November 17, 1888 Vol. IV, No. 20Whole No. 98

THE STANDARD

NO. 98—VOL. IV, NO. 20. | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 17, 1888. | PRICE FIVE CENTS

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ABOUT WAGES.

Let us come to the question of wages. I met a postman the other day. I was driving, and I asked him to get into the wagon, which he gladly did. I asked: “What are your wages?” “Oh,” he said, “I am paid like the others, four pence an hour.” I said, “You seem to be a tolerably strong man and your work must require some intelligence; do you think that it is reasonable that you should be content with four pence an hour and at the same time pay your own servants a shilling a minute?” (Laughter.) “What, do we pay any of them a shilling a minute?” he exclaimed in astonishment. I said: “Yes, they get that.” “Why,” he said, “that is three pounds an hour.” I said, “You are as good as a ‘ready reckoner’ and yet you are content with four pence an hour.” I asked, “Is it reasonable? You know perfectly well that those men who are paid a shilling a minute do not work near so hard as you do.” He said, “I never thought of it in that light.” I said, “No, none of us think of it in that light, and that is why we are so imposed upon.”

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE BULL FIGHT.

That is why I said before you cannot protect an ignorant community from unjust government. We have got to watch these things and must speak of them as we find them.

In the western states the other day I read in a newspaper that we ought all of us to vote for the republican candidate because the republican party was the moral party. (Laughter.) Of course it wouldn’t do for me, standing here as a stranger, to criticise your political parties. (Laughter.) I accept them on their own estimate. (Laughter.) I am very glad to find that the republican party is a moral party; but then at the same time from a moral party we have a right to expect moral actions. As I understand matters, I suppose I am not far wrong in supposing that at the present time the republican party is the champion of the principle of protection. Now, protection is simply robbery. (Great applause.) It is nothing less, and it cannot very well be much more. (Laughter.) I am quite aware that a great many protectionists are ignorant robbers; but then I do not think their ignorance is at all to their credit. I am quite aware that there are legal robbers; but then the legality of the thing does not prevent its causing suffering and distress. And then I find that this contest between protection and free trade is carried on exactly in the same manner as something which I witnessed in Mexico. I witnessed there for the first time in my life, and probably for the last time in my life, a bull fight. (Laughter.) I do not know whether many of you are aware of the nature of a bull fight, and I must say it is not of a very elevating character. The whole trick of the thing consists in keeping a red rag before the eyes of the bull.

PROTECTIONISTS AND THE RED RAG.

That is precisely what a protectionist did with whom I have had the pleasure of traveling for the last month. He was constantly shaking the red rag before my eyes as a free trader; but then I happened to be up to the trick. I found this by my experience with Mexico, that as soon as the bull got up to the trick, and went for the men instead for the red rag^sic, they all scuttled out of the arena. (Applause and laughter.) And that is all we have got to do. (Applause.) We have got to discard the red rags and go for the men. (Applause.) This was the sort of red rag that my protectionist friend was continually putting before me. And he had an amazing number of facts at his disposal. He said this: “You must be aware, Mr. Saunders, that we never had anything like the prosperity which we now have in this country until we adopted the principle of protection.” “Well,” I said, “Mr. Kerr”—his name was Kerr, although his nature was not that at all—“Mr. Kerr, your knowledge of history is sufficient to know this: You have never had any great degree of commercial prosperity in this country until after Mr. Cleveland was born. Therefore you ought to vote for Mr. Cleveland.” (Laughter and applause.) You see, at any rate, my red rag was as good as his red rag; but that did not stop it, and he kept on all the time.

However, I see very well with regard to the people of this country, and the working class especially, that they have not got over this red rag business yet. Some of them are still rushing at the red rag instead of rushing at the men behind it. Directly they go for the men, the men will all scuttle out of the arena. Because there is really not the slightest doubt about it—you cannot give a preference to one class of the community except at the expense of the other classes.

THE ENGLISH FIGHT OF 1842.

It is extremely interesting to me to notice that your conflict here, with reference to free trade, is the exact counterpart of what took place in our country in 1842. In 1842, or about that time, the liberal party began to coquette with the free traders. They did not make them an offer of marriage; oh dear, no! They were not free traders. They merely went in for tariff reform. (Laughter.) I am speaking of the liberal party. They were opposed to free trade up to 1842. Then they went in for the reform of the tariff. What was the effect of that? It consolidated all the protectionists against the liberal party, and it did not encourage the free traders to support the liberal party. What was the result? The liberal party was tremendously beaten in 1842. Why was that? Because we had been coquetting with free trade? I say, no! It was because we did not marry free trade. (Applause.) The conservatives, on the very principle of protection, got a large and unexpected majority in 1842. What was the result? The prime minister they had seated so firmly in his place, and the parliament which was elected with such a large majority for the purpose of upholding protection, themselves proposed free trade and carried it. (Applause.)

Up to the election the parallel with your country is complete. The arguments were precisely the same, the result of the election was the same as this. I would not be at all surprised if in a short time we might carry the parallel a little further. (Applause.)

ENGLISH POLITICAL SITUATION TO-DAY.

I have been asked to say something to-night, although I have already taken up your time too long (cries of “Go on”), I have been asked to say something about what is the precise condition of English politics at the present moment. The position which we found ourselves in at the last election was this: That the liberals are in a very considerable majority, and that Lord Salisbury assisted by the liberal unionists has been able to carry on the government, and to all appearances will be able for the next four years. The liberal party took this position: They said, We have brought in home rule for Ireland, and we mean to stick to that and nothing else until that has been carried. All the radicals in England are home rulers. We earnestly desire home rule for Ireland, but we also say this: We want home rule for England and Scotland also, and mean to have it. (Applause.) We have had rather too much in our country of theoretical politics, and we want now that the people have an extended suffrage; we want now to get practical politics, and we say the people of England are suffering, as well as Ireland. They are

p. 2, col. 2 suffering intense injustice from legislation, and we intend to have that legislation immediately repealed.

HOME RULE AND SINGLE TAX.

We all go in for home rule, but that must not be the only question to which public attention must be attracted during the next four years; and we insist upon it that the single tax question and other questions shall be discussed along side of the question of home rule. (Applause.) I say to the leaders of the liberal party: “It is of no use for me to go to a number of workingmen in Walworth and tell them that during the next four years we are to have nothing except home rule for Ireland.” They will turn around and say, “What, are things to go on in their present intolerable and unjust condition, without any thought or examination on the part of the liberal party? On those conditions we will not work for the liberal party.” And they are quite right.

Why should we consider merely a point which would improve the condition of five millions of our people when there are thirty-five millions in a condition of almost equal suffering. We decline to limit the consideration of questions to one point. And we say, If you so limit your programme you will never get sufficient strength from the people of England to carry even that one measure. The fact is that by showing that you have a sympathy with the people of England and the people of Scotland, as well as the people of Ireland, you will gain a strength which will carry home rule and also those other measures of legislation which we demand and require.” (Applause^sic.)

IGNORANT PATIENCE OF THE MASSES.

In England we do not grumble enough. (Laughter.) In Ireland they have learned the secret. We put up with our ills, and Mr. Gladstone realizes that fact. Mr. Gladstone is a very wide awake politician, and he says this: “I do not wonder at what some people call the ignorant impatience of the masses; what I wonder at is their ignorant patience.” (Applause.) And that is to be wondered at.

Perhaps I ought to illustrate somewhat the condition of the people of England by just a reference to one fact, which will show you, I think, that we have just cause of complaint. What I said just now about taxation and about remuneration will show that there are some things which want remedying. Let me now say some words about the land. Mr. George referred to a visit which he paid to Wiltshire. I had the pleasure of accompanying him, and he saw something of the condition of the people there. But many things have happened since then.

AN INSTANCE OF ENGLISH “LANDLORDISM.”

There are only 2,500 acres all told in the parish. At that time there were five farmers occupying 500 acres each. The landlord, as a political economist, said, “This is a great waste of human effort. We have five farmers where one will do; and that is contrary to political economy.” So he gave notice to four farmers, and gave the whole land to one farmer. Immediately that one farmer gave twenty laborers notice to leave. Everybody thought that, at all events, the big farmer was prospering. He had his land at twelve shillings an acre while the others had paid a pound an acre; and everybody thought this big farmer was making money. Last fall, however, this big farmer stopped payment, and compromised at five shillings in the pound on £30,000. That showed at all events that the principles of political economy had been carried to an extreme. (Laughter.)

THE COMMON PEOPLE HALF SLAVES.

On the other hand there are some men in my parish—I do not mean that the land belongs to me—but that it is the place in which I was born—there are some men who occupy a few acres and pay several pounds an acre, and yet are able to support their families and pay their debts. But then we cannot measure those things in pounds, shillings and pence. The putting of those thousands of acres in the hands of one family deprived 300 families of the opportunities of gaining a living on those 2,500 acres of land. That is the result of landlordism. In that parish, in which I will venture to say that the people are as moral as the republican party in this country (laughter) and as industrious as any people ought to be, and perhaps a little more so—because I hold a great many people work too hard—the rate of wages at which men are accustomed to support a family is only nine shillings a week. That is $2.25 per week. On that he is expected to maintain his family, whereas when a family of five—the usual size—goes to the work house, these political economists cannot provide for them for less than fifteen shillings a week. This means that our people, industrious and moral as they are, are half starved, not for want of any necessary provision for them but because the landlords of England govern England unjustly for their own advantage and for the robbery of the community. (Applause.)

PARALLEL BETWEEN LANDLORDISM AND PROTECTIONISM.

The point I want to get at is this: That landlordism and protectionism, and everything that gives an income to the privileged classes without labor, is a robbery of the industrial classes. It can not be otherwise. If a man gets something for doing nothing, somebody must work without being paid. Yet I saw a red rag on the streets of Broadway this afternoon—“Who put Cleveland in the soup?” (Laughter.) And there was a picture of a workingman, and it went on to say the workingman was entitled to fair wages. Who doubts it? Why should a simple truth of that kind be degraded to the use of a red rag worthy only of a bull fight. There is no sense, no reason in it; and yet these red rags, I will be bound to say, have done more duty at your last election than all the statements and all the arguments which have been put before the people. (Applause.) What does that prove? It shows that your people are not yet sufficiently intelligent to have good government. That is what it shows, and you have got to recognize that fact. And we in our country have got to recognize that fact, and that is the stumbling block in our way. I do not care about political organization; I do not care about two millions of money being expended in influencing an election. What we want is to teach the people. and teach them in distinct language. I am glad that the republican party is a moral party. I am glad that the people are a moral people. And when you talk to them in plain and straightforward language they will understand you, and will refuse to be robbed. There are two great crimes in the world—robbery and submission to robbery. (Great applause.) I scarcely know which is worse, but I know which is the most foolish. (Laughter.)

I have said enough. I shall be glad if I have conveyed to your minds some idea of the conditions of the people in our country. I am very glad to say that Mr. George is going to our country with me to-morrow morning. Mr. George will be able to speak a few words of encouragement and incitement to our people which I hope will induce them to make more strenuous efforts.

THE TAXATION OF GROUND RENT MOVEMENT.

The question of the single tax has been distinctly and in a great measure effectively raised in our country, not under that name, but under the name of taxation of ground rent. During the time I was in the house of commons I made a motion to the effect that no system of taxation could be just which did

p. 2, col. 3 not impose taxation on the values which were created by the community, unless the land which was increased in value by the exertions of all the people was made to contribute largely to the taxation. The result of that motion was that inquiry into that subject was referred to a committee which had formed to inquire into the tenures of land. That committee is mainly in the hands of landlords. They have made the most strenuous exertions to present their case. At the same time truths came out which have been of the greatest importance. At the end of the session this committee reported that they had come to a conclusion on all points except on the question of ground rents; and they recommend that they should be reappointed to the next session for the purpose of giving more attention to that point. So we have a committee of the house of commons sitting to deal with that particular point.

THE SINGLE TAX IN POLITICS.

Under the bill established last session for the formation of county councils, the metropolis of London becomes a county, and next January a new council will be elected for its government. The control of public improvements will be placed under this council. As it is clear that these improvements should be paid for by the landlords whose property is increased in value thereby, the subject of the single tax, or as we call it in London, the tax on ground rents, will be sure to occupy the attention of the council. This question has made such advance that I do not think there is the slightest opportunity for any candidate being elected unless he pledges to give close attention to that question. (Applause.) The electors of Walworth have selected a very extravagant man, who is now speaking to you, as their candidate for the London council. If I should have the good fortune of being elected it is very certain that the London council will hear something about the taxation of ground rent. (Applause.) They will hear about that, and they will have to do something about that whether I am elected or not.

MEXICO RIPE FOR SINGLE TAX AGITATION.

Now I think I have said as much and more than I ought to have said, but I wish to say just one word respecting the country which I have just visited, and that is Mexico. I have been through that country and have been extremely interested in what I have seen; and in my judgment Mexico is distinctly ripe for an agitation of the single tax question. The land is owned by large land owners; and when I asked a man the other day why they gave one person so much when he only cultivated a small part of it, he said, “A landlord likes to think that he owns the land to the horizon.” (Laughter.) And therefore all the rest of the people who live between him and the horizon are to be subjected to whatever demand he chooses to make for the use of the land. There promises to be a great development of railways and improvements of the country and consequent increase of the values of land. Now is the time to agitate the question.

I think Mexicans are capable of exercising an influence upon their government. If good single tax men want employment for their energies, let them go down to Mexico and talk to the people there. (Laughter.) Perhaps some of you might have got tired of the work here. Mr. George is going to England for a change of air, and let me tell you that a change of air is sometimes extremely beneficial to radicals. (Laughter.) Whenever I get back from this country I feel stronger in body and mind. I hope that England will have the effect upon Mr. George that America has had upon me.

Let us continue this interchange. Let us understand each other, and let the democracy of both countries work together until they obtain that which we know we are entitled to, and that is, this earth.

Loud and long continued applause greeted Mr. Saunders when he took his seat. When silence had been regained the chairman arose and said: “You have just heard one foreign speaker. I shall now call upon a gentleman from New Jersey—Rev. Hugh O. Pentecost.” Mr. Pentecost arose amidst laughter and responded as follows:

Mr. Pentecost’s Remarks.

The only part of the very entertaining and instructive speech of Mr. Saunders which was not applauded was his announcement that Mr. George was going to leave us to-morrow morning. I felt sure that that would fall upon this audience with somewhat of the effect of a fogbank if there were not a reasonable probability that Mr. George will arrive at the dock just about twenty minutes too late to go. (Great laughter.) However, if he does get off, we can console ourselves with the time-honored refrain that what is our loss is their gain.

It seems rather curious to me that there should be such a jubilant company of single tax democrats gathered here this evening. I remember the company that gathered in THE STANDARD office after our last defeat. If I remember rightly there were about a half dozen, and they were the bluest lot of men I ever saw in my life. It seems to me that there is no indication of growth in strength and courage more significant than to see this happy meeting to-night immediately after our third defeat. It is perhaps well for us to take as much consolation as we can.

Mr. George’s Address.

Nothing was further from my thoughts when I got up this morning than that in twenty four hours I would be on my way to England; but my friend, Mr. Saunders, has invited me to go with him, and my wife and friends in THE STANDARD office, and the president of the Single tax committee, have all joined in urging me to cross the Atlantic for a little while. I hope it will be but a little while. I expect to be back here in another month with renewed strength and vigor to go into the fight again. (Applause.)

THE UNEARNED INCREMENT.

We who call ourselves single tax men—at least, we who first adopted that name—mean something more than the institution of the single tax. We propose not merely to impose one tax in lieu of all other taxes, but to raise that tax until as nearly as possible the whole of what John Stuart Mill called the “unearned increment” is taken for public purposes; until the community gets the full benefit of that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and improvement of the community.

But there are with us men who do not go that far, yet who are fully and truly single tax men. They propose to go with us only to the point where all other taxes are abolished and the single tax draws from the unearned increment all necessary taxation for present purposes. And for a long time to come we can go together. It will be some time after we catch the hare before there will be any necessity of deciding how we shall cook him. As a representative of those men, I want to call upon Mr. Warner to say a few words. He is a representative of men who have done yeomen’s service in this campaign. I call on Mr. John De Witt Warner.

There was hearty and general applause when Mr. Warner arose to respond. He said:

Mr. Warner’s Address.

Mr. George: Rising, sir, in response to your invitation to voice the feelings of democratic free traders, I trust I may be allowed a summary avowal of my principles.

I am a democrat, and I have been one, sir, as long as I have been old enough to be anything politically. I have been a democrat, sir, because, misused as it has been—misused as it continues to be—I believe that the grand word “democracy” stands for the principle that lies at the root of the political system of every free people, “a government”—to use the words cf Abraham Lincoln^sic, that great republican-democrat—“of the people, by the people and for the people”—of and by and for the whole people, and not for any privileged class. (Applause.)

That means, too, that I am a free trader. (Applause.) For not merely is freedom the essence of democracy, but, if I read it aright, free trade is the Genesis—and most of the Revelations to boot—of the political gospel of the democratic party applicable to this time and country, so far as yet revealed. (Applause.)

And, sir, I believe in the single tax—to the extent that I believe that of all sources of revenue, a direct tax upon land values is that which can be at once most equitably assessed and most surely and most easily collected, and is the one, also, which, least burdensome to the people, least hampering to their enterprise and energy, we shall find it the highest political policy to adopt. (Applause.)

Now, sir, having the floor, I propose to take advantage of that fact to express my radical opposition to the views of a speaker who has preceded you and me (Mr. Pentecost). He seemed to feel that, while we should be stout of heart, yet that in the result of the campaign just closed there were certain causes for despondency, to which he referred. I, sir, do not thus see them. On the contrary, as a democrat with faith in my party I see the strongest ground for encouragement.

WHY NEW YORK WAS LOST.

First of all, sir, it must be admitted—it is too plain to be gainsaid—that the democratic party of the state of New York has been beaten because it did not deserve success. In the character of those who misrepresented it at its state convention; in the platform with which that convention insulted the intelligence of our people; in the personality of the man, a defense of whose indefensible character and record it wantonly chose as the issue on which to contest the Empire state, it courted and deserved the defeat it has met. Keen, sir, as is my regret that the man who dared to attempt to drag the heelers of his party up to his own level is not to be rewarded by four years more of opportunity to head, as president, the reform issue which he forced upon the country, I know that the salvation of democracy in a free and intelligent people is that it cannot succeed except when it deserves success. Not having deserved success in New York, our defeat, sir, is not discouraging. Having left unused the best weapon in our armory, there is every reason to believe that, using it, we shall yet win the fight—that, deserving success—and this lies with us, we shall succeed. (Applause.)

BESIDES, THE DEMOCRATS DIDN’T USE GOOD WEAPONS.

Again, sir, there was another cause for our temporary defeat, not merely in the state but in the nation, consideration of which is encouraging in that it points the way to success. As far as advised, I agree in but few of the political sentiments of the president-elect. But there is one taunt of his that has rankled in my flesh, as it has in that of many a democrat—rankled there because there was too much of suggested truth in it—his suggestion that this campaign on the part of the protectionists was one of principles, not of schedules. Bad as their cause was, our opponents stood by it and made their fight on principles; while the democratic party—we cannot deny it—attempted to make the issue one of schedules. It is always the fact—and it is essential to democracy that it should be so—that though the guns be equally well manned, and the smoke and roar of battle may rise so evenly from opposing batteries that the issue seems doubtful, yet in the end the solid shot of principle always carries the day against discharges of the mere wadding of percentages and schedules. We have been defeated, sir, in the nation because we have not used our ammunition—our principles. Using them, as we now shall, we have every reason to be confident of success.

WHY OUR OPPONENTS “GOT THERE.”

But, sir, the speaker whose apprehension I have criticised did note a most ominous sign—that in the campaign just closed political principles had been subordinated to baser methods—bribery and appeals to prejudice, the success of which he feared had gone far to prove that honorable men, using honorable methods, could not be elected to office among us, and added to the influence of the men who “get there” by fair means or foul. I do not so see it. It is a fact, sir, and I am not sorry for it, that the men who “get there” are the men who know what they want and are willing to work persistently for it, be they saints

p. 3, col. 2 or scoundrels. Now, sir, our opponents did know what they wanted, and we can bear hearty tribute to their energy and persistency. They “got there.” The democratic party, sir, as a whole, not merely did not know what it wanted, but to the very last, only half awakened, wasted much of the too short time at its disposal in explaining away its principles, in support of which it was neither intelligent, energetic nor steadfast. We didn’t “get there.” But there were more than there were the day before, there are more to-night than there were election day, who know that freedom of trade is what we want, and who are ready to work for it. And so, sir, I have every confidence, born of the very defeat we have just suffered, that in the next engagement a democratic army of free traders, swelled by new recruits enlisted for the war, bearing no apologies on our banners, will “get there.”

SYMPATHY FOR OUR BROTHERS IN GREAT BRITAIN.

It has been with peculiar pleasure that I am present to-night. I should have been glad at any time to meet and say godspeed to the stout hearted gentleman who championed against the opposition of the privileged classes the ancient right of Englishmen to meet in the public squares of London, peaceably, to discuss their grievances and consult as to measures of redress. But the present time and place, and the words of those who have preceded me have stirred in me an additional interest. In common, I believe, with every American citizen who was at once cool headed and high spirited, I have felt inexpressible scorn and disgust at the appeals to personal meanness and national prejudice upon which our opponents relied to influence voters whose intelligence they thus insulted. Sitting here this evening there has been stirred in my mind the conviction that here, too, if I may so say, we can learn from them. Confident in the ignorance of certain bodies cf our voters^sic they have asked them in the name of spite against Englishmen, to help bind themselves the tighter with the bonds of class legislation. Their malice points out, sir, what seems to me our pressing duty—not merely to preach the gospel of sympathy by the oppressed here for the oppressed everywhere, but to bring the masses of this country to a lively comprehension of the fact that the cause of English workmen and Irish tenants is their own cause as well—that in the fight here for industrial freedom they are touching elbows with those battling there for the right to live in the land where they were born, in a common campaign of common right against privilege.

And I know, sir, that I voice the unanimous feeling of free trade democrats when I wish our guest to-night all success in the work in his native land to which he has devoted himself; when I assure him that our masses sympathize with their brothers there in the efforts to do away with class oppression, and when I ask for our toilers, in the campaign in which they are now pitted against the tories of America, the sympathy and encouragement of the united liberals of England, and of home rulers of Ireland and Scotland as well.

The proceedings were fittingly brought to a close with a speech, rich in humor, by Mr. Louis F. Post and a short and effective expression of good wishes to the two travelers by Dr. M. R. Leverson.

For the Exemption of Small Personal Properties and Improvements from Taxation.

CINCINNATI, O., Nov. 10.—I have long thought that in beginning with an effort to abolish or modify the tariff tax you were beginning at the wrong, because the complex, end of the question.

It seems to me that the tax reform which looks to an ultimate single tax on land could be best inaugurated, or at least a sentiment in that direction could be quickest aroused, by beginning in a small way to enlarge the exemption of personal property and of improvements on land from taxation up to a certain specified amount, say $3,000. The mere effort to enact a law of that kind would begin an agitation of the tax reform question at the point where its justice could be easily perceived, and where its effects could be quickest and most directly felt.

The beneficial effects of such a law would be instantly obvious to the multitudes who occupy tenements, flats and rented houses in the cities, and rent humble cottages and dwellings in the country towns, besides the small real estate owners who are struggling to make payments on the little dwellings that has cost them $1,000 to $2,000. The assessor never fails to rate their little homes or store of household goods at the full value, while the expensive furniture, tapestries, pictures, etc., of the opulent are assessed at but a fraction of their value, and much property in the shape of notes, bonds, stocks, cash and vacant land goes scot free.

How then shall this reform be set afoot? How shall we secure the enactment of the proposed law? By vigorously memorializing the state legislatures soon to convene. Every community in the land, small and great, should start a memorial of its own, obtain all the signatures possible, and see that the honorable members representing that section in both branches of the legislature be duly impressed with the gravity and urgency of the demand made upon them by their constituents.

Incidental to the drawing up and circulating and signing of these memorials there would be conferences and private meetings and public discussions that would let in a flood of light upon the minds of the overtaxed and unjustly taxed small holder of household goods and improved property. This preliminary work, if undertaken in a spirit worthy of the cause, will be the beginning of an agitation that will not stop till the $3,000 limit is enlarged to $6,000, and that to $10,000, and finally the absurdity of the tariff tax will be seen and its total abolition be but a matter of time.

There are already precedents for such a law on the statute books of some of the states. Ohio exempts $500 of personal property from taxation. I am told that some other states exempt amounts up to $1,000. Allen G. Thurman once declared in a public speech that he would favor the exemption of $5,000. I think it would be feasible to begin with $3,000.

W. H. K.

Suggests the Establishment of a Single Tax Lecture Bureau.

BALTIMORE, Md., Nov. 10.—I am rejoiced to know that it is the purpose to continue our organization. The establishment of a lecture bureau for the dissemination of our principles, with headquarters at New York, has suggested itself to me as a good plan to adopt. If we could have the benefit of an occasional speech like that made by Mr. Post it would strengthen us and make many converts. With cheers for the success of our principles, free trade, free land and free men,

HARRY S. BROWN, 1,533 Montrose street.

Labor and Capital Are One.

A farmer employed an industrious Irishman for five years at the rate of fifty dollars a month “and found”—board, lodging, washing and mending. At the end of the term he said to his man: “I can’t afford to pay you the wages I have been paying. You have saved money and I have saved nothing. At this rate you will soon own my farm.” “Then I’ll hire you to work for me,” said the other, “and you can get your farm back again!”

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WHO SAID DEFEAT?

The Situation in St. Louis.

ST. LOUIS, Mo., Nov. 9.—The republicans carried their entire city ticket here. The democratic candidate for governor was elected. The union labor party succeeded in getting several of their men into the legislature by making a combination with the republicans. Some of these newly elected legislators are single tax men, and stoutly declared their faith through all, the while opposing the stand taken by the single tax league. They justified their alliance with the republicans on the ground of expediency and practical politics, feeling, no doubt, like Mayor Hewitt, that they were “not so impractical as to refuse to use the means by which society is at any time governed.”

“How has the election affected our cause?” We are disappointed in the result, of course, but we have made many and many a free trader, and that is the first move toward the single tax. Mr. Cleveland took a step in our direction; we sprang to his assistance in the hope that he and his party would take another step. He was right enough in his position, but he was right too soon (too soon for “practical politics” I mean, not too soon to be right). It has been an educational campaign. We single tax men in St. Louis have had hearers who would never have given us a moment of their time if we had not declared that we were Cleveland men because we were single tax men. I myself can testify that I have persuaded three times as many men to read “Progress and Poverty” since Cleveland’s message drove me into the democratic camp than I persuaded during the year which preceded the message.

The Republic newspaper gave good reports of our meetings; and if we made arguments which were worth anything its readers got the benefit of them. We did not get this consideration before the campaign opened.

The democratic party has been defeated because it lacked the courage to follow its leader. Because of its concealments, its dodging and its timorous policy, it has been overthrown, as it deserved to be overthrown. The free traders who rallied to its support have nothing to regret; they did their whole duty. Their scars are all in front. Their cause has been advanced. Tariff reform is dead, but the cause of free trade, free land and free men goes marching on.

Let spoilsmen sneer at the statesman who deliberately raised an issue and provoked a discussion which resulted in his own and his party’s defeat. Single tax men will honor the man who turned the whole country into a debating club. His knowledge of practical politics cannot be impugned—for that message would have carried its author to a place in history among the presidents who did some service for their country—and it would have carried the democratic party into power again were it not for the treachery of spoilsmen such as David Bennett Hill.

Western democrats will never again trust their leader’s fate in the hands of men who are capable of slaughtering him in order to save a local issue. New York has named the democratic candidate for the presidency for the last time. Mr. Hill is out of national politics. No explanation can save him; he won, his chief lost, and that’s all there is to it.

All this is of value to our cause—anything helps us which tends to smash the machine. Discipline through disaster is a thing badly needed in this country. The democratic party has had a dose of the medicine, and as a single tax man I am glad of it.

H. RUSSELL.

Cheering Words From Professor Garland—Some Capital Suggestions.

BOSTON, Mass.—A single tax man is ignorant as regards one thing—he don’t know when he’s defeated. We have begun our new campaign in Boston with greater energy and certainly better methods than ever before. During my trip in the west I was struck, among other things, with the success of a petition at Minneapolis, where Mr. Carl J. Buell and others have secured about a thousand names with comparatively little exertion. The petition is very simple, contains not above eight or ten lines, tersely stating that we purpose abolishing all taxation on personal property and improvements and fixing upon the site value of land as the basis of all taxation. I would recommend to all friends that similar petitions be circulated everywhere. Do not have a long-winded manifesto on the point, simply a few lines stating what we’re driving at. Don’t attack anybody or use the name of any party, organization or committee. Appeal solely to the common sense of men. Friends in Massachusetts can secure copies of a similar petition which we will use by writing to us. They will cost but little. The plan which I think is a good one, is to have advertising cards giving officers, object and place of meeting of the local league, with a statement of principles, on the back.

Another method for spreading the light is the printing of note heads to be supplied to any dealer who will use them in connection with his business. On the reverse side there might be a statement of the single tax doctrine.

This idea is in operation in Baltimore. Let the paper be good linen paper, attractive to merchants, and I think many will use it. All members should use similar means to spread our principles.

Stickers bearing a suggestive inscription to be used in public places or on papers might be used with good effect in innumerable ways.

But after all is said, it is the lecture bureau which will do most to further our cause. By all means let a lecture bureau be established. Let the leagues of the country co-operate in such wise that when a lecturer goes out he can speak each night without loss of time at points where the meeting has been duly advertised and in other ways properly arranged for. Under such circumstances competent speakers could make frequent lecture tours. In order to facilitate this let every secretary put himself into communication with THE STANDARD, giving standing of his league and other information. Let single tax advocates in towns where no league exists organize as soon as possible by getting one of the best known of our speakers and [collecting?] those who are known to be in sympathy with us.

Just one word about advertising. Our meetings in most cases are not sufficiently advertised. Now why could not THE STANDARD print large posters in such form as to be used in any town. The cost of posters is very small once the matter is set up, and a roll of posters could be sent to a league secretary at a slight cost, much as theatrical companies bill the towns. A single word or name of the hall might be written in if necessary.

I offer these suggestions for what they are worth. We are planning a number of meetings in suburban towns which we hope to make profitable. I spoke last week in Whitman and also at Fitchburg. Sunday evening several of our speakers went over into Lynn to co-operate with the Lynn land and labor club. Two Sundays in each month we shall try to hold similar [meetings?]. [Let?] all friends correspond with us. [illegible] has returned to No. 27 [illegible] where he can be found [illegible] by letters.

I shall go to [Sanford?] in a few days to help organize a league. Also to Concord, Mass., where our good friend and fearless advocate, Robertson James, will organize a league. Quite a large membership has al-

p. 3, col. 6 ready been secured in Cambridge, where I shall speak on Friday night.

HAMLIN GARLAND, President, 7 Beacon street.

Ringing Words from H. Martin Williams—The Next Move Will Be on the Missouri Legislature.

ST. LOUIS, Mo., Nov. 9.—The crash of ballots is over, and we single tax men in Missouri are able to extricate ourselves from the wreck of parties and take a calm view of the field, and sum up the situation as it really appears to us.

To say that many of us are not sorely disappointed over the defeat of Cleveland and Thurman would be saying what is not true; but we have emerged from the most memorable and important political contest in the history of this country, full of faith, hope and courage.

We realize that the struggle through which we have just passed, mighty as it has been, was only a reconnoisance^sic in force, and that the great battle remains to be fought, and that the great principle involved, which was only partially perceived by the greatest number of those engaged in its behalf, has suffered no defeat, nor its final triumph deferred for a single day even.

Already thousands in the ranks of the democratic party in this state, who either failed to see or acknowledge that they saw the issue at stake in its entirety and completeness, now declare for the utter abolition of the whole protective system. By our support of Mr. Cleveland we have reached and educated thousands of voters whom we could not have enlisted in our cause, and the single tax principle is tenfold stronger now than it was six months ago.

While a great many professed single tax men in this city put aside their principles to secure some personal end or advantage and went into the union labor party and combined and traded with the republicans, and a few really honest and stanch supporters of the single tax declined to vote for Cleveland, we have a nucleus around which we can gather those honest hearts that are fast coming to a knowledge of the great truth which is our guiding star.

Our single tax league will immediately take steps to extend its organization and influence in the city, and form branch leagues in every city and county in the state. It will urge two measures before our next legislature—the Australian system of voting, and the exemption of personal property from taxation; and with the experiences through which we passed in this city last Tuesday fresh in the minds of our legislators, I think I can safely assure the readers of THE STANDARD two months in advance of the meeting of the legislature that the first measure will become a law.

H. MARTIN WILLIAMS.

A Letter Full of Suggestions for Single Tax Work.

NEW YORK, Nov. 11—Although^sic the single tax men feel the defeat of Mr. Cleveland more keenly than the average democrat, yet the reflection is consoling that the single tax idea received such an incalculable impetus during the campaign that we can well afford to be satisfied with our portion of the defeat. To use a current phrase, “We have got our work in, in great shape.” We now stand on common ground with the democrats. We have met defeat and so have they, and the same impulse which has been forcing the single tax men onward has seized the democrats so strongly that the party will become impelled to push the free trade idea until the ignorance which has been encountered shall become dissipated. The democratic leaders are aware that the fight was lost, not only through ignorance of the beauties of free trade by the masses, but through ignorance of the iniquities of the protective sham, although acquaintance with either of these two systems can have but one outcome. Protection must go soon before it. If the democrats are true to their principles the fight must be made to lift this bank of dense ignorance until the fraud is made clear. We can go with them to that end. If they refuse, it remains only with the single tax men to push it on alone. We shall at least have the sympathy of the democrats in the future instead of the antipathy we have been receiving in the past. I believe that activity on the part of the single tax men will become contagious with the democrats and spur them on.

If the friends who have already sent their names to THE STANDARD will respond to calls for public meetings and invite some of the democratic tariff reform leaders to address such meetings, it will furnish a cue to the democrats and tariff reform journals which will be followed up all over the country. We must not only push on ourselves, but we must push the democrats on also. Individual and club work will accomplish a great deal more, and in this connection I desire to suggest one plan. The New York City Record, published, I believe, by the election bureau, contains the names and addresses of all the voters in the several election districts. The election districts are but small portions of the assembly districts, and contain between three and four hundred voters. A single tax man living within the limits of one of the election districts can secure the names of all the voters living therein, and can confine his labors to his neighborhood alone, ascertain if there are any other single tax men living there, and form a club—even if there are but two or three men—send out tracts, correspond and invite replies, aggravate discussion, ascertain who the most popular men in your vicinity are, and work on them especially; become acquainted with the vocation of the persons living in that district and point out to them what the application of the single tax and free trade would be to their particular line. When the club becomes large enough endeavor to raise sufficient funds to call public meetings, in a convenient hall, as often as possible. Popular speakers on the question are becoming as numerous as huckleberries in summer time. Also purchase copies of “Progress and Poverty” and “Protection or Free Trade?”—distribute or loan them. The idea is to concentrate the work in as small a space as possible upon which each club may work. Every election district in the city should be organized and a system of exchanging visits between the members of each club should be adopted so that new ideas and plans originating in one district may be applied to others. Communication of ideas is wholesome and will work to the good of the cause, the growth of which, while it may be invisible, will be constant and great. The English idea of having posters with which every conspicuous point throughout the city may be plastered, is a good one, the character of the inscription upon which may be safely left to the ingenious campaigners of THE STANDARD office.

T. W. GREENE.

Will There be a Collector at the Gates Ajar?

Nothing so sure as death and taxes is true enough perhaps, but formerly people imagined that when death came along taxes stopped. It turns out that we’re changing all that, witness this little item which is going round the country:

Cremation is illegal in France, and bodies have to be taken to Italy to be burned. M. [Morin?], dying recently in Paris, left instructions that his body should be sent to Milan to be burned. This was done, and the cost of the incineration was but fifteen shillings. The Italian custom house, however, levied [$70?] import duty on the body when it came into the country, and the same amount export duty when the ashes were taken back to France.

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

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AN UNANSWERABLE QUESTION.

A short time ago the Sun published an item headed “A Question Mr. George Did Not Answer,” in which it stated that at a meeting held in Williamsburg a Mr. Brennan rose and asked this question:

The gentlemen whose principles you so ably advocate have put brick on the free list. The weekly wages paid to brickmakers in England are $3.54. The weekly wages paid in the United States are $11.86. Now, if ship owners find it advantageous to carry brick as ballast, and as the cost of loading in England and unloading in New York would be no higher than the cost of loading at Haverstraw and unloading in New York, what would be the effect on the wages of brickmakers and on the [brick?] industry in America?

[This?] question the Sun says Mr. George did not answer. This statement is not true. Mr. George did answer it, and answered it satisfactorily to the Williamsburg audience. As to the brick makers of Haverstraw, the vote cast there showing a democratic increase over 1884, is sufficient proof that the democratic policy did not scare them as it appeared to scare the Sun reporter.

But as the question is perhaps worth a more detailed answer than was given at the meeting, we submit the following:

In the first place the census of 1880 shows that in that year 66,355 hands were employed in the brick and tile industry in this country, and that the total amount paid in wages during the year was $13,400,000, an average of $203 per year, or say $3.92 per week, against $3.54 per week in England. What Mr. Brennan probably did was to compare the wages actually paid in England for a whole year with the rate of wages paid in some American brickyard for some short season of the year. This is a well-worn protection method of falsification.

But aside from this it is easy to show the absurdity of such a question. If the cost of brick depends upon the amount of wages paid the laborers, and his figures were correct, then, as we pay in wages $11.86 against $3.54 in England, that is, 235 per cent more than they pay, why of course there must be a duty of at least 200 per cent on brick to keep the English from flooding us with baked clay. But as a matter of fact, there is scarcely any brick imported, not enough to ballast the fleet of a New England fishing village, and yet the duty is not 200 per cent but only twenty per cent—one-tenth of what it ought to be!

The fact of the matter is that in brick making, as in other industries, American labor, considering the amount of work done, is probably the cheapest labor in the civilized world, and with free materials and machinery we can to-day beat any nation in the world in free competition.

A City.

That endless sweep of domes and spires Above the river’s misty pall Lies shimm’ring in the dawn’s first fires, As when in gray-arched granite hall The torches, gilded shield and spear That canopied some sea-king’s bier.

But now the fire-crowned god of day Lifts with his lance the robe of death. See! ships like giant jewels sway Moved by the tide’s awakened breath, And the vast somber vault of gray In depths of azure melts away.

The bells ring out their matin call, Streets change to human shuttled looms, While in long lines far over all Factories wave their sable plumes. A mighty heart is beating here, Whose pulse is felt around the sphere.

Ah, were thy ends but adequate To thy unbounded, depthless power, If love swung wide trade’s golden gate, And truth and honor ruled each hour; Then would those lofty towers of thine With more than earthly splendor shine.

But oft thy halls of justice stand, Poor, whited sepulchers, indeed, Builded on drifts of shifting sand, Swayed by each low-born breath of greed. Monopoly’s dread ensign flies Where’er starv’d labor turns its eyes.

Awake! “Things are not what they seem.” True greatness is not built on gold. Awake, ere thy vain glorious dream In dust and stains of blood is told. Undreamed-of goals before thee lie; Awake, and fill thy destiny.

Brooklyn.

KATE HUDSON.

Stirred Up.

The Indianapolis single tax men have apparently been stirred up, not down cast, by the result of the election. The Sentinel of that city published a call for a meeting of citizens to be held in one of the court rooms on Saturday of last week to discuss the Australian ballot as well as “protective tariffs and all other engines for the subjection of the many to the few.” The call was signed by an active worker, Tom Marley.

p. 4, col. 6

THE BEATING OF THE DRUMS.

Defeat does not discredit a man who would “rather be right than be president.”—[N. Y. World.

The result of the election would seem to decide that taxation makes us rich.—[Troy Times.

And now awake; arouse, ye monopolists and land grabbers, ye subsidy seekers and carpet baggers, ye noble army of contractors, ye repairers of old hulks, and all ye of that vast horde which hungereth for office.—[N. Y. Herald.

The political overturn will be claimed as a verdict for high protection, but an analysis of votes in many manufacturing localities does not bear this out.—[Boston Transcript (ind).

The cities have turned their faces toward democracy.—[Philadelphia Record.

As respects the bearing of the result upon tariff reform it is to be observed that it may delay but cannot prevent it. The people may not understand their relation to the question fully yet, but the educational process inaugurated during the campaign will continue, and the end can be forseen^sic.—[Baltimore American.

By one way or another the reform (of the tariff) is bound to come. Only education of the people is necessary to win the people’s cause. And this campaign has been a great beginning of such education. It has been prolific in intelligent discussion, and the people have listened eagerly.—[Springfield, Mass., Republican (ind).

The reformers have been so much encouraged by the reception given by the people to the doctrine of a low tariff that they will not abandon it.—[Baltimore Sun.

Monopoly has the country by the throat. But the time is coming when the country will have monopoly by the throat, and it is not so far distant as the moneyed kings, in this moment of their triumph, imagine.—[Indianapolis Sentinel.

The magnificent democratic gains in the three principal manufacturing cities of this state—Newark, Jersey City and Paterson— show that the workingmen think for themselves, and vote as they think.—[Paterson, N. J., Guardian.

Frank Hurd’s old district, the Tenth of Ohio, a large manufacturing district, has again, after a most stubbornly contested fight on the tariff question, returned a democrat by about 1,600 majority. The Toledo Blade (rep.) says of the protection candidate’s defeat, that it “is a stigma upon the voters of this district, from the fact that they stand before the nation as having failed at the supreme moment of the contest between protection and free trade, when the fate of the present system was trembling in the balance.”

That the powers which made the Chicago platform and ran the recent campaign will allow the republicans to frame and adopt a bill which will be acceptable to the tariff reform sentiment of the country is not at all probable, and that sentiment will not be diminished in force by a failure to do so.—[New York Times.

The republican party was returned to power by the money and the labors of the protected monopolies for the purpose of preventing a reduction of the tariff. It is a shackled party—bound hand and foot to the tariff barons whose “fried-out fat” furnished the fuel and the lubrication for the republican party machinery in the campaign just closed.—[New York World.

The districts of Frank Hurd and William R. Morrison have been carried for tariff reform and Roger Q. Mills has been returned by a majority of 6,000.

The New York Press of November 10 declares in double leads that the policy of the republican party should be to further reduce the importation of foreign goods, and that the senate bill should be made more thoroughly protective. It points out that tin plates, for example, should receive adequate protection.

The battle for tariff reform is not over by any means, but will be fought right on to the final and inevitable triumph.—[Cleveland Plain Dealer.

The corporations are mainly responsible for the result of the election. Their vast power was concentrated in the doubtful states, and the cause of the people went down under it. That is the long and short of it.—[St. Paul Globe.

Although the party which created and fostered trusts has triumphed in the nation, we feel very confident that the doom of that species of statesmanship is sealed.—[New Jersey Labor Unionist.

The ball which was set rolling by Mr. Cleveland last winter is bound to continue on a triumphant course, for it is impelled by nothing less than truth.—[Boston Post.

To go forward is the one word in order.—[Brooklyn Citizen.

The movement for a reduction of the outrageous tariff taxes borne by the producing masses has been put off another four years. If the republican party desire to reduce the tariff, it can hardly afford to do it so as to benefit the working people, as it is now absolutely under control of the capitalists who put it in power.—[Louisville Labor Record.

“You would like to ask me how I feel about the election,” said the Rev. Dr. T. De Witt Talmage to the crowd which had gathered to hear him talk politics at the weekly prayer meeting in the Brooklyn tabernacle last evening. “Thankfulness to God is the one emotion that pervades me. Our cities, states and nation are under a special providential care. Our motto is onward and forward.”

Every democrat in Pennsylvania ought to do himself the pleasure of giving one more yell of transport over the defeat of Congressman Brumm in the Schuylkill district. That arrant demagogue has brought reproach upon us long enough.—[Philadelphia Record.

For fear of wounding the susceptibilities of certain factory lords the entire mission of the democratic party was foresworn along the Atlantic seaboard. Had the state of New York been left to its own devices, had the true democratic argument been authoritatively presented to the people of Michigan, Wisconsin and Illinois by the national democratic committee, the Herald would not this morning announce the temporary renuncia- tion of public affairs to men who are personally interested in the continuation of the war system of taxation.—[Chicago Herald.

The defeat of Grover Cleveland and the free trade south has not been paralleled since the overthrow of Lee and his rebel hordes at Appomattox.—[Pittsburg Commercial-Gazette.

The surprising thing is that so much education has been accomplished in so short a time.—[Cleveland Plain Dealer.

The democratic party must place itself squarely on its old platform of “a tariff for revenue only,” and fight it out on that line if it takes half a century to win.—[Oswego, N. Y., Palladium.

The president lifted the plane of national politics from a petty strife for spoils to a noble contest for principle. He buried beyond resurrection the dead issues of the past and brought both parties face to face with a living question of the present. He substituted a campaign of education for a campaign of detraction. And though the education of the voters was not completed, the movement which he inaugurated will not stop.—[New York World.

There are not a few who will agree with Colonel Higginson that Mr. Cleveland is the leader in a battle yet to be fought out, and that his “career is just beginning.” Higginson himself is not at the beginning of his career, but he is not so near its end as General Banks, who has just defeated him for congress.—[Philadelphia Times.

MEN AND THINGS.

On Thursday of last week Philip Baer attempted to board an elevated railway train at the Canal street station after the platform gates were closed and the train had started. The guard refused to open the gate, and while the two were wrangling the train passed the end of the station, squeezing Baer against an iron post which there stands close to the track and seriously injuring him. The guard still persisted in keeping the gate shut, but pulled the bell cord to stop the train. Unfortunately, several passengers who saw what was going on also pulled the cord, and the engineer, imagining that the second pull meant “all right,” failed to stop. Suddenly Baer turned faint, relaxed his hold upon the gate, fell to the street below and was killed. The guard has been arrested.

It is easy to say that Baer’s death was due to the guard’s stupidity—that a man of any sense would have opened the gate, rules or no rules, when he saw that a human life depended on it. But the guard was not there to exercise common sense, but to obey the cast iron rules of the railway company. Had he opened the gate in the first place, and so averted all possibility of accident, he would have been severely blamed by his employers, and might very possibly have been discharged. Nor is it easy to blame the company for so enforcing discipline. For if the guards were in the habit of opening the gates after the train had started merely because passengers were clinging to them, the danger of disaster would be vastly greater than it is.

The real reason of the Baer disaster is that while the railway company is perfectly right in making cast iron rules and holding its employes to a rigid observance of them under penalty of discharge, it has no right to enforce the observance of the same rules by the public under the penalty of death. Yet that is, practically, what it does. It forbids the public to attempt to board the cars after they have started and punishes them with the risk of maiming or death if they attempt to do so. What the company ought to do is to make it impossible for any man to board a train except when it is at rest with the gates opened. This could easily be done by a system of portcullis gates upon the platform.

It is announced, apparently by authority, that the empress of Austria and queen of Hungary is about to visit the United States. A great many of her subjects have already come here. There will, however, be quite a difference between the reception they have received and that which will be accorded her.

A certain Mr. R. G. Kimber, who occupies a house near the town of Dulwich, in England, is having quite a dispute with his official spiritual overseer, the rector of the parish. Mr. Kimber’s house and garden stands on about a quarter of an acre out of an estate of twenty-one acres. There are one or two houses like his own upon other parts of the estate, but the greater part of the land is altogether idle and unproductive, being held out of use, probably, in anticipation of an increase of value.

Now, the rector of the parish has a right to collect about £6 a year as tithes on this twenty-one acres estate; and failing to get it for the past two years, from the owner of the land, he has hit on the ingenious idea of collecting the whole amount from Mr. Kimber and leaving him to settle with the other tenants and with the landlord. Mr. Kimber naturally protests against being compelled to pay £12 because somebody else owes it. But the rector has appealed to the law and the law is plainly on the church’s side. Mr. Kimber, however, sets both secular and spiritual authority at defiance. He not only declares flatly that he will not pay, but has intrenched himself in his house, with all his portable property around him. The law forbids the sheriff’s officer to force the front door; and so Mr. Kimber, for the time being, has the best of it. But there is little doubt that the established church will conquer in the long run.

Mr. David A. Wells, in a letter to Thomas Bayley Potter, M. P., published in the London Weekly Dispatch, makes a curious statement regarding the methods of taxation in this country. He says, speaking not of any particular locality, but of the country at large:

All land and buildings in private or corporate ownership are taxed, whether occupied or not, at their presumed market value. If a person holds land simply for pleasure or for speculation, he is not regarded with much favor by the local assessors, and he is likely to pay more than his share rather than too little.

All this may be true of the little town in which Mr. Wells lives, though even there we think it hardly probable. But that it is absolutely untrue elsewhere in the United States Mr. Wells might easily have discovered had he taken the trouble to make even the slightest inquiry. He might have learned, for instance, that in the city of New York, whereas a vacant lot is assessed for taxation at not more than a third of its selling value, a lot with a house upon it is as- at sixty per cent^sic or more. He might have learned that one of the sources of strength of the oppressive anthracite coal trust is the fact that they are allowed to hold immense tracts of coal land absolutely unused, paying practically no taxes whatever upon it. He might have learned that all the country through gas bearing lands, oil lands, mineral lands, farming lands, city building lands, held on speculation, are taxed on absurdly low valuations, generally on the express ground that they are kept out of use, and are therefore producing no revenue.

It is a pity that Mr. Wells should be so grossly ignorant of facts within the knowledge of every other American citizen.

Another serious collision between two ocean steamers, this time within a few hours’ sail of New York. The Cunarder Umbria crashes into the French ship Iberia, cutting her completely in two.

p. 5, col. 2 Luckily no lives are lost. The Iberia is a freighting steamer, carrying no passengers; her compartment bulkheads do their duty, and the vessel, though dismembered, keeps afloat.

But suppose it had been the French ship that cut down the English instead of the Englishman the Frenchman. It might easily have been. The Umbria had on board seven hundred and eleven passengers. Is it likely they would have all escaped? The two steamers lost sight of each other in the fog immediately after the collision, and did not join company again for more than twenty minutes. What might not have happened on board the giant Cunarder in that time?

The first command given by the captain of the Umbria after the collision was: “Close the compartments.” Her compartments, then, it seems, were open. It took several minutes to close them. Suppose she had been the vessel cut in two, would it have been possible to get the compartments closed before she went to the bottom? It may well be doubted. Yet had they not been closed, the ship, with her whole after body cut away, would have sunk like a stone, and the loss of life would have been appalling.

When the collision occurred the Umbria was rushing along through a dense fog at full speed, or very near it. She had just narrowly escaped a disastrous collision with the Normandie. Is it conceivable that her owners would have allowed her thus to court disaster had they known themselves pecuniarily responsible for any damage to life, limb or property that might result from their recklessness? We can hardly think so.

It cannot be too often reasserted that it is far easier for vessel owners to prevent diasters^sic at sea than for railway managers to put an end to accidents on their lines. Collisions between steam vessels can be rendered absolutely impossible, except by willful neglect. Vessels can be built that will not sink, even though cut in two as was the Iberia. The ocean highways can be made far safer than the iron roads. But this will never be done so long as ship owners are allowed to shelter themselves behind an ancient superstition, to lay on the Almighty the blame that should properly attach to human carelessness, and to find too often, through our barbarous system of marine insurance, a greater profit in losing ships than in running them.

The Sun of Sunday last publishes a letter from its Washington correspondent, dated October 6, but for some reason held over for a month on the editorial desk. In this Mr. Blakely Hall tells the story of an interview with Senator Ingalls of Kansas, in which that statesman delivered himself of his views as to the destiny awaiting the American republic.

According to Mr. Ingalls, the pressing need of the United States is, or very soon will be, more room.

“We have reached,” he says, “the limit of arable land in our public domain. In ten years the homestead system will be extinct within the territory now open to settlement. Since the war with Mexico we have ceased to enlarge our boundaries, not because the instinct of acquisition was lost, but because we had enough. The pressure of surplus population will soon be felt, and the overflow will absorb Mexico and Canada inevitably, and perhaps Cuba and the other West Indian islands, which we need for the tobacco and sugar products in order to complete our industrial independence. We have paid duties enough on sugar in the past thirty years to have purchased Cuba from Spain thrice over. We also need additional accommodations in the torrid zone for the surplus African population of this country, which will require an outlet before the close of the century. The race problem in the south is not yet settled. If the whites and blacks cannot assimilate they will eventually probably separate peacefully, by common consent, the negroes establishing states in the tropics and accomplishing their destiny in their original and native environment. We have now a continuous line of railway to Mexico. It will soon be continued to the valley of the Amazon. Vestibuled trains will run through without change from New York to Buenos Ayres. Along this highway the Anglo-Saxon race will move to the domination of the hemisphere.”

The Kansas senator’s notions about surplus population, it will be observed, are quite baronial. He wants plenty of space—for the men who are lucky enough to own the standing room. As for the inferior persons who constitute the surplus, they can “overflow” Mexico and Canada and other places. What they are to do after that Mr. Ingalls doesn’t say—overflow into the sea probably. And as the overflow goes on it is to carry—dreadful thought—absolute free trade with it. The tobacco of Cuba, the sugars of the whole West Indian group, are to come to us absolutely without any penalty whatever, and in some mysterious way the sugar planters of Louisiana, the tobacco growers of Virginia, Kentucky and Connecticut, and the tenement house cigar makers of New York are not to be destroyed.

And then Mr. Ingalls goes on to inform the world, through the columns of the Sun, that President Cleveland “has the same claim to the title of statesman that a man crossing on the Desbrosses street ferry from Jersey City to New York would have to be called the discoverer of the Hudson river.” This is crushingly sarcastic, of course; but still the ferry crossing man of Mr. Ingalls’s allegory has at least the merit of knowing a river when he sees it. Mr. Ingalls himself is like a man carried across the same ferry fast asleep, who never finds out there is a river, or dreams that he himself is on its farther bank. Mr. Ingalls is on this side of the Atlantic without knowing it. He thinks he is still in England, a hundred years ago.

The Rio Grande river, which for a great distance forms the boundary between Mexico and the United States, has a habit of occasionally shifting its bed and transferring a strip of land from one country to the other. It is now asserted that this tendency is being encouraged by certain of the Mexican authorities with a view to increasing the territory of Mexico at the expense of the United States. The mayor of El Paso has notified Governor Ross of Texas that Mexican engineers are constructing embankments on the Mexican p. 5, col. 3 side of the river with the intention of changing the channel:

“Unless the work is at once arrested,” says the mayor in his message, “not only will the frontier be artificially changed, but serious injury will be inflicted on Texas land owners. What do you advise me to do in order to protect the territory of the state and of the United States, as the urgency of the case will hardly allow the delay necessary to obtain redress by the ordinary diplomatic channels?”

We shall be curious to see what remedy Governor Ross can propose for this novel sort of aggression. The Mexicans own half the Rio Grande, and it will be pretty hard to prevent them improving their half in any way they see fit. Perhaps the American authorities may retaliate in kind, with the ultimate result that the Rio Grande will be fitted with a series of overlapping wing dams, arranged in fish ladder fashion, and effectually putting an end to navigation. Or possibly the day may come when Americans and Mexicans will discover that the prosperity of both countries is to be sought in unrestricted commerce between their inhabitants, and that when free trade is secured mere^sic territorial jurisdiction will be little worth quarreling about.

A queer story comes from Michigan about General John G. Parkhurst of Coldwater, in that state, who has recently been appointed minister to Belgium. General Parkhurst, it is said, is not at all disturbed at the defeat of the administration. He will go to Belgium just the same, stay there until his successor is nominated by President Harrison, and then come back to Michigan to take up the burden of life again and attend to serious business. In fact, he doesn’t want to stay in Belgium for any length of time, anyhow; even had President Cleveland been re-elected he would have resigned in March or soon after. He sought and obtained the appointment because a member of his family is in poor health and it was thonght^sic that a trip to Europe and a few months’ stay in Brussels would be good for her. He is simply proposing to make a pleasant and dignified excursion at government expense.

All this may be true or it may not. But whether true or false the fact remains that it might be true and nobody would be in the least astonished or injured. Our diplomatic service has degenerated into an expensive farce. We have about as much need for a minister to Belgium as we have for a gentleman usher of the black rod or a first gentleman of the bed chamber. If Mr. Parkhurst or any other American citizen wants to go to Brussels he ought to do it at his own expense.

Another Boston sugar refinery—the last in that city under the control of the sugar trust—has been instructed to stop work. Its owners will go on receiving dividends as hitherto; but the men whose business it really is to make sugar, the workers in the refinery, must find other employers to buy their labor, or stand idle. And the capital of the refinery—the boilers, engines, tanks, etc., must stand absolutely unused, profitless and wasting. Both capital and labor are the worse off because of the sugar trust. What the owners of that trust make their profits from is the exploitation of a taxing franchise pure and simple—a franchise guarded and fenced about by the protective tariff wall. There is less sugar made to-day than when the trust was formed. But the total of money paid for sugar has increased. Of course, the trust will never reach the point where they will make no sugar at all and still collect an enormous revenue. But they are undeniably tending toward it.

And it must not be forgotten that the paralysis of industry engendered by the trust has a constant tendency to spread. The men who have to pay double price for sugar consume not only less sugar, but less of other things as well. Housekeepers put up fewer preserves, make less cake, use less of everything whose use necessitates the consumption of sugar. The refiners thrown out of work necessarily use less of everything, for want of means to purchase with. Thus from rank to rank among the workers the impulse of idleness propagates itself; and men stand unemployed because those who would gladly buy the products of their industry are robbed of the means of doing so.

Sweep away the tariff, and how quickly would all this end. Let men who want sugar buy sugar from any men who make it, no matter whether they live in the Sandwich islands or in France, and we shall see our American refiners, not closing their doors—they do that under protection—but waking up to the knowledge that if they want to make money they must work for it, not loaf.

FOR BALLOT REFORM.

It ought to be evident to any one who thinks about the matter at all that the rapidity with which the corrupt use of money at elections is growing, and the cynical indifference with which this is admitted constitute the most serious danger now menacing the republic.—[The Epoch.

There is one important lesson that the democrats of New York ought to learn from this election. The lesson is that they must adopt the Australian system of voting, which has already become law in Massachusetts, to go into effect at the next state election.—[Boston Globe (dem).

Everybody, no matter how much confidence he may have in his party, knows that elections in this country are carried by wholesale bribery of voters. We therefore make an appeal to the citizens of Parke county to join in presenting a petition to the next legislature to adopt the Australian or secret ballot system.—[Rockville, Ind., Tribune (dem).

“Ballot reform” is the cry in New York now, and a bill to be presented to the legislature is being prepared by a democratic organization. In Rhode Island and Michigan similar steps are being taken, to be followed, it is predicted, by other states. It is unquestionably the fact that there is a strong feeling in favor of something that will purify and render less costly elections.—[Pittsburg Times.

The democratic party of Indiana should give this state an election law which will not only insure an absolutely honest canvass in the state, but will remove the opportunities for bribery, bulldozing, intimidation and other abuses which are so extensively practiced now. As at present conducted, Indiana elections are in no sense an expression of the popular will.—[Indianapolis Sentinel.

p. 5, col. 4

THE GUILDS OF LONDON.

With the Compliments of God Almighty.

An English court recently had to decide whether a wild bird’s egg was the private property of the man upon whose land it was laid, and after elaborate consideration decided that it was, and gave judgment for £1 in favor of the man whose seagull’s egg had been taken by a fisherman.

p. 5, col. 6

A STORY FOR WORKINGMEN.

SOCIETY NOTES.

The marble for the palace to be erected at Lenox by Mr. Westinghouse, of air brake fame and fortune, is now being quarried near that place. It is said that this will throw all other American palaces into the shade. Its cost, when finished and furnished, will run into millions. The story goes that Mr. Westinghouse, while in Italy recently, bought a title and an estate for his son and heir, now a lad, who may be seen, dressed after the style of Millais’s painting of the princes in the tower, out driving over the Lenox hills with his mother.

The pauper figures in London for the last week in September showed 92,528 paupers receiving indoor and outdoor relief. This shows an increase of 2,205 over the corresponding week in 1887, [4,924?] more than in 1886 and 6,609 more than in 1885.

Dr. Henry Hiller, a well known citizen of Wilmington, Mass., who died on the eve of election, will be buried in a casket for which his wife will probably pay over $15,000. She engaged a skillful draughtsman and wood carver of Cambridge in 1886 to make two caskets, one for her husband and one for herself. The casket for Dr. Hiller was finished just before he died. It is really composed of two caskets, one inclosing the other, which are made of Spanish mahogany lined with brass. Symbolical designs all carved in wood or chased on brass cover every portion of both, so that half the work will be hidden, although the casket is to be kept above ground in an air tight glass case.

John De Lacey Duffy, a civil engineer, who a few years ago was very well known and had made a great deal of money at his profession, died in extreme poverty at a Park row lodging house the other day. His clothes were threadbare and his pockets contained only a few cents and some pawn tickets. He was a graduate of Trinity college, Dublin, and claimed relationship with Sir Charles Gavan Duffy.

Potter Palmer of Chicago has imported a four-in-hand coach and four handsome horses from England at a cost for the coach of $10,000, for the horses of $10,000, for the harness and robes [$900?].

On October 22 last Chauncey Goodrich, sixty-five years old, attempted suicide in the boarding house No. [383?] Twelfth street, Brooklyn, by swallowing laudanum. He was sent to the hospital and recovered. In court the other day he told his story. At one time he was in business in New Haven and made a fortune in the manufacture of clocks. He lived in fine style with his wife and two children. In 1858 he was elected a member of the state legislature of Connecticut, and in 1870 the democrats made him a state senator. Later on he lost all his money and finally went to work as a day laborer in the Ansonia clock company’s factory in Brooklyn. He says that he lost courage and determined to end his life. His home is broken up and his wife supports herself by selling books in New Haven.

General Alger is said to be worth $10,000,000. His money is invested in pine and mineral lands, a railroad and a bank. All of his fortune has been made within fifteen years.

Grover Cleveland.

Henry Watterson in the Louisville Courier Journal.

> When the trial came there was literally no one among the professional politicians to make the president’s fight his fight; no one among the great capitalists to advance considerable sums of money; no one among the leaders inspired by the sublime energy of personal devotion, and no enthusiasm among the masses, other than that brought out by the cold issue of tariff reform or started spasmodically by the figure of the Old Roman flashing fitfully through the tumult and confusion of the fray. To all approaches for help, which the president thought he had no right to give, his one answer was that this was not the administration’s, but the people’s battle. When he was asked directly from the national democratic headquarters whether he was for us or against us, he smiled pleasantly, and considered that which was only half a jest as all a tribute to his integrity. As indeed it was, though at the expense of his wisdom. It is true to say of him that he did not raise his hand to help himself from the beginning to the end of the campaign; that he did not encourage anybody else to help him, and that in many cases he did not permit his official subordinates to help him. This was magnificent, but it was not politics.

. . . . . . .

The gifts of magnetism and grace were not given him by the fairy that bent over his cradle in the hour of his birth. But loyalty, courage, integrity, devotion to duty, a rugged, self-reliant spirit, and a stern, unflagging faith in truth were his, and he, surely, can afford to step down and out with the sense that, however [failingly?], he was true to his convictions, and made no concessions to party claims or selfish interests of any kind. He may not carry with him into his retirement many plaudits. But no one who has ever encountered him will refuse him the respect which his conscientious and fearless discharge of public obligations challenges of all men, friend and foe alike.

Let us hope that in his own good time God will raise us a leader adequate to the needs of a conflict as irrepressible and as one-sided as that between freedom and slavery, free labor and slave labor, and that, raising us such a leader, he will point out the way to the ultimate triumph of the masses over the classes, in the pouring down upon the heads of the just and the unjust, even as the dews of heaven, equally the blessings and the burdens of government. That is the issue of issues. That is the leaven without which there can be nothing sweet or wholesome in our system of boasted democracy. That and that alone will constitute the dividing line of parties until it is settled on the side of the people, or until parties cease to represent the people and exist only to record the will of the plu-tocracy.

QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

IN RHODE ISLAND.

BALLOT REFORM AND THE SINGLE TAX.

SANCTUM SKETCHES—PREPARING FOR WINTER^sic,

T. T. in Toronto Grip.

“These be chillsome days, William,” remarked the editor, reaching out his hand for the foreman’s freshly filled and newly lighted pipe. “And this stove don’t draw, although your clay does—beautifully. Speaking of the pipe, William, I can plainly see smoking is having an injurious effect on your once robust constitution. Ease off a little. As for me, I mean to check you every time I notice you indulging to excess, as I do this morning. Your first smoke since yesterday afternoon? Well, anyway, it’s too soon after breakfast for you to resume the pipe. I, not having had any breakfast, can safely whiff. So hand it over.”

“But we were talking about the cold and our stove—that is to say, this stove. For, you are not aware, this stove ain’t legally ours. I borrowed it temporarily for the house from old Tinkerton, the tinsmith, and his men forgot to come back and take it away. However, it comes in handy since the bailiff’s last visit, and I really would not like to part with it. You say it don’t heat well. Let’s see. Here, William, is the cause, as plain as the new apprentice’s face. The front damper is welded to the hole. And see—there is a large crack in the bottom; and, I declare, another on the side! What! One on the other side, too! The stovepipe check won’t work, eh! Well, well! We must go to work and repair, William. Winter cometh on apace, and if we can’t get anything else in this world to cheer us except a little comfort out of our stove, let us enjoy that in the best possible shape, for goodness’ sake!

“Now for ways and means. When you go to dinner get some clay down at the pottery and we’ll fill up the cracks. In the meantime get the shooting stick and we’ll pry back the door damper. Gim me the hammer and I’ll soon start——Geewhilikins, Bill! You might have told me the door was off its hinges. Lor’, how that bruise stings!

“Why, man, you’ve got the darn stove half full of ashes! How d’ye think she’d go with all this stuffing her up, like an editor talking circulation to a prospective advertiser? Can’t get enough wood at a time to fill her up, eh? Well, we’ll hire a more enterprising boy—that’s all. One that is able and willing to enlarge the circle of his fuel hunting investigations is what we want.

“Buy wood, did you say, William? Well, I should say we couldn’t. Why, within exactly one hundred yards of our back door there are no less than four separate and inviting piles. Didn’t know of it? Take a pencil and make a note of it right straight, then; and thank your stars somebody about this establishment has ordinary powers of observation. There’s the new dressmaker’s pile—’taint even in a shed. Got that down? Right next door is old Snipper, the tailor’s. You’ll have to get early at that pile, for only this morning he was telling me he missed his wood and meant to put a threatening advertisement in the Hooperup as a warning to the borrowers. If you could get off with a good jag of it, say to-night, I fancy it would fetch the advertisement.

“Well, that’s No. 2. No. 3 is corporation stuff, bought for the Widow Wilkins. If she had to pay for it herself, hang it, I’d hate to borrow from her. But as the council foots the bill and the stuff is handy, let’er go, Johnny Smith!

“The fourth and most eligible lot is at our contemporary’s premises across the road from the widow’s. We really ought to teach our bloated rival a lesson for thus flaunting his wealth under our very noses! If you and the two boys can’t get away with fully one-half of the bran-new cord piled up in front of the Ripper’s office door before twelve o’clock to-night, you’re simply and sententiously no good.

“With these golden opportunities, William, not to mention those presented in the yards of our more contiguous neighbors, and which you, of course, are at present availing yourself of, we ought to be able to worry along nicely for fuel the coming winter.

“As to this incapacitated stove, don’t scorn it. See, she draws better even now! Of course it needs a lid instead of this hunk of boiler plate; and I agree with you that legs would look rather better than these old bricks to support it. But, heavens, William, we can’t put on the style of a palace in this printing office. Remember, I am only the editor of the Mudge Hollow Hooperup. I’m not Vanderbilt or ‘Old Hutch!’ You want to give me a chance!”

DE MISTAKES OB SCRIPTURE.

Jay K. Washington White in Toronto Grip.

MISTAKE NO. 1.—“The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof.” De mistakes ob de scripture, deahly belubed bredren, am many an’ noom’rous. Dey am also berry dang’rous—case why? It makes de infidels say ‘taint true what’s in de bible. Now, it am my mission to pint out dat it am all puffeckly true, only it am a mistake. De proof readers an’ printers in dem yar ole days when de bible wor fust printed weren’t much, any way. And yet, belubed bredren, considerin’ dese yar scriptures am ‘sposed to be ’spired by divine troof, it am a mystery how dey ever cum dar, ’less as I said befo’, day am mistakes. Dat fact am clar as mud, and dis chicken am going to demonstrate dat dis mawnin’, sho’s yo bawn. De most stupendous mistake in de hull book am found in de words ob my tex—“De arf is de Lawd’s an’ de foolness deroff.” In dis yer tex’, my bredren, dere am a most important omission to be found. Dat omission ‘sists ob one sylabble only, but dar lies all de difference in de wo’ld. De proper rend’ring ob be tex’^sic and de only way de tex’ can hab any possible meaning in dese yer days is—“De arf is de landlawds’ and de foolness deroff.” De arf belongs to de landlawd, every bit of it, and de landlawd rents it out fo’ us po’ faderless chillen ob de Lawd to live on. No, my bredren, de Lawd don’t own a square inch ob land in Yurup nor Ameriky, as I know it b’longs to de landlawd, de speclater and de landgrabber, and dere ain’t nary an inch left fo’ de Lawd or His po’ human chillen. His po’ human chillen hab got to lib in ten’ment houses, thirteen families in a house, an’ ten ob a family in a ‘partment whar’ dere ain’t room to whip a cat in. Case why? “De arf is de landlawd’s,” its acres am his, and de Lawd’s po’ chillen may go hang. De landlawd’s wife and daughters distribute tracts among de po’ people, tryin to make em good, but yo don’t catch em ‘stributing de acres round. Ef dey would sling round de acres ’mong de po’ people like dey do tracts, de millennium would come afore dey had time to get into dere Sunday go-to-meetin’ close to celebrate it. And yet, belubed bredren, such is de wickedness ob human natur, dat some engrateful sperrits in dat dar crowd from de slums look all round and see all dat miles and miles ob empty land, and de debil puts it in dere heart to ax why is it dat it takes all dis land to hold one man and his chillen; an’ we an’ our chillen doan own not a cubic inch a piece, an’ den am piled up one on top ob de oder like coolies in de hold ob a slave ship—eh? Dey want to know if dis yere landlawd aint a human critter like dareselves, an’ ef we are all chillen ob de same parent, like de tracts say we am, why he gives all de house room to two or tree ob his chillen an lets de oder get so badly crowded up dat bof soul an’ body get mildewed. And dey wants to know, too, how dey calls dereselves followers ob Christ, when Christ didn’t own a single acre of land. To all dem dar absurd questions dere am but one answer, “De arf is de landlawds’ and de foolness dereoff.” It am a millioncholy fact but it am de troof, an’ dis am a pointer for de nex’ revision of de Holy scriptures. We will now sing de psalm, “De arf belongs unto de Lawd.” All de friends will please jine in and doan forget to tack on de missin syllable to de Lawd.

AN OPEN LETTER

What is Electricity?

At the close of an able address at Bath, England, Mr. W. H. Preece, after summarizing all the great achievements in the electrical domain, said: “It seems incredible that, having utilized this great power of nature to such a wide and general extent, we should be still in a state of mental fog as to the answer to be given to the simple question, What is electricity? The engineer and the physicist are completely at variance on this point. The engineer regards electricity, like heat, light and sound, as a definite form^sic of energy, something that he can measure and apply. The physicist—at least some physicist, for^sic it is difficult to find any two physicists that completely agree with each other—regard electricity as a peculiar form of matter permeating all space as well as all substances, together with the luminiferous ether which it permeates like a jelly [in?] a sponge. Conductors, according to this theory, are holes or pipes in this jelly, and electrical generators are pumps that transfer this hypothetical matter from one place to another. Other physicists, following Edlund, regard the ether and electricity as identical, and some, the disciples of Helmholtz, consider it as an integral constituent of nature, each molecule of matter having its own definite charge, which determines its attraction and its repulsion. All attempts to revive the Franklinian, or material, theory of electricity have, however, to be so loaded with assumptions and so weighted with contradictions that they completely fail to remove electricity from the region of the mysterious. It is already extremely difficult to conceive the existence of the ether itself as an infinitely thin, highly elastic medium filling all space, employed only as the vehicle of those undulatory motions that give us light and radiant heat. The material theory of electricity requires us to add to this another incomprehensible medium embedded or entangled in this ether, which is not only a medium for motion, but which is itself moved. The practical man, with his eye and his mind trained by the stern realities of daily experience, on a scale vast compared with that of the little world of the laboratory, revolts from such wild hypotheses, such unnecessary and inconceivable conceptions, such a travesty of the beautiful simplicity of nature. He has a clear conception of electricity as something which has a distant objective existence, which he can manufacture and sell, and something which the unphilosophic and ordi-

p. 7, col. 3 nary member of society can buy and use. The physicist asserts dogmatically: ‘Electricity may possibly be a form of matter—it is not a form of energy.’ The engineer says distinctly: ‘Electricity is a form of energy—it is not a form of matter; it obeys the two great developments of the present generation—the mechanical theory of heat and the doctrine of conservation of energy.’ There must be some cause for this strange difference of views. It is clear that the physicist and the engineer do not apply the term electricity to the same thing. The engineer’s electricity is a real form of energy; the speculative philosopher’s electricity is a vague subjective unreality which is only a mere factor of energy and is not energy itself. This factor, like force, gravity, life, must, at any rate for the present, remain unknowable. It is not known what force is; neither do we know what is matter or gravity. The metaphysician is even doubtful as regards time and space. Our knowledge of these things commences with a definition. The human mind is so unimpressionable, or language is so poor, that writers often cannot agree on a definition. The definition of energy is capacity for doing work. We practical men are quite content to start from this fiducial line and to affirm that our electricity is a something which has a capacity for doing work; it is a peculiar form of energy. The physicist may speculate as much as he pleases on the other side of this line.”—[Electrical World.

The Deepest Coal Mine In the World.

Age of Steel.

The Hasard colliery was opened in 1842 by M. d’Andrimont. The area of its concession is 4,170 acres. The colliery employs 961 workmen underground and 273 at the surface. Its output in 1886 was 232,742 tons. The seams worked vary from 2 feet to 4 feet 1 inch in thickness, and the coal is of a semi-bituminous character. A notable feature in the working of the mine is the use of the Plom and d’Andrimont excavator, an ingenious contrivance for increasing the useful effect of blasting. The shot-hole is drilled in the ordinary manner and the excavator is introduced, which hollows out a space at the back of the hole much greater than the diameter of the hole. This enlarged powder chamber is found to greatly increase the useful effect of blasting and also the proportion of round coal. It is used in six seams in the colliery, and has also been adopted at Lens, France. The coals are not brought to the surface of the shafts, but only to the level of 400 feet, whence an endless chain road, two miles long, extends to Bay Bonnet.

The Saint Andre du Poirier mine claims to be the deepest coal mine in the world. It has a royalty of 864 acres, and a yearly production of 200,000 to 250,000 tons. There are two coal-drawing shafts, the one 2,952 feet deep, the other 3,083 feet deep. The first shaft is being deepened to 3,149 feet. Each of the pits is ventilated by a Guibal fan working in a second shaft. A remarkable feature in the workings at these mines is the comparatively low temperature experienced. The maximum temperature is 75 degrees Fahr., and it is very often considerably lower; the air passing along the “face” is not warm. This tends to show that elevation of temperature is by no means the greatest obstacle in working very deep mines. The four seams worked at St. Andre vary from 1 foot 8 inches to 2 feet 7½ inches in thickness; the working faces are 50 feet wide. The daily output per underground workman is eighteen hundredweight. It seems that with an average selling price of 7s. 1½d. per ton, the mine makes a profit varying from 9½d. to 1s. 7d. per ton. This is striking testimony to the efficiency and economy with which the operations must be conducted. The daily output of the St. Andre shaft is from 300 to 350 tons. This is an old shaft, only 9 feet 10 inches in diameter; it has been sunk in several stages, as the upper seams became exhausted. It is provided with wooden guides, and six tubs are lifted at once. The winding is done with flat steel ropes of non-tapering action, weighing twenty pounds per yard. Ropes of the tapering action were formerly used, but were found liable to break at the change of the section. The ropes were wound on ordinary drums. The ascending speed is at least thirty-three feet per second, 120 tubs being lifted per hour. The engine is vertical, with two cylinders and 400 horse power.

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NEW PUBLICATIONS.

[Advertisement] Prang’s Art Publications

PRANG’S ART PUBLICATIONS.

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[Illustration: boxed engraving of six babies and small children seated in a row on rumpled bedding; no caption within the picture]

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Palette Colors—

Palette A, containing six colors with brush, 10 cents.

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Box No. 2, containing eight colors and brush, 25 cents.

Box No. 4, containing twelve colors and two brushes, 40 cents.

One box No. 2 of Prang’s non-poisonous colors and one package of Prang’s outline pictures (eight in a package with an extra copy of one of them painted by hand and full directions) 50 cents.

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[Advertisement] A Rare Opportunity. Portrait of Henry George in Colors

A RARE OPPORTUNITY.

PORTRAIT OF HENRY GEORGE IN COLORS.

Only One Dollar.

The man whose right principles and deep convictions have made the great movement for the single tax on land values thus far successful, must be dear to thousands who watch and approve his course.

But his features are not so familiar, and the esteem in which he is held has prompted many requests for the publication of his picture in worthy and permanent form.

Realizing this urgent demand, we beg to announce the publication of an entirely new and very striking portrait of

HENRY GEORGE.

It is in colors and is full life size, designed to be framed to an inside measurement of [17x22?] inches.

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DOCTOR M[c?]GLYNN

is offered at the same price, which is as near as possible to actual cost, to bring these pictures within the reach of all who desire to purchase.

Either picture will be sent, on receipt of price, by mail, post paid. Remittances may be made either by check, post office order, registered letter, or postal note.

L. PRANG & CO., ART PUBLISHERS,

Boston, Mass.

NEW YORK—[38?] Bond street.

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A descriptive list of Christmas and New Year cards, novelties, booklets and satin art prints sent on application.

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p. 7, col. 5

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

[Advertisement] Belford’s Magazine

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE.

Edited by Donn Piatt.

BELFORD’S MAGAZINE, published monthly, is devoted to politics, fiction, poetry, general literature, science and art.

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David A. Welles^sic, | Gen. H. V. Boynton, Hon. Frank H. Hurd, | Sarah B. M. Piatt, Prof. W. G. Sumner, | Edgar Fawcett, J. S. Moore (Parsee Merchant), | Joel Benton, Hon. John G. Carlisle, | Ella Wheeler Wilcox, Henry Watterson, | Rev. George Lorimer, Henry George, | E. Heron-Allen, Julian Hawthorne, | Coates-Kinney, Edgar Saltus, | James Witcomb Riley^sic, John James Piatt, | Soule Smith (“Falcon”), Thos. G. Shearman, | Gertrude Garrison.

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[Advertisement] Tariff Books

TARIFF BOOKS.

THE TARIFF ON IMPORTS INTO THE UNITED STATES, AND THE FREE LIST,

As contained in act of March 3, 1883; also the Hawaiian Reciprocity Treaty, and extracts from the Navigation and Oleomargarine acts. Indexed. 12mo. Paper covers, 25 cents.

A most useful book. In a moment you can find the exact tax on any article imported into the United States, and the names of everything on the free list. Invaluable to editors and all interested in the great tariff question now so freely discussed.

AN APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AS A JURY.

SPEECHES ON THE TARIFF delivered in the House of Representatives in the great debate, April 17—May 19, 1888.

SPECIALLY SELECTED FROM BOTH SIDES.

Carefully revised and published by authority. Compiled by William G. Terrell. Large 12mo. cloth, $1; paper, 50 cents.

The following is a list of the names of the honorable gentlemen whose speeches are printed in the work:

Hon. Mr. Mills of Texas. Hon. Mr. Kelley of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania. Hon. Mr. Wilson of West Virginia. Hon. Mr. McKinley of Ohio. Hon. Mr. McMillin of Tennessee. Hon. Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Hon. Mr. Cox of New York. Hon. Mr. Burrows of Michigan. Hon. Mr. Reed of Maine. Hon. Mr. Carlisle of Kentucky.

Special editions of not less than 2,000 copies for campaign purposes made at greatly reduced prices. If required, all the republican speeches can be had in a separate volume, or all the democratic ones likewise.

THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF: WHAT IT DOES FOR US.

BY GENERAL HERMANN LIEB.

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THE PRESS UNANIMOUS IN ITS PRAISE.

This book shows the practical effect of the protective system upon the country. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature of the book is its exact alignment with the message of President Cleveland. But for the fact that the General’s work was in print before the message was made public, it might be supposed he had written it to defend the president’s position on the tariff.

The position of Mr. Blaine’s “Twenty Years in Congress” is taken up, his assertions upon the tariff are analyzed, criticised and made to furnish their own refutation.

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OLD MAN GILBERT.

By Elizabeth W. Bellamy.

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WHAT DREAMS MAY COME.

A Romance by Frank Lin.

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WHY WAS IT?

A Novel. By Lewis Benjamin.

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The scenes are laid in Washington, California and the new West. The incidents at the Capital are true to life, and deeply interesting. The descriptions, especially the war scenes and scenes in the West, are very clear and graphic, and in parts very beautiful. Each dramatic climax is well brought about, and the tone and sentiment is pure throughout. Whoever reads the first chapters of this book will read it to the end, and the publishers believe that it will be warmly welcomed by a very large class of readers.

MARIE, A SEASIDE EPISODE.

By J. P. Ritter, Jr. With Illustrations by Coultaus.

Cloth, $1. Paper Covers, 50 cents.

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EDEN.

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p. 7, col. 6

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

[Advertisement] Own a Single Tax Paper

OWN A SINGLE TAX PAPER. MUCH effective work in and after the campaign can be done by the publication of a local paper. We can furnish [500?] [20?]-column papers, containing much free trade single tax matter, for $2.50 per issue. These will be headed and dated at any village or city. At a little extra expense items of local interest, making points against local opponents, will be inserted. The publisher will have complete control over his own paper; he can insert in it any reading matter or advertisements he pleases, collecting his own pay for subscriptions, sales and advertising. All we have to do with the plan is to furnish the work from a central office and divide the expense among the publishers. These papers can be entered at local post offices as second class matter, and can then be mailed at a cost of four cents per [100?] copies for postage. This is a very important item for clubs and groups to consider. Samples free. Write for fuller information to

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[Advertisement] Henry George’s Works

HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

PROGRESS AND POVERTY.

An Inquiry Into the Cause of Industrial Depression and of Increase of Want With Increase of Wealth—The Remedy.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

[25?] pages.

Cloth, $1.00. Paper covers, 35 cents.

Half calf or half morocco, $2.50.

SOCIAL PROBLEMS.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

342 pages.

Cloth, $1.00. Paper covers, 35 cents.

Half calf or half morocco, $2.50.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE?

An Examination of the Tariff Question with Especial Regard to the Interests of Labor.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

Cloth, $1.50. Paper covers, 35 cents.

Half calf or half morocco, [$3.00?].

THE LAND QUESTION.

What It Involves, and How Alone It Can Be Settled.

BY HENRY GEORGE.

87 pages.

Paper covers, 10 cents.

PROPERTY IN LAND.

A Passage-at-Arms Between the Duke of Argyll and Henry George.

77 pages.

Paper covers, 15 cents.

FORTSCHRITT AND ARMUTH^sic.

(Progress and Poverty in German.)

TRANSLATION OF C. D. F. GUTSCHOW.

430 pages.

Paper covers, 35 cents.

For sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid on receipt of price. Foreign editions of these books imported on order.

HENRY GEORGE, 12 Union square, New York.

[Advertisement] Land and Labor Library

LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY

The following is a list of tracts in print:

1. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
2. Land and Taxation. David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages.
3. Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pp.
4. A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty. Hugh O. Pentecost. 2 pages.
5. A Sum in Proportion. T. L. McCready. 2 pages.
6. Settler’s Nightmare. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
7. New York’s Docks. J. W. Sullivan. 4 pages.
8. Unemployed Labor. Henry George. 4 pages.
9. Mysterious Disappearance. Lewis Freeland. 6 pp.
10. How to Increase Profits. A. J. Steers. 2 pages.
11. The American Farmer. Henry George. 4 pages.
12. Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
13. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
14. Only a Dream. Abner C. Thomas. 4 pages.
15. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pp.
16. My Landlord. John Jones. 4 pages.
17. “Thou Shalt Not Steal.” Henry George. 8 pages.
18. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington. 4 pp.
19. Poverty and Christianity. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pages.
20. The Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
21. Religion vs. Robbery. Rev. Dr. McGlynn. 8 pages.
22. Back to the Land. Bishop Nulty. 16 pages.
23. Anti-slavery and Anti-poverty. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pp.
24. Tenement House Morality. J. O. S. Huntington. 4 pp. [30?]. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.
25. Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson, with answers by Henry George. 2 pages.
26. Objections to the Land Tax. Thos. G. Shearman. 4 pp.
27. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
28. Horse Sense. W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages.
29. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. [8?] pages.
30. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages.
31. What We Want. Everett Glackin, ex-president Typographical union No. 6. 2 pages.
32. How John’s Father Saw the Light. W. C. Woods. 2 pp.
33. The Distribution of Wealth. T. G. Shearman. 16 pp.
34. Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers. Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages.
35. What the United Labor Party Want. Henry George. 2 pages.
36. Stories for Farmers. 4 pages.
37. Electoral Reform. A. T. Rice. 4 pages.
38. A Practical Illustration. Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages.
39. Hints as to What You Can Do. Henry George. 4 pp.
40. To a Bookkeeper. Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages.
41. A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms. Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages.
42. A Piece of Land. The late Francis G. Shaw. 2 pp.
43. The Tax on Buildings. William T. Croasdale. 8 pp.
44. My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man. William McCabe. 4 pages.
45. Election Reform. Louis F. Post. 12 pages.
46. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages.
47. The Single Tax in Canada. 2 pages. [83?]. The Onward March. William Lloyd Garrison. 4 pp.
48. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages.
49. A Catechism. D. A. 46. 2 pages.
50. The Onward March. William Lloyd Garrison. 4 pp.
51. Jefferson and Hamilton. Chauncey F. Black. 8 pp.

GERMAN TRACTS.

42. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
43. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
44. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. [8?] pages.
45. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer of Henry, Ill. 4 pages.
46. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. [8?] pages.
47. Sailors’ Snug Harbor. Wm. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.

SWEDISH.

52. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.

TARIFF TRACTS.

57. Protection as a Universal Need. Henry George. 4 pages.
58. The Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages.
59. American Protection and British Free Trade. Henry George. 4 pages.
60. Protection and Wages. Henry George. 8 pages.
61. The Common Sense of the Tariff Question. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
62. Protection the Friend of Labor? Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
63. A Short Tariff History. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.
64. Plain Talk to Protectionists. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.
65. An Address to Workingmen on the Tariff Question. Henry George. 4 pages. [89?]. Protection, the Enemy of Wages. Thomas G. Shearman. 4 pages.

A set of these Tracts will be sent to any address for ten cents.

Prices, free by mail: 2-page tracts—50 copies, 10 cents; 100 copies, 15 cents; 1,000 copies, $1; 5,000 copies, $4.25.

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Twelve-page tract—25 copies, 30 cents; 100 copies, 75 cents; 1,000 copies, $6; 5,000 copies, $25.50.

Sixteen-page tracts—25 copies, 40 cents; 100 copies, $1; 1,000 copies, $8; 5,000 copies, $34.

A special selection, comprising thirty or more of the most popular tracts, will be sent for [20?] cents.

Other numbers in preparation.

Address THE STANDARD,

12 Union square, New York city.

[Advertisement] The Tariff Question

THE TARIFF QUESTION.

PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE? by Henry George; paper, 35 cents.

THE EXISTING TARIFF fully indexed so that the rate on each article can readily be found, 25 cents.

LEADING SPEECHES ON THE MILLS BILL, containing the speeches of Mills of Texas, McMillan of Tennessee^sic, Wilson of West Virginia, Scott of Pennsylvania, Cox of New York and Carlisle of Kentucky on the democratic side, and Reed of Maine, McKinley of Ohio, Burrows of Michigan, Butterworth of Ohio and Kelley of Pennsylvania on the republican side: 50 cents.

Sent, postage paid, on receipt of price, or

THE THREE BOOKS FOR ONE DOLLAR.

PUBLISHER STANDARD,

12 Union Square, New York.

CURRENT THOUGHT.

Mr. Edward Atkinson is a man who is full of surprises. His thought channels run in curves and angles that make any comprehensive view of his theories impossible. When you think you have seen the whole of him, behold! around the corner a fresh vista of Atkinsonian philosophy opens up, and the consideration of his case must be commenced afresh.

In the issue of Bradstreet’s for November 3, Mr. Atkinson, replying to a previously published communication of Mr. Samuel M. Hyneman, discusses very briefly the question of the single tax, and points out what, in his opinion, are the chief objections to it.

In the first place, Mr. Atkinson is puzzled to know how the tax on land values is to be assessed. For if the whole—or anything like the whole—rental value of the bare land is to be taken in taxation, evidently the rental value will be extinguished—there would be no more rental value. And if there is no more rental value how on earth are you going to lay a tax on it? It is a problem something like that which puzzled the Dutch grocer, when his customer first ordered a pound of crackers, then exchanged them for some cheese, and then refused to pay for the crackers, on the ground that he hadn’t kept them, or for the cheese, on the ground that he had given the crackers for it. Here is what Mr. Atkinson says:

What I desire to see put in the form of an act of legislation is the method by which the assessors may be able to ascertain or determine what is the rental value under such conditions. The act of legislation must provide for this. If the land is subject to a tax equal to ninety-five per cent of its rental value, how could it possess any value either for sale or purchase, and how is its rental value then to be determined, and by whom? If land is to yield no rent for occupancy and use, who would occupy or use or pay rental taxes upon it? The land itself possesses no value—it only attains value when labor and capital are applied to its use and occupancy. What is the rental value of land and how is it to be determined except in connection with, or in proportion to the capital or labor applied to its use? In what proportion and in what way would capital or labor be applied to the use of land which in itself possesses no value under a system by which ninety-five per cent of the value which would be imparted to the land by the application of labor and capital, one or both, would be converted over to the use of the state? Would not this system merely convert the state into a landlord and impose upon the assessors the duty of bargaining for perpetual leases? What else could be the effect? Who would then become the boss landlord and what would be the condition of the civil service?

It is only fair to assume that Mr. Atkinson means what he says. We are forced to believe, therefore, that he really thinks that “land only attains value when labor and capital are applied to its use and occupancy;” and that the rental value of land cannot be determined except in connection with the capital and labor applied to its use. We may be excused for wondering at his ignorance, but common courtesy requires that we should attach due credit to his confession, and believe that he really is ignorant, and not making believe.

Yet if Mr. Atkinson will start from his home in Boston and travel a few hours in almost any direction not leading out to sea he will find ample reason to change his belief. For in whatever direction he may go he will find pieces of land to whose use and occupancy no labor or capital has been applied—land which is absolutely unoccupied, absolutely unproductive, which might be swept out of existence, were such a thing possible, without reducing the wealth of the community by so much as an egg shell, and yet which has a very considerable value, And if he will^sic inquire among the buyers and sellers of land what it is that gives that land its value, he will learn that it is simply and altogether the desire of a number of men to enjoy the privilege of applying labor and capital to it. This is the value, created altogether by competition for the use of natural opportunities, and not by any application of labor or capital or both, which, under the name of “land value,” it is proposed to take for public use by the single tax. As for “the value which would be imparted to the land by the application of labor and capital,” the single tax would leave that altogether untouched. It belongs of right to the men who create it; and the crying evil of the present system of taxation is that by confiscating a portion of this value it inflicts a penalty on industry and enterprise.

And if Mr. Atkinson will consult any experienced real estate broker he will learn that there is not the slightest difficulty in determining these land values with quite sufficient accuracy. When a house and lot is sold, nothing is easier than to determine how much of the purchase money represents the house and how much the mere advantage of location. When a coal mine is purchased it is easy to separate the shafts, headings, machinery, timbers and other products of human industry from the value of the natural opportunity which the single tax would absorb. An oil well has a value of location altogether apart and easily distinguishable from the value of the tubing, pumps, etc., used in operating it. When, as often happens, these land values are collected from the user or occupier of land by the landlord, they are determined with sufficient ease. It will be just as easy to determine them when they are taken by the state in the form of a tax.

Mr. Atkinson’s fear lest the single tax system should convert the state into a landlord springs naturally from his confusion of thought about land values. Strictly speaking the state is the universal landlord to-day. It would be the universal landlord in the same sense, and in no other, were the single tax in full operation. So far from the system leading to the development of a “boss landlord,” it would have precisely the opposite effect. For it would be impossible for any man to gain anything merely by holding land, or by permitting others to use it. To make a profit by landholding the landowner would have to use his land by applying labor and capital to it.

But the dread that the imposition of a p. 8, col. 2 tax on land values should in some back-action sort of way defeat its own object by rendering the assessment of land values impossible, is by no means the whole of Mr. Atkinson’s objection to the single tax. He goes on in this fashion:

It has been supposed by most persons who have examined the proposition that the benefit to the community was expected to consist in compelling the landholders, or those who might take conditional possession of the land under this system for permanent occupation, in some way to pay all the taxes without recourse to others; that in this way the masses of the people would be relieved from any contribution whatever to the taxes, and that therefore a prime cause of poverty might be abated. . . .

The point which I desire to bring out is this: What would be the effect upon people of moderate means of making land the sole instrumentality for distribating^sic the taxes? So far as I have been able to apply this theory it has appeared to me that while the taxes might be secured with less cost and with greater economy than by any other possible method, they would be as surely, or more surely, distributed in ratio to consumption than in any other way. But the limited possession of land under such conditions would render it almost necessary that nearly all land should be held by large capitalists who could afford to advance the taxes of each year in anticipation of their recovery from the annual product, since all profits, interest, rents, wages, earnings and taxes are and must be in the nature of things derived from the product of each series of four seasons—i. e., from the annual product.

In the beginning of his letter Mr. Atkinson remarks of the single tax doctrine, that “the proposal is entitled to respectful consideration, and has received it from me.” It is hardly conceivable that he has “respectfully considered” so important and radical a doctrine without a least reading^sic THE STANDARD literature of the subject. Yet it is certain that neither from the pages of “Progress and Poverty,” nor from the columns of THE STANDARD, nor from any speeches or writings of the leaders of the movement, can he have derived the idea that the object of the single tax is to relieve the masses of the people “from any contribution whatever to the taxes” by compelling a few of the people to pay them. Such a nonsensical theory would be entitled to very little “respectful consideration,” and would certainly never have received the support of thinking men.

Mr. Atkinson’s experience of the cotton spinning industry must have taught him that it makes a great deal of difference in the prosperity of a mill whether it is located in one place or in another. A mill in Fall River will have greater efficiency of production than one in the middle of a Maine forest, with nothing but a wagon road connecting it with civilization. The Fall River mill can get its raw material and distribute its product with the minimum of expense. It has easy and cheap communication with the New York market. Its machinery and fuel can be brought by water to its very doors. It can avail itself quickly of any favorable change in prices. It can secure additional workmen when it needs them with the smallest possible delay. There may be more advantageous locations for a cotton mill than Fall River; but for the purpose of illustration we may assume that the Fall River mill can produce cotton goods with the maximum of economy.

But the area of Fall River is limited. Only a certain number of mills can be located there. More than this, within Fall River itself some locations are better than others, because of easisr^sic access to the water front, or for some other reason. Hence arises among the owners of cotton mills a competition for the privilege of locating at Fall River, and in the most advantageous part of the city. By the friction of this competition Fall River land—that is, the privilege of building a mill at Fall River—acquires value. This value is economic rent, and its measure is the advantage which the owner of a mill in Fall River has in efficiency of production over the owner of a mill at the place of least efficiency of production. There are plenty of places where a mill owner can secure the privilege of building for nothing. If, at the most advantageous of such places, a mill owner can secure a yearly profit of ten, whereas in Fall River, by the employment of the same capital, he can secure a yearly profit of twenty, then the economic rent of the land in Fall River necessary for the erection and operation of his mill will be ten. If the disparity increases, economic rent in Fall River will rise; if it diminishes economic rent will fall. The actual rental value of Fall River land will not, of course, adjust itself with absolute accuracy to this standard. But it will constantly tend to do so and will never vary very far from it.

This economic rent is not a tax upon production. On the contrary, it is the measure of an increase of production, brought about, not by anything the Fall River mill owner has done or can do, but by the utilization of a natural opportunity. There is more cotton cloth produced with the same expenditure of labor, because of Fall River’s harbor, and other advantages of location. Were an earthquake to render Narragansett bay unnavigable, economic rent in Fall River would become less. But that would not mean the lifting of a tax from production. For, other things remaining equal, the destruction of Fall River’s harbor would make the production of cotton cloth more difficult and tend to raise its price.

Now the doctrine of the single tax is simply this: That this increase of production, being due entirely to natural advantages which belong by right to the whole people in common, ought to be taken for the benefit of the whole people. The increase of production falls naturally into the hands of the men who control the natural opportunities—the landowners. The single tax will compel the landowners to hand it over to its proper beneficiaries, the people in common. The single tax will lay no burden upon anybody, whether producer or consumer. It will simply take for public use the increase of production which properly belongs to the public. If Mr. Atkinson will think this out he will modify his views about taxation very materially.

But the securing to the community of the wealth of which it now is robbed will p. 8, col. 3 be by no means the chief benefit of the single tax. Its work will be vastly greater. It will compel every man who, by virtue of a paper title, forbids his fellow men to utilize any natural opportunity to pay to the community the full measure of the increase of production that would result from the using of that opportunity, whether he himself makes use of it or not. The Fall River citizen who builds a fence around a vacant piece of land and looks to gain a fortune by compelling some mill owner to pay him for the privilege of using it, will either have to pull his fence down and build a cotton mill himself mighty sudden or make a present of his land to some one else who will. For year by year Fall River citizens will exact from him the full value of the increased production that would result if that vacant lot were properly utilized, and the longer he might hold it idle the worse off he would be. And what would happen in Fall River would happen everywhere else throughout the country. Every acre of coal or mineral land would either be utilized by the application of labor and capital or left free for labor to exert itself upon at will. Millions upon millions of idle acres from which men are now fenced out by speculators would be thrown open for whoso would occupy them. No able-bodied man would have an excuse for idleness. Competition among employers would take the place of competition among laborers, The measure of wages^sic would be the earnings of a free man applying his labor to natural opportunity. And with constant employment assured and industry relieved of its present crushing burden of taxation, poverty would vanish and wealth be within the reach of any man willing to work for it.

As for Mr. Atkinson’s idea that nearly all the land would have to be held by capitalists who could afford to advance the taxes, he will himself see how nonsensical it is, if he will consider what goes before. Taxes can be collected in arrear as well as in advance. Even should it be thought necessary to collect each year’s taxes on the first of January, bankers could probably be found to make the necessary advances. But as a matter of fact the greater part of the land of the United States would be absolutely tax free and open to the use of the first comer. Sixty millions of people would not crowd the state of Texas, let alone the whole of our vast domain.

Electoral Reform in Indiana—A Suggestion About Single Tax Placards.

EVANSVILLE, Ind., Nov. 10.—Could you send me by return mail a copy of the Saxton electoral reform bill? Such wholesale frauds were perpetrated here on Tuesday that people are aroused to the necessity of reform. I wish a copy of the Saxton bill for the use of our senators and representatives in the state legislature, and also for the editors of two of our daily papers who wish to write the subject up.

The sentiment in favor of free trade is stronger now than before the election. Democrats admit that their only course is to go forward.

I see nothing in this defeat to discourage single tax men. We must continue the work of education. During the campaign pictures of Cleveland and Harrison were to be seen everywhere. This suggests an idea. Why could we single tax men not have some appropriate mottoes which in a few words would contain the essence of our doctrines printed upon cards. These cards if neatly printed could be framed and hung up in our homes, offices or workshops, or hung in our windows, and thus proclaim our principles to the world. They would set people to thinking. The following are some mottoes I would suggest:

[Boxed in dotted rule:] OUR PLATFORM: FREE TRADE, FREE LAND, FREE MEN.

[Boxed in dotted rule:] ABOLISH ALL TAXES SAVE A SINGLE TAX ON LAND VALUES.

[Boxed in dotted rule:] NO TAX ON LABOR OR THE PRODUCTS OF LABOR.

Many of the short, pithy sentences from “Progress and Poverty” could be used as mottoes.

CHARLES G. BENNET, 427 Upper Third st.

Other Clubs Should Do This.

The Henry George club of Philadelphia presented the following interrogatories to the candidates for the legislature from that city:

1. Are you in favor of abolishing the poll tax?

2. Are you in favor of abolishing all taxes on personal property?

3. Are you in favor of reducing and gradually abolishing all taxes on improvements?

4. Are you in favor of raising public revenues by increasing the present taxes upon land values?

We also desire to know whether you are in favor of what is know as^sic the Australian system of voting, the main features of which are:

1. An absolutely secret ballot, which prevents bribery and intimidation.

2. The printing of the ballots at the public expense.

Respectfully, O. F. ROLLER, Recording Secretary.

Replies were received from E. G. Schmidt and Lawrence F. Flick. Flick dodged the leading questions, but Schmidt answered every one of them in the affirmative like a man. The same questions were propounded to Alfred C. Harmer, republican candidate for congress, who has just been elected by over 6,000 majority. His manly answer was:

While your letter refers to the actions of those who may become members of our state legislature, I have no hesitation in saying that in my opinion the poll and personal taxes should be abolished, and taxes on realty should be readjusted in the line you suggest. I am fully in accord with the views presented in relation to the ballot. Very faithfully yours,

A. C. HARMER.

Wants a Single Tax Party.

NEW YORK, Nov. 11.—I do not share in the affection shown for the defeated presidential candidate by many of our friends; in voting for him I swallowed the biggest and bitterest political pill that ever fell to the lot of any man; it is true that when one has “seen the cat” in its fullness he can otherwise be easily handled, but why should we hereafter be handicapped? Why should there be a chance for a belief that we are allied to any “lost cause” or dead issue? I for one am for a clean single tax party, headed by the purest, ablest and best man in the nation, our only leader.

PHILO ORANGE SOPER.

To Make the Single Tax as Well Known as Santa Claus.

ST. LOUIS, Mo.—In regard to the single tax bulletin board, which you will remember was supplied by single tax friends here through a letter of mine to THE STANDARD—it has proved of much use and is worthy the trial p. 8, col. 4 of every single tax man who has the opportunity and the courage to do it. The board has been in place now over a week and all the papers and tracts you sent me, in addition to a bundle of papers and tracts which some kind friend sent me, and for which I here take occasion to thank him, have nearly all gone—taken mostly by men going and coming from work. You will remember that the board has painted on it in good sized letters:

SINGLE TAX BULLETIN BOARD.

FOOD FOR THOUGHT FREE.

This catches the eye of the average man, and in most cases interests him sufficiently to induce him to stop and take a paper or a tract with a word from me as often as possible to let us know what he thinks about it.

I am fully satisfied that if there were a dozen or two such boards around this town the single tax would become as well known by Christmas time as Santa Claus. Even the children passing my window ask one another, “What is the single tax?”

It is the intention of the friends of this “spread the light” bulletin board to form clubs wherever and whenever they can obtain the means. Our friends elsewhere should adopt this idea. It is a good one. Come, now, who will do as I have done here? Let me hear from you through THE STANDARD.

ALEXANDER VEITCH.

Cheering News From the Northwest.

CHICAGO, Nov. 7.—We have won a victory. “Nominate Hill and he will knife you,” warned THE STANDARD. The result has shown the democrats here the truth of your position. “Make the fight straight and you will win,” said THE STANDARD. In New York a cowardly policy placed Hill, the demagogue and protectionist, to the front and George, Shearman, Post and the others of our leaders at the rear, and the result was a deserved defeat.

Illinois made the fight against the theory of protection—struck at the root of the accursed evil—and the sure state of the west has waited twenty-four hours in the vain attempt to decide who is to be governor.

In New York democratic audiences were treated to a defense of the protection idea—and you could not be allowed to stand upon a democratic platform. In Illinois the main representatives of the tariff reform league and the speakers most in demand all over the state were members of the single tax club. C. I. Darron^sic and John Z. White made no appeal in behalf of the fetich of protection. They attacked the monster itself—and the result shows the difference between cowardice and courage.

In my judgment the democrats of the west will assert their manhood. They have seen the light, and they will not bow down to the defenders of the monopolists. The west is awake to the issue, and never in all my political life have I seen such bright promise of substantial progress as I do to-day. There are no dark clouds over my political horizon. The skirmish has been nobly fought; seed has been sown this year that will yield full crops of earnest radical reformers.

CLINTON FURBISH.

John Sherman Tells How the Workingmen of Ohio Voted and Why?

When asked by a correspondent of the Cincinnati Enquirer how he accounted for the democratic gains in many manufacturing centers of Ohio, such as Cleveland and Springfield, Senator Sherman replied:

Too many workingmen regard capital as the enemy of labor, and reach the illogical conclusion that protection benefits their employers while it does not benefit them, and actuated by a feeling of hostility, and further deceived by the seemingly plausible cry of cheaper goods, they are led into opposition to what they believe accrues only to the benefit of their employers. It is quite possible that a casting of a greater bulk of the labor vote with the democracy may have caused the apparent decrease in the republican plurality in Ohio this year.

Tom L. Johnson’s Magnificent Canvass.

Cleveland Plain Dealer.

Cleveland is essentially a manufacturing district and an iron manufacturing district at that; consequently so far as selfish proprietary interests are concerned it might justly be expected to be extremely sensitive on the question of so called protection. The merits of high and low tariff and absolute free trade have been faithfully discussed through the press, on the stump, by the fireside, in the street and everywhere until every intelligent man has had a fair opportunity to weigh the arguments on both sides—in fact he could not very well avoid informing himself, in a measure, at least, for what was not dinned into his ears or put under his eyes by his daily newspaper was thrust into his mail or put into his hand or left at his door in the shape of printed matter disseminated by party committees, the free trade club and, more industriously than by all other agencies combined, the Western reserve protective tariff league. So that no voter can say that he did not vote understandingly. When Mr. Tom L. Johnson was nominated by the democrats he was known to be a free trader in opinion and said so in his letter of acceptance, although he added that he is aware that free trade is not in present issue^sic. The republicans and the protective tariff league, and a considerable number of interested manufacturers who employ large numbers of men, lost no opportunity to impress it upon the public mind that Mr. Johnson is a free trader. They went still further and insisted that he is a disciple of Henry George and would take their homes away from workingmen. It was proclaimed on the street corners that the question of the tariff is a question of wages. Everything which a desperate ingenuity could invent was pressed into service to win votes for Burton, prodigal expenditure of money and coercion of employes included. All this was heaped upon the pressure of a presidential year.

One year ago Foraker carried the wards and townships in the Twenty-first district by 2,314 plurality over Powell. Burton has a meager 500 where 5,000 was hoped for. The war cry of the republicans and “political business men” was, “Bury the free trade monster out of sight!”

Most significant of all is the fact that Johnson carried the city precincts of the district by about 300, where Foraker’s plurality was 1,600.

It should be remembered in this connection that substantially all the manufacturing concerns affected by the tariff are within the city limits. Add to this the 500 democratic plurality in the city precincts of the Twentieth district and it will be found, to the discomfiture of the Chinese wall tariff advocates here and elsewhere that the great iron manufacturing city of Cleveland, with her blast furnaces, rolling mills, steel works, wire works and her thousands of other extensive mnnufacturing^sic enterprises directly or indirectly interested in iron from the ore to the finished product—this presumed high protective tariff city has actually given a plurality of about 800 in 42,000 votes for revenue and tariff reduction on candidates for congress—a body which has the sole power of imposing, changing or removing the tariff—and one of those candidates was proclaimed as a free trader.

This verdict of the far-famed manufacturing city of Cleveland should be a beacon light to statesmen of the United States and should strike the scales from the eyes of disinterested but misled sympathetic citizens in other districts. The result of the vote on candidates for congress in this city is the logic of experience and the judgment of intelligent consideration by voters most directly affected and consequently best informed on the bearings of the issue involved.

The Plain Dealer takes justifiable pride in pointing to its own efforts in behalf of the p. 8, col. 5

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[continued from column 4: Tom L. Johnson’s Magnificent Canvass] cause which the voters of this city have approved at the ballot box in spite of extraordinary influences exerted to prevent such a verdict.

Torm.

Sarah A. Peple in Century for October.

De’r law! Sis’ Jane, ef dat ain’t you! Come in an’ tek a cheer; I ain’t sot eyes upon yo’ face Sence hawg-killin’ time las’ year. Lemme dus’ it wid my ap’on, ‘kase I’s ’feared yo’ll spile yo’ dress; We’s kinder late dis mornin’, an’ T’ings is all in a mess.

Heah, Jim! bring mammy a tu’n er wood. (Yo’ dad des sont a load^sic.) Lize! fetch some water from de spring— (Nigger, doan’ brek dat gode!) How’s all yo’ folks? Well? Dat is good; An’ we all des is prime. I’m gwine to tell yo’ ’bout Torm’s ga[l?] Ef yo’ll dess gimme time.

Yer see, Torm’s gone an’ ‘gage heself Ter a likely gal—but min’, She ain’t no yaller nigger, mun! She’s de molliglassy (1) kine, Des ‘bout de culler ob gingerbread— Sis’ Jane! whot’s de motter wid you! Yo’ face ‘bout as long as two o’ my [arms?] An’ yo’ lips is fa’rly blue.

How’s Torm, yo’ say, Sis’ Jane? How’s Torm? Why, my Torm, he’s all right; He went to see his Sylvie walk De cake-walk des las’ night— Bad news? I spec dat shote o’ mine Done hang in de bobby cue (2) fence; Lize druv him out a while ago, An’ he hain’t nuvver come back sence.

Bad news ‘bout Torm? Go ’way, Sis’ Jane! ‘Tain’ nothin’ happen to Torm; He’s haulin’ railroad sills to-day Down on ole marster’s farm. De railroad!—dat wuz hit, yer say! De railroad danejus place!— Tell me de gospel troof, Sis’ Jane! I sees death in yo’ face.

De train come tyarrin’ ‘long, yer say, An’ Torm cyarn’t hol’ de hoss; De injine shriek so furous^sic dat He r’ar an’ pitch an’ toss, An’ th’ow Torm out, an’ den de wheels Des strek him on de hade? An’ now you’s tryin’ ter splain ter me Dat my boy Torm—is dade?

‘Tain’ while to tell me dat, Sis’ Jane! Torm cuddent die ‘fore me. Heish! what’s dat rumblin’ ‘long de road? Dey’s bringin’ him—home—ter me? Lawd Jesus! come hyar to me now An’ tell me what I done! De Lawd hab mussy upon me! O Torm! my son, my son!

1. By some called [moligasker?], supposed to be a corruption of Madagascar.

2. Barbed wire fence.

We Shall Have the “Post” Advocating the Single Tax Next.

New York Evening Post Nov. 10.

The impudence of the copper syndicate passes all bounds. They have now taken contracts with all the American companies for their supply for ten or twelve years, for the purpose of restricting production and putting up or holding up the price of a necessary article of modern civilization. We advise them to have a care. When the particulars of the English salt trust became matters of public notoriety a few weeks ago, the London Economist, the organ and mouthpiece of conservatism in British finance, declared bluntly that parliament would not allow any portion of the soil of Great Britain to be monopolized to the injury of society. It reminded these salt monopolists that land titles in the United Kingdom had been inquired into, and contracts respecting the use of land set aside for less reason than appeared to exist for inquiring into the uses of the Chester salt mines. In other words, it invoked the eldest principle of law regarding real property, viz., that the title of the state is paramount to all others, and that the ownership and use of land are subject to the scrutiny of the sovereign power at all times. Now we advise the copper syndicate to bear in mind that the English law of real property is the American law also.

How is This for Pennsylvania Miners?

Mauch Chunk Democrat.

Several years ago, at Philadelphia, an esteemed friend expressed surprise that the Mauch Chunk Democrat would dare come out openly and emphatically against the high protective tariff, being located in one of the leading and most highly protected industries of the country—iron and coal? We answered our friend that in just such industrial regions as ours the high tariff system is most outrageous and ruinous to the business and labor interests, and that when the people come to understand the subject they will give tariff modification and reform their cordial support; and that is the reason why the Democrat has planted itself squarely on the side of truth.

Now, what is the result—as far as heard from? The great anthracite region of America consists of the counties of Carbon, Columbia, Lackawanna, Luzerne, Northumberland and Schuylkill, and in 1884 they gave Blaine a majority of 2,446. In 1888, after the agitation, the same counties gave 4,600 majority for Cleveland, being a clear democratic gain for tariff reform of 7,000. But this is only a beginning! It is an eye opener!

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[Advertisement] Are You Ruptured? (Frink’s Rupture Remedy)

ARE YOU RUPTURED? [Display heading set as large R U P T U R E D with “ARE” and “YOU” in small type above the letters]

That is the question. Are you ruptured? If so, use FRINK’S RUPTURE REMEDY, the only quick, safe, sure and permanent cure for hernia (breach) or rupture. This great remedy has cured many persons every year for the last twenty years, and they have stayed cured. It cures by penetrating through the pores of the skin and building up and strengthening the abdominal wall, at the same time closing the hernial opening. The Remedy is generally used in connection with a truss. Children in arms are cured by the remedy alone without the aid of a truss. Soreness caused by chafing or pressure of truss pads, relieved immediately. The pressure can be relaxed gradually and the truss abandoned altogether in six to eight weeks. Price of Remedy, sufficient to cure an ordinary case, $5; sample package, containing enough to show good effect, $1. Sent by mail, postpaid, upon receipt of price. Full directions accompany each package. O. FRINK, sole proprietor, 2[3?]4 Broadway, New York. (Opposite the post office.)

[Advertisement] James Bogan

JAMES BOGAN, PRINCIPAL AGENT for James Means’ $3 and $4 shoes. 226 BOWERY, near Prince street.