY GEORGE.

It is in colors and is full life size, designed to be framed to an inside measurement of [17x22?] inches.

A similar picture of the eminent

DOCTOR M’GLYNN

is offered at the same price, which is as near as possible to actual cost, to bring these pictures within the reach of all who desire to purchase.

Either picture will be sent, on receipt of price, by mail, postpaid. Remittances may be made either by check, post office order, registered letter, or postal note.

L. PRANG & CO., ART PUBLISHERS,

Boston, Mass.

NEW YORK—38 Bond street.

CHICAGO—79 Wabash avenue.

SAN FRANCISCO—529 Commercial street.

A descriptive list of Christmas and New Year cards, novelties, booklets and satin art prints sent on application.

[Advertisement] Bound Volumes of The Standard

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A limited number of bound volumes of THE STANDARD, in heavy boards, are offered for sale at the following prices:

Volumes 1, 2, and 3, bound in single volumes, . . . . $3 50

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Thirty pamphlets on various phases of the social problem. The question of the hour. All should understand it. Will be sent post paid on receipt of fifteen cents in stamps, or will be sent free to any one sending twenty-five cents for six months’ subscription to the Tax Reformer, a sixteen page journal. Address, S[INGLE?] TAX PRESS, 179[illegible] Lexington ave., N. Y.

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The Democrat advocates Land Resumption and those reforms which are necessary to make the English people a free people. It asks “compensation” not for those who have benefited by unjust legislation, but for those who have suffered thereby.

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[Advertisement] Mrs. Agatha Munier Atkins

MRS. AGATHA MUNIER ATKINS WILL continue to receive pupils in solo singing and vocal sight reading at her residence. 223 E. 32d street, New York.

p. 7, col. 5

[Advertisement] Belford’s Magazine

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE.

Edited by Donn Piatt.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE, published monthly, is devoted to politics, fiction, poetry, general literature, science and art.

In politics the new magazine will give an independent support to the democratic party and to the present administration. It will advocate the extinguishment of the surplus by a reform of the present iniquitous and burdensome tariff in the direction of free trade, or of a tariff for revenue only.

The department of fiction will be exceptionally full. Instead of a serial story, dragging its length through several months, and exhausting the patience of the reader, a complete novel will be published in each number; and each issue will also contain one or more short stories complete.

Colonel Donn Piatt is assisted by a staff of sub-editors, and also by a large number of able contributors, among whom are

BELFORD’S MONTHLY is a first class medium for advertising, as the publishers guarantee a bona-fide circulation of at least [70,000?] copies per month.

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[Advertisement] Tariff Books (Belford, Clarke & Co.)

TARIFF BOOKS.

THE TARIFF ON IMPORTS INTO THE UNITED STATES, AND THE FREE LIST,

As contained in act of March 3, 1883, also the Hawaiian Reciprocity Treaty, and extracts from the Navigation and Oleomargarine acts. Indexed. 12mo. Paper covers, 25 cents.

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AN APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AS A JURY.

SPEECHES ON THE TARIFF delivered in the House of Representatives in the great debate, April 17—May 19, 1888.

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Carefully revised and published by authority. Compiled by William G. Terrell. Large 12mo. cloth, $1; paper, 50 cents.

The following is a list of the names of the honorable gentlemen whose speeches are printed in the work:

Hon. Mr. Mills of Texas. Hon. Mr. Kelley of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Wilson of West Virginia. Hon. Mr. McKinley of Ohio. Hon. Mr. McMillin of Tennessee. Hon. Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Hon. Mr. Cox of New York. Hon. Mr. Burrows of Michigan. Hon. Mr. Reed of Maine. Hon. Mr. Carlisle of Kentucky.

Special editions of not less than 2,000 copies for campaign purposes made at greatly reduced prices. If required, all the republican speeches can be had in a separate volume, or all the democratic ones likewise.

THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF: WHAT IT DOES FOR US.

BY GENERAL HERMANN LIEB.

Fourth edition, with revisions and additions. 12mo. Cloth, $1.00.

THE PRESS UNANIMOUS IN ITS PRAISE.

This book shows the practical effect of the protective system upon the country. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the book is its exact alignment with the message of President Cleveland. But for the fact that the General’s work was in print before the message was made public, it might be supposed he had written it to defend the president’s position on the tariff.

The position of Mr. Blaine’s “Twenty Years in Congress” is taken up, his assertions upon the tariff are analyzed, criticised and made to furnish their own refutation.

The arrangement of the subject is in a most convenient form, and renders what is usually considered a most [abstruse?] subject easy of comprehension. It would serve as a tariff primer for the learner as well as a text book for the learned.

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OLD MAN GILBERT.

By Elizabeth W. Bellamy.

Small 8vo, cloth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $1.00 Paper covers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 cts.

Originally published in Belford’s Magazine.

WHAT DREAMS MAY COME.

A Romance by Frank Lin.

12mo., Cloth, $1.00. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

A book, which although undoubtedly unconventional, yet is in no wise dependent upon that quality for its success. Its interest lies in its absorbing plot, in its strong dramatic treatment, and in the bold yet logical handling of one of the most difficult and least used subjects in literature.

WHY WAS IT?

A Novel. By Lewis Benjamin.

12 mo., Cloth, $1.50. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

This book tells the story of the loving devotion of a gifted woman who gives up her life to the task of saving a man, equally gifted, from threatened ruin.

The scenes are laid in Washington, California and the new West. The incidents at the Capital are true to life, and deeply interesting. The descriptions, especially the war scenes and scenes in the west, are very clear and graphic, and in parts very beautiful. Each dramatic climax is well brought about, and the tone and sentiment is pure throughout. Whoever reads the first chapters of this book will read it to the end, and the publishers believe that it will be warmly welcomed by a very large class of readers.

MARIE, A SEASIDE EPISODE.

By J. P. Ritter, Jr. With Illustrations by Coultaus.

Cloth, $1. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

In this poem the author tells an interesting love story in an exceedingly bright, clever and amusing fashion that reminds one a good deal of Byron’s “Beppo.” Incidentally, he satirizes society in a light vein of humor, and in a style that is graceful and epigrammatic. The volume contains over forty illustrations, and is an admirable specimen of the book maker’s art.

THE PRINCESS DAPHNE.

12mo. Cloth, $1.00.

In paper covers, illustrated by a remarkable and unique drawing by E. Hamilton Bell, 50 cents.

The heroine of this thrilling story is a creole descended from two of the original settlers of New Orleans. The story deals with phases of Bohemian life in New York and London; with love, mesmerism, death, transmigration and reincarnation; it is told in an undisguised realistic fashion that reminds one of Daudet’s “Sapho;” and it has a most startling denouement.

EDEN.

By Edgar Saltus,

Auther^sic of “The Truth About [Tristrem?] Varick,” etc.

Cloth, $1.00. Paper, 50 cents.

In this novel Mr. Saltus describes an episode in a honeymoon. The plot is dramatic, the action nervous, and the scene Fifth avenue. As a picture of contemporaneous life it will be condemned by every lover of the commonplace.

EROS.

A Novel by Laura Daintrey,

Author of “Miss Varian of New York,” “Caprice,” etc., etc.

12mo., cloth, $1; paper cover, 50 cents.

Strong, interesting and a seller.

Order at once to secure a supply from first edition.

BELFORD, CLARKE & CO.,

PUBLISHERS,

Chicago, New York and San [Francisco?]. [bottom of line cut off at foot of scan]

p. 7, col. 6

[Advertisement] Own a Single Tax Paper (Tax Reform Company)

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

OWN A SINGLE TAX PAPER. MUCH effective work in and after the campaign can be done by the publication of a [local?] paper. We can furnish [500?] [2-column?] papers, containing much free trade single tax matter, for [$2.50?] per issue. These will be [headed and dated?] at any [village?] or city. At a little extra expense items of [local?] interest, making points against [local opponents?], will be inserted. The publisher will have complete [control?] over his own paper; he [can insert in it?] any reading matter or advertisements he pleases, [collecting?] his own pay for subscriptions, sales and advertising. All we have to do with the plan is to furnish the work from a central office and divide the expense among the publishers. These papers can be [entered?] at local post offices as second class matter, and can then be mailed at a cost of four cents per [100?] copies for postage. This is a very important item for [clubs and?] groups to consider. Samples free. Write for fuller information to

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[Advertisement] Henry George’s Works

HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

PROGRESS AND POVERTY.

An Inquiry Into the Cause of Industrial Depression and of Increase of Want With Increase of Wealth—The Remedy.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

[illegible] pages.

Cloth, $1.00. Paper covers, 35 cents.

Half calf or half morocco, $2.50.

SOCIAL PROBLEMS.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

342 pages.

Cloth, $1.00. Paper covers, 35 cents.

Half calf or half morocco, $2.50.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE.

An Examination of the Tariff Question with Especial Regard to the Interests of Labor.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

Cloth, $1.50. Paper covers, 35 cents.

Half calf or half morocco, $3.00.

THE LAND QUESTION.

What It Involves, and How Alone It Can Be Settled.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

87 pages.

Paper covers, 10 cents.

PROPERTY IN LAND.

A Passage-at-Arms Between the Duke of Argyll and Henry George.

[77?] pages.

Paper covers, 15 cents.

FORTSCHRITT AND ARMUTH^sic.

(Progress and Poverty in German.)

TRANSLATION OF C. D. F. GUTSCHOW.

430 pages.

Paper covers, 35 cents.

For sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid on receipt of price. Foreign editions of these books imported on order.

HENRY GEORGE, 12 Union square, New York.

[Advertisement] Land and Labor Library

LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY

The following is a list of tracts in print:

1. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
2. Land and Taxation. David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages.
3. Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pp.
4. A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty. Hugh O. Pentecost. 2 pages.
5. A Sum in Proportion. T. L. McCready. 2 pages.
6. Settler’s Nightmare. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
7. New York’s Docks. J. W. Sullivan. 4 pages.
8. Unemployed Labor. Henry George. 4 pages.
9. Mysterious Disappearance. Lewis Freeland. 6 pp.
10. How to Increase Profits. A. J. Steers. 2 pages.
11. The American Farmer. Henry George. 4 pages.
12. Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
13. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
14. Only a Dream. Abner C. Thomas. 4 pages.
15. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pp.
16. My Landlord. John Jones. 4 pages.
17. “Thou Shalt Not Steal.” Henry George. 8 pages.
18. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington. 4 pp.
19. Poverty and Christianity. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pages.
20. The Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
21. Religion vs. Robbery. Rev. Dr. McGlynn. 8 pages.
22. Back to the Land. Bishop Nulty. 16 pages.
23. Anti-slavery and Anti-poverty. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pp.
24. Tenement House Morality. J. O. S. Huntington. 4 pp.
25. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.
26. Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson, with answers by Henry George. 2 pages.
27. Objections to the Land Tax. Thos. G. Shearman. 4 pp.
28. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
29. Horse Sense. W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages.
30. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. [8?] pages.
31. “God Wills It.” Henry George. [illegible] pages.
32. What We Want. Everett Glackin, ex-president Typographical union No. 6. 2 pages.
33. How John’s Father Saw the Light. W. C. Woods. [2?] pp. [49?]. The Distribution of Wealth. T. G. Shearman. 16 pp.
34. Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers. Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages.
35. What the United Labor Party Wants. Henry George. 2 pages.
36. Stories for Farmers. 4 pages.
37. Electoral Reform. A. T. [Roe?]. 4 pages.
38. A Practical Illustration. Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages.
39. Hints as to What You Can Do. Henry George. 4 pp.
40. To a Bookkeeper. Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages.
41. A Lawyer’s Reply to Critics. Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages.
42. A Piece of Land. The late Francis G. Shaw. 2 pp.
43. The Tax on Buildings. William T. Croasdale. 8 pp.
44. My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man. William McCabe. 4 pages.
45. Election Reform. Louis F. Post. 12 pages.
46. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. [Reid?]. 2 pages. [80?]. The Single Tax in [illegible]. 2 pages. [81?]. The Onward March. William Lloyd Garrison. 4 pp.
47. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. [Reid?]. 2 pages.
48. A Catechism. D. A. [illegible]. [illegible] pages.
49. The Onward March. William Lloyd Garrison. 4 pp.
50. Jefferson and Hamilton. Chauncey F. Black. 8 pp.

GERMAN TRACTS.

42. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
43. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
44. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. [8?] pages.
45. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages.
46. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. [8?] pages. [53?]. Sailors’ Snug Harbor. Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.

SWEDISH.

52. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.

TARIFF TRACTS.

57. Protection as a Universal Need. Henry George. 4 pages. [60?]. The Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages.
58. American Protection and British Free Trade. Henry George. 4 pages.
59. Protection and Wages. Henry George. 8 pages.
60. The Common Sense of the Tariff Question. Thomas G. Shearman. [illegible] pages.
61. Protection the Friend of Labor? Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
62. A Short Tariff History. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.
63. Plain Talk to Protectionists. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.
64. An Address to Workingmen on the Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages.
65. Protection, the Enemy of Wages. Thomas G. Shearman. [4?] pages.

A set of these tracts will be sent to any address for ten cents.

Prices, free by mail: Two-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $[4?].25.

Four-page tracts—50 copies, [15?] cents; 100 copies, 25 cents; 1,000 copies, $[2?]; 5,000 copies, $[8?].50.

Six-page tracts—[illegible] copies, [illegible] cents; 100 copies, 37 cents; 1,000 copies, $[3?]; 5,000 copies, $12.[75?].

Eight-page tracts—25 copies, 20 cents; 100 copies 50 cents; 1,000 copies, $[4?]; 5,000 copies, $17.

Twelve-page tracts—25 copies, 30 cents; 100 copies, 75 cents; 1,000 copies, $[6?]; 5,000 copies, $[illegible].

Sixteen-page tracts—25 copies, 40 cents; 100 copies, $1; 1,000 copies, $[8?]; 5,000 copies, $[illegible].

A special edition, containing thirty or more of the most popular tracts, will be sent for 20 cents.

Other numbers in preparation.

Address THE STANDARD,

12 Union square, New York city.

[Advertisement] The Tariff Question

THE TARIFF QUESTION.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE? by Henry George; paper, 35 cents.

THE EXISTING TARIFF fully indexed so that the rate on each article can readily be found, 25 cents.

LEADING SPEECHES ON THE MILLS BILL, containing the speeches of Mills of Texas, McMillan of Tennessee^sic, Wilson of West Virginia, Scott of Pennsylvania, Cox of New York and Carlisle of Kentucky on the democratic side, and Reed of Maine, McKinley of Ohio, Burrows of Michigan, Butterworth of Ohio and Kelley of Pennsylvania on the republican side; 50 cents.

Sent, postage paid, on receipt of price, or

THE THREE BOOKS FOR ONE DOLLAR.

PUBLISHER STANDARD,

[remainder of advertisement (address line) not on scan; page edge]

CURRENT THOUGHT.

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[Advertisement in display type spanning columns 5–6 at the head of the page]

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[Helen Campbell on European Poverty, continued from column 4]

be a bad thing for society that women blessed with immunity from want, should devote their leisure time to producing, for low wages, things that other people want? If they produced them for nothing at all—gave them away to every applicant—would that be a still worse thing? According to Mrs. Campbell’s argument it ought to be. It is not because a few women are content to work cheaply that other women are driven out of work. It is because women and men alike are forbidden to go to work unless they first find an employer. It is not because young men are swept off into the armies that women toil in French and German mines. The standing armies are a crime against humanity, but it is not they that crowd women into workshops. It is not restrictive laws that are needed, but the abolition of restrictive laws. Women work and suffer, not for want of a law forbidding them, but because of a law compelling them, to work and suffer. Strike the fetters from industry, allow French and German women access to natural opportunities, with liberty to use those to which their labor can be most pleasantly and profitably applied, and there will be a very speedy solution of the woman labor problem and of the standing armies, too. Freedom, not protection, is the crying need of humanity, in this century of civilization and tyranny.

Helen Campbell doesn’t see this yet. Against the wretched state of the ordinary women workers she sets the condition of the organized and protected workers in the famous Godin establishment, and, dazzled by the contrast, declares that Godin has solved the problem, and that the remedy for indstrial misery^sic is to be sought in industrial co-operation. She fails to see what a little closer study would have taught her, that the Godin co-operating scheme has so far succeeded simply because Godin was a benevolent despot, willing to sacrifice his own interests for the sake of carrying out a pet idea. But there are very few Godins in the world.

An interesting article in Belford’s Magazine for November is from the pen of Alfred F. Jury, who describes himself as “a laborer, the son of a laborer and the father of laborers.” Under the title, “The Workingman’s View of It,” Mr. Jury discusses the question of protection, from the standpoint of a workingman, in a plain, common sense manner which is very convincing. He points out how protection takes what the laborer has to buy^sic while it admits duty free the labor which is all he has to sell. He shows how protection necessarily discourages industry, increases competition among laborers and forces wages downward; he demons trates^sic that high wages mean more productive, and therefore cheaper, labor; and he concludes his essay with these significant words:

If the workingmen want better wages, they must secure them through their own efforts; they must know they will never get them by the help of the manufacturers. The very fact of these men being in favor of protection should convince workingmen that it is not conducive to high wages; the manufacturers’ life effort is to keep wages down. The only way I know of through which workingmen can raise their wages is by loyally supporting their labor organizations and assisting the Henry George movement to restore the land to the people, which carries with it absolute free trade.

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p. 8, col. 6 [Pears’ Soap advertisement at head of columns 5–6; see column 5]

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KANSAS CITY, MO.

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[Advertisement] The Great American Tea Co.

[Cut: block-shaped emblem with lettering, too faint to read, at left of the heading. The ad is very faintly printed; the cleaned figure loses much of the small type, see p8_fig5_scan.png]

GOOD NEWS TO LADIES.

[Greatest offer?]. Now’s your time to get orders for our celebrated Teas, Coffees and Baking Powder, and secure a beautiful Gold Band or Moss Rose China Tea Set, Dinner Set, Gold Band Moss Rose Toilet Set, Watch, Brass Lamp, Castor, or [Webster’s Dictionary?]. For particulars address

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[Advertisement] The Keystone Watch Club Co.

[Cut: keystone-shaped emblem lettered “THE KEYSTONE WATCH CLUB CO.” around a watch, with “904 WALNUT ST.” and “PHILA.” beside it; at foot, a figure of a man (Ajax) holding off lightning. The vertical borders on both sides carry lettering too faint to read.]

OUR $43 RAIL ROAD WATCH

is specially constructed for the most exacting use and is the BEST Railroad Watch made. It contains numerous important patented improvements of vital importance to accurate timing—Patent Dustproof, Patent Stem Wind, &c., which we control exclusively. It has 15 Genuine Ruby jewels in settings, and is accurately adjusted to heat, cold and isochronism. It is fully equal for appearance, accuracy, durability and service to any $90 watch. Price $43, either all cash or in Clubs, $1 a week. Open face or hunting. Our $1 a week Club System, while as convenient to the buyer as any installment system, is a wholesale spot cash system to us. The Co-operation of the club members sells us 43 watches in each $43 Watch Club, and we get cash from the club for each watch before it goes out, though each member only pays $1 a week. This is why we give you more for your money than any one else and why we are doing the largest watch business in the world.

An Ajax Watch Insulator given free with each Watch.

The Keystone Watch Club Co.

[Main Office in Own Building?],

904 WALNUT ST., PHILADA., PA.

Agents Wanted.

Ajax Watch Insulator, $1.00

A perfect [protection against magnetism?]. [illegible] [mail on receipt?] of price. [illegible] Commercial Agency.

[Advertisement] Coogan Bros. 

[Cut: very faint engraving of the Coogan Bros. building front with signboards, a band across it lettered “123 COOGAN BRO’S 121”, and the street level with figures below; the lettering on the signboards is illegible. The cleaned figure is very faint; see p8_fig7_scan.png]

COOGAN BROS.,

CARPET AND FURNITURE DEALERS,

COR. BOWERY AND GRAND STS.

[Advertisement] Are You Ruptured?

ARE YOU RUPTURED?

That is the question. Are you ruptured? If so, use [FINK’S?] RUPTURE REMEDY, the only quick, safe, sure and permanent cure for hernia (breach or rupture. This great remedy has cured many persons every year for the last twenty years, and they have stayed cured. It cures by pen-etrating through the pores of the skin and building up and strengthening the abdominal wall, at the same time closing the hernial opening. The Remedy is generally used in connection with a truss. Children in arms are cured by the remedy alone without the aid of a truss. Soreness caused by chafing or pressure of truss pads, relieved immediately. The pressure can be reduced gradually and the truss abandoned altogether in six to eight weeks. Price of Remedy, sufficient to cure an ordinary case, $5; sample package, containing enough to show good effect, $1. Sent by mail, postpaid, upon receipt of price. Full directions accompany each package. [O. FINK?], sole proprietor, 234 Broadway, New York. (Opposite the post office.)

[Advertisement] James Bogan

JAMES BOGAN, PRINCIPAL AGENT for James Means’ $3 and $4 shoes. 226 BOWERY, near Prince street.

[Advertisement] Briggs’ Pianos

[Advertisement spanning the foot of columns 5–6]

[Cut: upright piano in a frame with foliage below; a pointing scroll lettered “SEND FOR CATALOGUE”]

BRIGGS’ PIANOS

C. C. BRIGGS & CO.

5 APPLETON ST. BOSTON MASS.

MANUFACTURERS OF

GRAND - SQUARE & UPRIGHT

PIANO FORTES

GRACEFUL DESIGNS • • SOLID CONSTRUCTION

MATCHLESS TONE • • BEAUTIFUL FINISH.