November 24, 1888 Vol. IV, No. 21Whole No. 99

THE STANDARD

NO. 99–VOL. IV, NO. 21. | NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1888. | FIVE CENTS

[Subscriber’s address label, printed upside down, pasted beside the dateline: “1[0?]4 Dr Walter / Mendelson 16[7?] / 179 w 74th st”]

p. 1, col. 1 “The Standard” is sent this week to a number of persons whose friends have paid to have the paper forwarded to them for four weeks in the hope that they may be induced to read it, examine the principles it advocates and become regular subscribers. Those who receive the paper without having ordered it will understand that it has been sent in this manner and will be sent for four successive weeks without charge to them.

Terms of subscription will be found on the fourth page.

Subscribers of the “Chicago Enquirer” will receive “The Standard” until the expiration of their terms of subscription to that paper.

PLENTY OF MONEY TO BE HAD.

In such a cause as that of the liquor dealer, the raising of money is not difficult. During the past election there was a meeting of the brewers, at which a committee was appointed, with power to levy an assessment upon all brewers of one cent per keg, or $10 per thousand kegs, upon their last year’s output. It was estimated that this sum, which was the result of but a light and not burdensome tax, would amount to not less than $80,000; and the money was to be used in attempting to carry two or three districts in New Jersey, so as to secure a repeal of the high license bill passed by the last legislature in that state and to guarantee the election of Governor Hill in our own state. This was apart from the voluntary contribution of the brewers, and had no reference whatever to the amounts to be collected from the dispensers of distilled liquors.

The figures quoted from Mr. Graham show how vast and concentrated the interest is. The figures relative to brewers’ assessments, show how easy it is to raise funds to secure the permanency and stability of these interests.

THOSE BLOCKS OF FIVE.

On the same day on which I received Mr. Graham’s pamphlet I took up the New York Evening World. On the first page it contained a facsimile of the famous Dudley letter, in which General Dudley advises his correspondent to “divide the floaters into blocks of fives, put a trusted man with necessary funds in charge of each of these five, and make him responsible that no one gets away and that all vote our ticket.” Here is a new device for simplifying and organizing bribery. The suggestion to divide floaters into blocks of fives and to put a trusted man with necessary funds in charge of each of those fives, would go for nothing if the necessary funds were not first placed in the hands of the trusted men. But where are the necessary funds to come from? Where the interests of the liquor dealers are at stake, I have already shown you how the funds can be raised.

Where the interests of the monopolists are at stake, the funds are raised with equal facility. On the same page of the newspaper on which I found the fac simile of General Dudley’s letter, and in an adjoining column, I found the following interview with Mr. Jay Gould: “Four years ago I was an enthusiastic Blaine man. I was called upon by three local republican leaders, and on the statement that money would insure Blaine’s election, I gave to them $50,000.” Mr. Gould, it would appear, subscribed quite voluntarily in 1884, but “the fat” was not fried out of him in 1888, as proves to have been done to many of our manufacturers, if we consider the success of the remarkable appeal for money with which Mr. Foster has enriched our political literature.

THE BUSINESS OF POLITICS.

As the liquor dealers and the monopolists find little difficulty in raising money, both raising it to protect their interests, so the practical politician finds but little difficulty in raising money for a like purpose. As the liquor dealer organizes for his, so the professional politician subscribes for his business. Politics is a business with him, and to quote another saying of the recent campaign, which will long stick in our memories; “those who know anything at all, know there is no politics in politics.” The politician preeminently lives by his wits. He joins a hall, organizes a club or local committee, secures an office, tries in advance to pick out the winning party, runs a machine to demonstrate his political strength, and then waits patiently for the result. In combination with his friends, he makes nominations to office, solicits voluntary subscriptions, levies taxes upon office holders and an assessment upon candidates, and raises funds sufficient to pay the expenses of his campaign, both legitimate and illegitimate. The legitimate expenses are the printing and distribution of the ballots and the campaign literature, and the conveying of poor, sick or infirm electors to the polls; everything else is forbidden. The renting of rooms for headquarters, the payment of money incident to the business of an election, the procuring the attendance of voters at the polls, the courts hold, are all expressly prohibited, as is also payment for services in taking charge of rooms and running associations.

POLITICAL POWER IN THE HANDS OF POLITICAL CORPORATIONS.

Our machinery of elections is under the control of the officers of the law, with the single exception of the printing and distribution of the ballots. It is the ballot by means of which the will of the people is determined. The law has carefully guarded the other machinery of elections, but this most essential part of the whole machinery, to secure the proper casting of which, all the rest of the machinery exists, has been deliberately left to individual initiation. The result is that those who see fit to organize them selves^sic into a party to make nominations for office, to levy assessments upon their candidates or upon their official followers, and with the proceeds not only to pay for the printing of the ballots, but to hire men to distribute them at the polling places, are given the virtual monopoly of the political power. Like other monopolists, they find themselves divided into several corporations, which fight for the final monopoly. Those who win are monopolists in fact, enjoying the fruit of their work. Those who lose wait for the next opportunity for control; but political power has passed out of the hands of the people into those of these political corporations.

WHY TAMMANY SURVIVES EVERY DEFEAT.

One of these corporations even holds a charter from the state; and under the guise of a charitable organization devotes its property and its influence to the single purpose of controlling the distribution of office. This may appear to you a remarkable fact, but it is the literal truth concerning the organization known as Tammany hall, which is only the political expression of the corporation known as the Tammany society or Columbia order. This is why Tammany always survives defeat. If one of these corporations sees fit to ally itself with the interests of the monopolists, by naming some prominent railroad man, or some prominent manufacturer or banker, or to the liquor dealers, by espousing their cause, it not only finds it easy to raise funds for its campaign purposes; but its candidates having received nomination from a machine which can effectively man the polls and handle the vote, are willing to pay well for their whistle; the risk being, from a purely business point of view, a good one. When a party becomes so weak that such a risk on the part of its candidates is a bad risk, it fails to secure candidates and goes out of existence by extinction or merger.

EIGHTY-FIVE THOUSAND MEN AT FIVE DOLLARS EACH.

There are 856 polling places in the city of New York. There are 280,000 voters. p. 2, col. 2 Political organizations have to supply ballots to these voters, both before and during the elections; and to do so during the election, have to supply attendants at the polls. For each polling place the law supplies six officers as polling clerks, inspectors or canvassers, and from two to ten officers as deputy United States marshals. Each local organization supplies at least six workers at $5 a piece. It is supposed to be impossible for any faction or party to run a ticket in New York city with any hope of success with less than [$50?] per election district. I am confident that during the last election there was spent in each election district in the city by the three parties, nominally for the employment of workers at the polls, not less than $500. And this sum has no reference to the vast amounts placed in the hands of individuals with the open and avowed purpose of buying votes—the contributions of national committees. The workers are employed at from $2 to $10 per day—$5 per day is a fair and rather high average. The fund of $500 being so divided, would supply $5 to each 100 men engaged in a district. This, in the eight hundred and fifty odd districts, would give over 85,000 men employment. And, startling as the figure may be, I am confident that it is not placing it too high when we say that that number of persons received money for their alleged services or as bribers in the election during the recent campaign, leaving entirely out of consideration those who are under pay of the public as sworn officers of the state or nation. I have compared these figures with many practical politicians, and they all agree that they are conservative.

ONE WAY IN WHICH BRIBERY IS DISGUISED.

Those of you who live on Fifth avenue or on Murray hill will find it difficult to understand this, because when you go the polls^sic you see but three or four men distributing the ballots and observe that they are apparently respectable and orderly citizens. You, however, live in the more favored part of the city. If you were to go down to Paradise park or to Tompkins square, you would see a different state of affairs; but to see it you would have to go early in the morning. The men whom you see at your own polling place, or whom you see at Tompkins square late in the afternoon, are the election district captains, who are responsible for the booths and who stay at the polls all day. It is to one of these men that you go to get your ticket. But you ask, what has become of the other “workers?” The answer is that they did their so-called work early in the morning, received their pay, voted, and were then discharged for the day, the voting being their only actual work. This is the clever way in which bribery is disguised, where it is disguised at all; but there are parts of the city, as has been shown by the city reform club, and has been discovered by many others of us, where the open use of money may be seen at almost any hour from the opening to the closing of the polls.

WHERE THE EVIL LIES.

The monopoly of nominations and the availability of money in elections all work to the protection of interests opposed to the common good and spring out of causes which lie deeper than any election machinery, but are, nevertheless, given full and complete play because of the form of that machinery. So long as the state fails utterly to protect the ballot itself, to take it in its own charge, to print it and distribute it through sworn officers of the law, amendable to the penalties of the law, universal suffrage must continue to defeat the end for which it was granted by the Constitution. I have tried to describe the evil, and it is no pleasant task. In describing it I have hinted at the remedy. For want of time, however, I have found it necessary to give but a partial description. I have said nothing of how the men who print and distribute the ballots can juggle with them, and bunch and rebunch them to their own satisfaction, betraying the trust which they hold from their party, selling out their candidates and making merchandise of their position. I have not described to you how it may be possible for these men, who are under no obligation to the law, to have ballots at the polling places, to quickly determine among themselves to destroy all their ballots on the eve of election and thus leave the entire people practically without the essential instrument in the entire election machinery.

ONE IMPORTANT STEP ALREADY MADE.

It is instantly apparent to anyone who thinks at all and who has any knowledge of the facts that if there is any reason for compelling registration of voters by sworn officers of the law, there is an evidently greater reason for providing the voters whose names are found on the registration lists with the means for recording their will. In the primitive New England and New York township every man knew his neighbor, elections were infrequent, the officers to be elected were few, the constituency was small and there was no need of registration. It was assumed that every man would readily find a piece of paper upon which he could write the name of his favorite. The election by ballot was as simple as that which takes place when a board of directors of a business cor- poration elects a president of the board. To apply this system to our complex modern society is as unreasonable as to attempt to lift one of the piers of Brooklyn bridge with a single block and fall, and I shall have occasion to consider it more fully as I proceed. This fact has been recognized in the necessity for registration, but has not yet been recognized, in this country at least, as to the necesity^sic for the official printing and distribution of the ballots. It is otherwise, however, in Australia and in England, and the law as applied there has remedied the very evils of which we complain.

THE REFORM PROPOSED.

If a given number of citizens had the right to certify their choice of a nominee to a public officer, the name of such choice to be printed on the ballot together with the names of all other nominees for the same office, whether of other spontaneous groups or of regularly organized parties, an end could be put to the monopoly now enjoyed by the machines in the making of valuable nominations. If the tickets were printed at public expense, the poor man in running for office would find himself at once in a position of equality with the rich man, who now alone can pay the expenses of an election. If the tickets were distributed by sworn officers of the law, it would be impossible to juggle with them; it would be impossible for a party to be sold out and for trusts to be disregarded; it would be impracticable for fraudulent combinations to be made and the names of all candidates for the same office being printed on the same paper and distributed by the same officer, all candidates would be in a position of perfect equality so far as the machinery of election was concerned, down to the very moment when the ballot was deposited in the box. The tickets being so printed, would necessitate actual discrimination on the part of the voters. It would be no longer possible for men to receive a bunch outside of a polling place, and as I have repeatedly seen done, to walk with the tickets high in the air until they had reached the ballot box, always accompanied with the men whose money they had taken, and thus supplying ocular evidence of the fact that they had made delivery of the thing for which they had taken pay. If the voter were compelled to retire and privately select the names of those on his ballot for whom he preferred to vote and all persons whatever were excluded from the booth p. 2, col. 3 which gave him privacy, it would be impossible for anyone to determine how an elector had voted. Secrecy would not only become permissible, but compulsory, with the result that bribery would no longer be profitable. The man who takes a bribe is prima facie a scoundrel. No one one will bribe him^sic unless he can tell how the man bribed has voted. Deprive the bribe giver and the bribe taker of the means of profit, and bribery at the polls will cease except among fools.

SUCH REFORMS WOULD CLEAR THE WAY FOR OTHER REFORMS.

When such a bill is passed by our legislature we shall have political equality so far as the machinery of the elections can give it to us. So long as the machinery is imperfect there might as well be no machinery at all. We shall for the first time be thoroughly prepared to discuss other questions, like that of the representation of the minority; we shall for the first time have it in our power to compete on equal terms with political monopolies for the control of the legislature; we shall for the first time be able to express our will through our representatives and to pass legislation curbing the liquor power, regulating the system of taxation, controlling giant corporations and touching other issues of equally great importance, the consideration of which, by any legislature that has sat in Albany for years past, has been absolutely out of the question. The legislature will no longer be controlled by the railroads, by the trusts, by the bribers and by the bosses; or if so controlled the great people will at least always have sufficient representation to denounce the control and bring the public face to face with its danger. It is useless to talk of general legislative reform until we have secured the machinery whereby the will of the people can be honestly determined and not thwarted by the organization of fraud and corruption, which lend themselves as voluntary political weapons to the men who to-day hold the state in thrall.

NEW YORK THE HEART OF CORRUPTION.

There are as many people to-day resident of the city of New York as there were in Arizona, Colorado, Dakota, Delaware, Florida, Idaho, Nevada, Oregon, Rhode Island and Vermont all taken together at the time of the last national census in 1880. The population of New York city is as large as that of the state of Texas. With such a population crowded together on a few square miles of territory, you can readily understand not only the difficulties of government, but you can see at once why in such a political campaign as that we have just gone through it is made the center of political corruption and activity. It is an empire that can be covered with the hand. The voters are many and compact, the leaders are venal, the laws offer no protection against bribery, and so the city of New York is the best, most valuable and most easily handled vote market on the continent, if not in the world.

This compact and complete social and industrial life has not only increased the number of the very rich and multiplied the army of the very poor, but the very poor who possess the suffrage become an easy prey to the very rich who are willing to pay for votes.

AN AMERICAN ARISTOCRACY.

Says John Stuart Mill: “Representative institutions are of little value, and may be mere instruments of tyranny or intrigue when the generality of electors are not sufficiently interested to give their vote, or if they vote at all, do not bestow their suffrage on public grounds, but sell them for money or vote at the beck of some one who has control of them or whom, for private reasons, they desire to propitiate. Popular election thus practiced, instead of a security against misgovernment, is but an additional wheel in its machinery.”

In the preface of Heine’s Reisebilder we find him saying that under the name of aristocracy he includes not only the hereditary nobility, but all those, whatever they call themselves, who live at the expense of the people. “The exploitation of man by man” is for Heine, as well as for St. Simon, the formula of aristocracy, the antithesis of democracy, and is the formula I want to use as aptly describing the system under which we actually live, whatever the theory of the system may declare.

THE LAW ALLOWS IT.

Whether the man who uses this system for his own or his party’s advantage, be a Garrett, a Gould, a Vanderbilt or a Carnegie, whether he be a Quay a Hill or a Dudley, whether he be some millionaire brewer, some ex convict, or some Stokes organizing liquor palaces in hotels and exchanges, he and they flourish because the law permits “the exploitation of man by man,” because our republican government is a name and not a reality, where our tax laws are only instruments for reciprocal spoliation and our election laws serve no end except to register the power of money or the will of the boss, where elections have ceased to be an honest register of the popular will and have become as swords in the hands of the spoilers. Year after year the people suffer the spoliation, unmindful of the fact that where they do not have the last word, where the government does not truly represent the whole people, where the popular will cannot be surely and quickly transmuted into legislation and obeyed in administration, the word liberty is nothing less than a hood to blind them while they are led to their destruction. From every state in this Union the cry is now going up for electoral reform and the ballot will be soon, if not easily won. The facts only need to be known for the character of the needed legislation to be understood. Be it ours to carry on the fight.

Knowing this, that never yet
Share of Truth was vainly set
In the world’s wide fallow.
After hands shall sow the seed,
After hands from hill and mead
Reap the harvest yellow.

The Situation in Toronto.

Moronto Grip^sic.

“The Christian attitude of the mind is that of candor, honesty and sincerity,” said the Rev. Ministerial Association, speaking from his pulpit. “Christianity welcomes every new development of truth, earnestly studies the same, with open mind and unprejudiced heart, and if convinced that it is truth, is ready to spend and be spent in the propagation of the same.” “Amen!” ejaculated a member of the Anti-poverty society, from one of the pews. Next day he waited on Rev. Min. Association, and requested that he might be permitted to lay before him an outline of the proposed single tax system, which was at present almost universally misunderstood by the pulpit. “No, sir!” said the Rev. Association, curtly; you can’t tell^sic me anything I don’t know. I need no light on the subject. Get out!” And then the reverend and extremely candid gentleman sat down to write a sermon entitled, “Henry Georgeism; or, the Absurdity of Dividing up Property so as to put all Men on an Equality.”

The Prince of Wales an Evictor.

London Democrat.

At the Lambeth police court, the other day, an action was brought by the prince of Wales against Margaret Sinclair, to evict her from the house, 312 Kennington park road, let at 14s. a week, and for rent and mesne profits. The magistrate made an order for possession to be given in fourteen days. During the hearing an agreement put in was objected to, not being stamped, but the solicitor for the prince said it was not necessary, the royal family being exempted from the provisions of the stamp act.

p. 2, col. 4

HENRY GEORGE IN ENGLAND.

Here are some dispatches concerning Henry George’s visit to England which have appeared in the daily press during the week:

New York Mail and Express, Nov. 17.

LONDON, Nov. 16.—Henry George is likely to meet with a hostile reception here. The London socialists resent his behavior toward the socialists in the labor party in America. The poet and agitator, William Morris, denounces George as a traitor, and the organs of the rowdy element call upon the socialists to treat him as a man who is “hounding on their enemies to murder their friends.”

New York Sun, Sunday, November 18.

LONDON, Nov. 17,—Henry George is expected to arrive at Southampton to-morrow morning, and his friends are preparing for him a rather gorgeous reception. The radical clubs have chartered steamers to go out and meet him, and another demonstration awaits him on his arrival in London. George may really feel proud of his influence over here. He has a very strong following, and the seeds that he has sown have sunk deep in many places. Only this week Sir George Trevelyan announced that the taxation of ground rents would henceforth be a plank in the Gladstonian platform, and there is little doubt that this is due to Henry George’s influence, which is alone enough to make a great man of him here, had he done nothing else. But his success in collecting votes for the mayoralty of New York was exaggerated on this side until his followers were made to feel that he had shown his ability to carry very nearly the majority of the entire United States along with him, which has greatly increased the feeling of reverence which his followers have for him.

New York Star, Monday, Nov. 19.

LONDON, Nov. 18.—Mr. Henry George, the famous advocate of the single tax on land, and Mr. William Saunders, the philanthropist, and ex-commoner for Hull, were met as they landed at Southampton to-day by a large and enthusiastic delegation of radicals. They were given a very cordial reception and proceeded to London, accompanied by a jubilant company.

The New York Herald, Wednesday, Nov. 21. published a cabled interview a column long. Among other things, Mr. George is reported to have said:

My reception thus far has been gratifying. A deputation came out to meet me in Southampton water. I find in the four years that have elapsed since I was last here a great advance in public opinion on the land question, although there is no opportunity of showing its progress in political action, but the discussion of the pending bill [the Ashbourne act] will press the opposition leaders into a more radical position.

I think before long the two great parties in England will be landlord and anti-landlord, just as I believe the two great parties in America must be protection and free trade. The demoralization and uncertainty in the liberal ranks precede a rally round these principles and the beginning of a real forward march.

My stay here will be short. I shall speak twice in London, once in Glasgow, and I shall sail for New York probably on the first day of December.

Philadelphia Times, November 19.

Yesterday’s great reception to Henry George is natural enough, coming, as it does, from the poor of London. The conditions which he described in his first and ablest work were found mainly in England, and it is there that his remedy should be popular, if it could become popular anywhere. Moreover, the testimonial is not to be construed wholly as one to Mr. George’s theories. A man of magnetic powers rarely fails to have a large personal following which may admire him without indorsing all of his views. Mr. George is no exception to this rule.

Pittsburg Commercial-Gazette, November 17.

Henry George is now in Great Britain—where he properly belongs. The collapse of his labor party and the defeat of the democrats must have convinced him that America is hardly the proper field to propagate his free land and his free trade doctrines.

Ye Gods and Little Fishes! Such a Speech and by a New York Congressman.

Here is the New York Sun’s account of an event that shows how John Henry McCarthy, just elected to succeed Tim Campbell in congress from the Eighth New York district, began his political duties on Friday evening last:

Steve Brodie stepped before a huge drop scene in Miner’s Bowery theater, which displays a painting of the Brooklyn bridge, and stood with downcast eyes as usual, while a smart-looking gentleman, with a waxed blonde mustache and a stentorian voice, gave a short history of the jumper’s various careers through the air. This gentleman concluded his discourse, as he always does, with the words:

“And now, Steve, may the prosperity which has always been yours attend you to the end, and even when you are no more may you still preserve your title of champion jumper of the world.”

This graceful sentence was not the end, for Steve’s spokesman went on to introduce Congressman-elect John Henry McCarthy, who laid out Tim Campbell in the Eighth, and who, he said, would present Steve with a gold and silver medal which had already been presented to Steve in the afternoon by the marquis of Queensberry in Richard K. Fox’s office. Mr. Fox paid for the medal. It is as big as a saucer.

As the Hon. John Henry McCarthy appeared at the wings with the heavy case in his hands the audience yelled “What’s the matter with McCarthy?” and “Three cheers for the Little Giant.” The congressman elect blushed. The medal case seemed to weigh him down. In the mean time the members of the orchestra were passing up floral pieces to Steve, and he was the reddest-faced hero ever seen.

Then McCarthy, with a gesture of command, waived his hand^sic, and loud and sudden there were heard the tones of his voice to this effect:

“My day has passed. I have already received the honors that await me in the future. To-night is Steve’s night. His daring feats have won the admiration of the whole civilized world. It is my pleasure, as the representative of Mr. Richard K. Fox, to present him with this medal as an emblem of his well earned title of champion bridge jumper of the world. I know the pleasure with which you see him awarded. When men risk their lives, their homes, and all that is dear to them to save the lives of others, there is no doubt of their courage. This Steve has done. He wears the medal of the United States government for his bravery in saving from drowning six human beings. Steve is a humane man, as well as a brave bridge jumper. Wear this medal, then, Steve (handing the trophy to Brodie, who trembled and hung it on his coat), wear it with honor, wear it with credit, and the future will preserve your title of champion bridge jumper of the world.”

When the applause which greeted the speech of the congressman-elect had subsided Brodie advanced quickly to the footlights without waiting to be asked for a speech. “Ladies and gentlemen,” he said, “I thank you all. I hardly know what to say. I am no speech maker. I thank my friends in the gallery especially. I hope I shall always keep the name of champion bridge jumper of the world.” Then he darted into the flies.

Mighty Good Work for The Standard.

PARKERSBURG, W. Va.—You must not allow such a small thing as a presidential election to delay THE STANDARD again. It was at first a luxury, now it is a necessity, and we must have it every Friday morning without fail.

Our president, W. S. Boreman, from the first encouraged the newsdealers to keep THE STANDARD for sale at their stalls. The wisdom of this has been abundantly demonstrated by the fact that from a sale of four or five they have increased to about forty at the present p. 2, col. 5 time. We are organizing to go systematically to work to solicit subscriptions to THE STANDARD. W. S. Boreman has charge of that committee, and that is a guarantee that THE STANDARD will boom at this place.

We shall also give lectures at all points that we may be able to reach this winter; the country districts especially will be agitated and organized. We have articles in the local newspapers as often as possible and are endeavoring in every way to hasten the coming of that bright day when men will be brothers and peace and plenty will bless our land. We were very much disappointed that the president was defeated, but his defeat means victory in 1892. His courageous and manly course has gained him the love and admiration of the world, and he can well afford to be beaten in such a cause. Whatever we do for the future there is one thing we must not do, and that is form a party.

This is the rock which we barely avoided in time to escape destruction; for though nothing can destroy our glorious principle of freedom, yet our hopes of success would have been destroyed for the next twenty-five years.

Parties cannot be “made” and hope to succeed. When the time comes, if it ever does, when we need one, a party will be born of the necessity of the occasion. But let us hope that the time will never come when we must be so burdened. Only free men can secure true freedom; and when we bind ourselves to party we limit our growth.

W. A. PHELPS.

In the Banner State.

Through the activity of some of our single tax men in New Jersey, five candidates for the state assembly and senate were induced to pledge themselves to ballot reform in that state. The chairman of the Passaic county single tax committee, E. W. Nellis, addressed a letter to every candidate for the legislature explaining briefly the essential features of the Australian system of voting, and asking their opinion on the same. Favorable replies were received from Eugene Emley, John Mallon, John I. Holt, William W. Welch, W. J. St. Lawrence. Mallon was elected to the senate on the democratic ticket, and Holt and Welch to the assembly on the republican ticket.

Mr. Nellis writes that the Passaic county men are very well satisfied with the result of the election there. The usual republican majority in that protected county was reduced some 800. He further says:

“We expect to hold a meeting of the New Jersey single tax league shortly and open the state campaign for free trade, free land and free men. We are all feeling good, but not, perhaps, as chipper as we should had the democratic national fight been a winner.”

At Work Among Lumber Men and Farmers

VILLA PLATTE, La.—I opened the eyes of the mill men in the pine woods of St. Lundry^sic last week. It appears that nearly all the pine land has been grabbed by Detroit and New York parties. These mill men are a hard working people, and the proposition to tax these lands according to their market value and abolish all taxes on personal property and improvements struck the mill men most favorably.

The lecturers of the farmers’ union are just taking the field for the winter’s campaign. The farmers will be assembled and lectured all over the state. The organization is forty thousand strong. Tracts sent to A. Severance, Sugartown, La., or to T. J. Guice, Grand Cane, La., will do good service. Mr. Ring has sent me a lot of the Texas Tax Reformers, which will do service. Our chief men are beginning to thunder the news to their brethren through the official journal. Undismayed by the result of the election, the command is forward!

D. C. DAVID.

For Work in Michigan.

DETROIT, Mich., Nov. 17.—I wish all thorough going single tax men in Michigan would send me their names and addresses in order that we may get to know one another and get down to concerted and systematic work. We must shortly hold a conference of single tax men and take steps toward forming a propaganda organization.

District assembly 50, K. of L., of Detroit, has indorsed the catechism drawn up by D. A. 46 of Buffalo. It has also appointed a committee to select texts from the bible from which Detroit clergymen shall be asked to preach.

I think something should be done to establish a single tax lecture bureau, so that qualified speakers can be sent around preaching “the gospel.” Let a fund be raised to begin with and let a small admission fee be charged at each lecture to cover expenses.

J. F. DUNCAN.

A Republican Chairman Tells How They Did It in Indiana.

Indianapolis Sentinal^sic.

A correspondent of a Chicago paper met Sam Kercheval of Spencer county in the barroom of the Dennison house the other night. Kercheval is the chairman of the county committee, and he seems to have had the unblushing impudence to tell publicly to the crowd around the bar how the voters of his county were debauched at the recent election. He is described by the correspondent as reclining with his arms on the bar and discoursing as follows: “Of course it was an expensive campaign—the most expensive the state has ever known. The price of votes averaged $20 each, and in some cases we had to pay as high as $40 and $50: but we got them, and we carried the state. In Spencer county we had a great many ‘floaters,’ and it was an open question whether we or the democrats could buy them. We got most of them^sic.

“How could you be sure^sic.” the correspondent asked, ” that a vote which you had paid for would be really delivered?”

“Nothing simpler,” said the chairman of the Spencer county committee. “If you buy dry-goods, you get the package when you give the money. We went on the same principle. We had one man stationed at the polling-places who was able to see the ballot from the time it left his hands until the time it went into the box. Now, suppose a floater is secured by a worker. Say you are a worker and this gentleman is the voter, and this gentleman here is the guard at the polls. Now, you agree with this man to pay him $20 for a straight Republican vote. You steer him up to the guard at the polls and call his attention to the man. The guard gives him a ballot folded and ready to put into the Judge’s hands. The voter takes it, and if he votes as he has contracted to do without looking at it, or”monkeying” with it in any way—and the guard can see whether he does or not, for he is never more than three feet away from the ballot-box—then he (the guard) signals back to you that the man is all right, and you take him off and give him his money. He has to trust you that far, although I have seen cases in this election when the “floater” would not trust the worker, but insisted on having one hand on the money while he put in the ballot.”

“How is the money paid afterwards?”

“Well, down in our part of the country we took a room which had been used as a gambling nell^sic. The door had one of those little openings to it in the centre from which you could see out, but you could not see in. When a worker had got a vote, he wrote on a little piece of blue paper the amount of money to which the voter was entitled, and the voter poked his hand through the hole with that bit of cardboard in it. The paper was taken off by a young man inside, examined and verified, and, if it was all right, the money—$10, $20, or $50 as the case might be—was placed in the still open hand. The man outside saw nothing; neither did the man inside. It was all done quietly and effectually, and nobody was the wiser.”

p. 2, col. 6

THE NEW DEMOCRACY.

The wing which surrendered to the enemy was made up of Weeds, Randalls, Pidcocks, McAdoos, Dave Hills, Carter Harrisons and Davises of West Virginia. These men were republicans from the moment the democratic party was forced to do right and the republicans as a result chose to do wrong. The democratic party, in its best estate, now commands the secret favor of all Jeffersonian republicans. Let them come in, and let the Hamiltonian democrats stay with Blaine.—[Chicago Herald.

Industry is hampered, not helped, by the protective tariff, which shackles trade and impedes prosperity and progress. It is, therefore, against, not in favor of the interests of the workingman.—[Dayton, Ohio, Workman.

We are in the contest, and on our ensign is nailed the watchword, emancipation, tariff reform and the liberation of American labor.—[Clearfield, Pa., Public Spirit.

On the tariff issue nothing has been settled. The democratic campaign managers vied with their republican adversaries as advocates of protection, and whittled away tariff reform almost to the vanishing point before the election. Nevertheless the public mind has been educated as never before in the doctrine of taxation for revenue and not for bounties. The battle for tariff reform is only adjourned.—[Galveston, Tex., News.

Now, let us watch for the prosperous times we are to have under republican administration. The workingmen have been assured that they are to be protected from pauper labor and that a general raise in wages is to follow. We hope that this will be the case, but somehow, we have our doubt about it.—Minersville, Pa., Free Press^sic.

The only issue in a quarter of a century when the laborer had an opportunity of asserting his manhood has been defeated by associated capital.—[Spring Valley, Ill., Sentinel.

The fight for tariff reform will go on. It will continue to educate the masses until the people revolt against the present iniquitous system of tariff plunder as they revolted against slavery, and make the monopolist cry out for terms as did the slave holders. Next winter I propose to take the opportunity afforded by the senate bill to discuss this issue, and if I cannot assist in educating the masses, at least I can educate myself.—[Senator Voorhees.

Labor organizations have come to stay. There is need of them. What is called “protection” is so limp, gauzy, pretentious, hypocritical and inefficient that the workingmen of this country have cut open the rag baby and found it filled with sawdust.—[New York Herald.

No ballot box returns can alter the fact that the tariff is a tax, 90 per cent of which comes out of labor’s current wages, whether any of it goes into the public treasury or not.—[St. Louis Post Dispatch.

Popular attention having once been obtained for this tariff question, it will be an easy matter to hold and take advantage of it. The time to disseminate tariff reform literature broadcast and get thoroughly before all the people is in the long interval to elapse before another contest comes on.—[New York Times.

If the old whigs hanging onto the skirts of the democratic party cannot give up their high-tariff notions they would better go right over to the republicans, where they belong. There is neither call nor room for two war-tariff parties in this country. The sifting of both organizations, so that men shall vote as they think and not according to a label, will be complete before another election.—[New York World.

While democrats submit to the majority in so far as to obey the laws while they are in force, they will not cease to cry out against the system of legalized plunder which is reducing the masses to the condition of paupers and amassing the product of labor in the hands of idlers.—[Tilford, Dak., Times.

Before long labor will demand a share of the plunder that is said to be collected for its sake, and then there will be an explosion. A policy that is built on lies cannot endure.—[San Francisco Examiner.

When the granger shall have rubbed the dust out of his eyes he will strike out for himself; and in that day we shall see the end of the notion that the prosperity of a nation is dependent upon the number of unproductive industries which it taxes itself to sustain.—[Philadelphia Record.

I feel that far from our great cause being lost it has gained that vitality which will make it live. Right and truth never die. Clouds and darkness may occasionally obscure, but the principle will shine as bright again as the sun. The good fight will be carried out by millions of young men who, when they have achieved the great economic victory of freeing the people from the oppressors and tax masters, will live to see a still younger generation wonder how such oppressive taxes could ever be exacted or laid on by a free people, and still more how a free people could allow themselves to be so taxed.—[J. S. Moore (Parsee Moore).

The short-sighted people who suppose that the election of Harrison is going to give a quietus to tariff reform will soon find themselves very much mistaken. Tariff reform is inevitable. It was inevitable whether Harrison or Cleveland was elected. The logic of facts compelled President Cleveland to take the position he did, and it will just as certainly compel President Harrison to do substantially the same thing. The tariff question is still the “irrepressible conflict” of the present and the future.—[Boston Globe.

The defeat of Mr. Cleveland has merely delayed the initiation of tariff revision; the ball has been set rolling, and it will continue to roll, increasing in size and weight like an Alpine avalanche.—[Newark Evening News.

The tariff question is one of those questions which can never be regarded as settled until they have been rightly settled.—[Jamestown, N. Y., Every Saturday.

The question of tariff reform has come to stay.—[Nelsonville, Ohio, News.

James G. Blaine is vindicated.—[Chicago Mail (rep).

We believe that the democratic masses of the country have “enlisted for the war” in the great contest with monopoly; so believing we expect that they will uphold and sustain the Sentinel in the great struggle upon which we have just begun.—[Indianapolis Sentinel.

There is a great deal of “bosh” creeping into the half way democratic newspapers going to show that if President Cleveland had not written his tariff reform message he might have been re-elected president. It is surmised that he might have crept through the protective fence if he had not tried to go over it. But the day for such evasion and trickery is past. Mr. Cleveland would have fared worse if he had crawled upon his belly than he did standing erect upon his feet. The Record is free to say it would not have supported Mr. Cleveland if he had not spoken clearly in favor of tariff reform.—[Philadelphia Record.

The battle for tariff reform has really just begun, and nothing can divert the attention of the American people from the study of a system which they are now unwilling to reject, or indorse, simply because they do not understand it.—[Norfolk, Va., Landmark.

We are about to enter on an epoch of magnificent and extravagant paternalism, in which a nation of inexhaustible resources will endeavor to exploit its wealth and power in every direction. Territorial extension and enormous public works, and the vast expenditure they will entail, will probably give the country a period of unexampled superficial prosperity. The simplicity and economy of the fathers will be forgotten, and we shall have a grand time till the collapse comes.—[Detroit Evening News.

WHAT WE SHOULD DO.

GOVERNOR BLACK’S RINGING WORDS.

Agitate, Agitate, Agitate and Things Will Come Right of Themselves.

CHICAGO.—Among those who believe that things must become worse before the people will permit them to be really bettered, I am more than half reconciled to the victory of the Estee-Blaine-Harrison coalition. I wanted to see Mr. Cleveland re-elected, because he slapped the protection fetish in the face, yet I dreaded that his return might eventuate in a tariff reduction measure by the consent of the tax eaters, that would put off real reform, just as the peasant proprietary scheme in Ireland is delaying a reclamation of the people’s right to the use of the earth in that country.

It is true that we who have seen the cat might force a forward march after freeing wool and lumber and salt, and reducing the bounty which the “protects” may collect from the producers; yet I fancy we should find the masses less plastic, less ready to listen and to consider. For they would want to see what might come of that already done before venturing further; we who would seek to push on would be deemed impracticables or worse; and both the “protects” and those who accomplished the reduction would join in discrediting a demand for change, just as the slave master and the supporter of the Missouri compromise joined in an assault on the abolitionist; and just as the liquor seller and the local optionist double teams against the prohibitionist.

As every victory for local option is a delay to prohibition, although prohibition is the end of local option, so I am inclined to believe that every victory for the Carlisle revenue reducers would inure to the benefit of monopoly, which must go down, when it does go, with a run, as slavery did in this country and as monarchy did in France. I do not remember any really great reform that has come piecemeal.

The democrats will become more radical! So mourn not as one without hope. With a railroad attorney in the executive chair; with Tom Reed wielding the gavel in the house; with McKinley where Mills now sits; with Estee, Thurston, Alger hovering about the council board, with Morton presiding over the senate, and Blaine looming big and portentous over all, who shall say what p. 3, col. 5 rapacity will not be indulged? Who shall set a limit on the cormorant demands of the trusts and combines? Who shall rise to prevent or even to check the saturnalia of extravagance that the vote of Nov. 7^sic authorized?

So we shall approach the jumping off place at a gallop. The monopolists can ride just so far and no farther. Then the people will get into the saddle. The monopolists will plunge over the precipice. It is our business to see that the people don’t follow them blindly, all crashing down together into chaos.

I am not a pessimist, nor yet an optimist. I am a sort of betweenist. I am one who sees that the world has risen by stepping stones, not by an inclined plane. I think there is a good high step just ahead of us. Let us hope that we shall not blunder against, but mount it. Fortunately, ours is a cause that grows like the flower, because it can’t help it. The truth is pushing it, intelligence clears the way, human sympathy waters it with holy dews and righteousness shines upon it with unabating favor. The worst we can do is to obstruct its growth. The best we can do is to clear away the weeds that shadow it and impoverish the soil. And any hoe is good enough to chop a weed. We needn’t quarrel with our tools. What we find at hand may not be the best, but they will do until we find or make a better.

“Do nothing; only agitate, agitate, agitate; and things will come right of themselves.”

WARREN WORTH BAILEY.

ELECTORAL REFORM.

The manner in which the presidential campaign was conducted, relying upon money to elect a president, emphasizes most forcibly that in order that every voter’s vote shall count in such an election, the Australian system or a similar one should be passed in every state of the Union.—[Lynn, Mass., Bee (dem).

No thoughtful man can go through such an election as was held Tuesday without seeing that something is wrong with our electoral system. The next reform is the adoption of the Canadian or Australian system of voting.—[Rock Springs, Wyo., Independent.

The “floating vote” of this state is reported by poll takers at from twenty to thirty thousand. The purchase of that vote killed the votes of twenty to thirty thousand honest workingmen. We must have a change in our election laws which will bring this evil to an end.—[Indianapolis Sentinel (dem).

At the jubilee meeting in the Detroit rink last night the statement was made that at one of the precincts in this city men’s votes were bought like sheep. On the other hand, in Ishpeming, the republicans insisted on holding the election in the office of a great mining company, with the foremen as inspectors, ticket peddlers and general managers of affairs. Now let the honest republicans and the honest democrats in the legislature give the citizens of Michigan a secret ballot, freed from both bribery and intimidation.—[Detroit Evening News (ind).

The government itself should provide the means of elections, and all this thing of collecting money from the people for the purpose of conducting campaigns should be stopped.—[Norfolk, Va., Landmark (dem).

What is needed in Indiana is a law to prevent bribery. Our present laws are wholly ineffective, as has just been demonstrated. If there is any preventive that can reach the evil we think it is the absolute secrecy of the ballot.—[Indianapolis, Ind., Sentinel (dem.)

It does not take long to satisfy anyone who will stop to think of the manner in which the votes of poor men in this city were controlled at the late election that ballot reform in this state is absolutely necessary.—[Williamsport, Pa., Labor Record.

Secretary A. C. Hughes, K. of L., of Youngstown, writes to the Pittsburg Trade Journal: “Let us have reform in the ballot system by all means.”

The object of a secret ballot is to prevent intimidation and bribery, but it will never be attained until the law provides for some official printing of the ballots.—[Chicago Herald (dem.)

The next great reform which will take place in our politics is in our manner of voting. We are bound to have a secret ballot, and he who stands in the way of it will get hurt.—[Oneida, N. Y., Post (dem.)

There is no doubt whatever that our political methods are beginning to cause very considerable public uneasiness and anxiety. Our present system, which is a wide open door for all the imps of bribery to enter, should be summarily changed or abolished, and a better system, which will insure a reasonable degree of fairness, substituted.—[New York Herald (dem.)

All ballots should be printed by the state, and state officers should have charge of their distribution. The principle of the Saxton electoral bill was. I think^sic, all right, but the bill itself was crude and unfinished and there were some objectionable features in it.—[District Attorney Fellows.

It is a great disgrace that the only thing a poor man cannot do in this country is to serve the people in an elective office. There is most assuredly room for reform in our electoral system. I am acquainted with the general features of the so called Yates-Saxton bill and I am in favor of something on that general line of reform.—[Edward Mitchell, ex-chairman of the republican county committee.

The Michigan legislature should be prompt in passing a bill providing for a secret ballot and for government printing and supervision of the ballots. Such a bill came near passing the present legislature, but a democrat prevented it on the last night of the session when the republicans were not on guard.—[Ann Arbor, Mich., Register (rep.)

The Australian plan, embodied in the Saxton ballot reform bill, is an infallible remedy for “floating.” Under it not only is the distribution of ballots taken away from party workers, but the voter is absolutely screened from surveillance or annoyance while preparing and casting his ticket.—[Buffalo Express (rep.)

The result of an election does not change the principles of political economy. If the protective tariff principle was wrong two weeks ago it will be wrong two centuries hence.—[Akron, O., Times.

The New England Farmer.

DIGHTON, Mass.—An analysis of the voting on November 6 fully confirms your statement in THE STANDARD as to the “Pagans” being the last to acknowledge the new truths.

In the light of this and other facts it is our duty to enlighten the farmers. Let there be as much as possible done for the next two years in the hope of electing a democratic house of representatives. Free trade literature can be scattered broadcast without cost to the readers—say in the shape of small newspapers of about twenty columns—for which the local advertisements would pay.

The democratic papers will carry on the cause in the cities, and ultimate success is as sure to follow as “the night the day.”

It is passing strange that this class should be so backward in political thought when it is so obvious that the farmers interests^sic have been immensely impaired by the protection policy. Let any observing man pass through the various country towns in the old Plymouth county of Massachusetts. He sees with astonishment the wrecks of what were once very substantial farm houses. Some of them are beginning to look more like the squalid Irish cabins of the old country than the homes of intelligent American citizens. The cause of this is not idleness, it is not want of farming intelligence. But farmers’ sons p. 3, col. 6 and daughters are only too glad of the opportunity to get rid of work which has proved so unremunerative to their parents. It is the taxation policy which is at the root of this state of things.

I have heard that the population in the state of Maine is decreasing, especially in the country districts. A state in which there is not one-sixth of the population there ought in all reason to be, a state which could supply all the common agricultural products that New England needs were the labor duly applied. A few of the agriculturists around here have their eyes open. One old friend told me to-day that he had received a letter from his son, who lives in some distant place, boasting of the bets he has won through the election, and writing, “hurrah for Harrison.” Then in the few lines below the son goes on to inform his father that business was so dull that he had decided to leave the iron trade.

ALFRED CROSS.

Indianapolis Men Who Don’t Sleep.

The Indianapolis Sentinel reports that the single tax league of that city inaugurated a series of weekly meetings on the 10th inst. for the purpose of spreading the single tax doctrine and urging the necessity of the adoption of the Australian system. Speeches on these subjects were made by Thomas Hudson, Herman Kuehn and L. P. Custer.

To Help Single Tax Strangers.

The following list contains the names and addresses of men active in the single tax cause in their respective localities, with whom believers wishing to join in the movement may communicate:

Akron O—Jas R Angier, 109 Allyn street.

Albany, N Y—Robert Baker, 178 Madison avenue; J C Roshirt, 22 Third avenue, or James J Mahoney, secretary Single Tax Cleveland and Thurman club, 25 Myrtle avenue.

Alhambra, Mon Ter—W E Brokaw.

Altoona, Pa—Joseph Sharp, jr., secretary Single tax club, [311?] Tenth street; Albert C [Ronzee?], 934 First avenue.

Amsterdam, N Y—Harvey Book.

Anacostia, D C—Carroll W Smith, office Anacostia tea company, Harrison and Monroe streets.

Anaheim, Cal—James B Hassett.

Anton Chico, N M—Lewis T Granstam.

Ashtabula, Ohio—A D Strong.

Auburn, Me—F W Beals, secretary Single tax club.

Avon, N Y—Homer Sabin.

Ballston Spa, N Y—Richard Feeney, 63 Milton avenue.

Baltimore, Md—John W Jones, sec Single tax league of Maryland, 125 N Bond street; John Salmon, Pres Henry George club, 415 N Eutaw street; Dr Wm N Hill, [1433?] E Baltimore street.

Bayside, Long Island, N Y—Antonio M Molina.

Braceville, Ill—William Matthews, secretary Tariff reform club.

Bradford, Pa—J C De Forest, secretary Land and labor club, 26 Newell place.

Binghampton, N Y^sic—E W Dundon, 33 Maiden lane.

Boston, Mass—Edwin M White, [268?] Main street, Charlestown; J R Roche, 29 Converse avenue, Malden; Hamlin Garland, chairman Single tax league, Jamaica Plain.

Brooklyn, N Y—J Hickling, 41 Sidney place, president Single tax club.

Burlington, Iowa—James Love, bookseller, or Richard Spencer.

Burlington, Vt—Charles N Monahan, cigar manufacturer.

Cambridgeport, Mass—Wm Ford, 116 Norfolk street, secretary Single tax organization.

Canisteo, N Y—H W Johnson, P O box 265.

Canon City, Col—Frank P Blake, M D.

Chamberlain, Dak—James Brown.

Charles City, Iowa—Irving W Smith, M D, office opposite Union house.

Chicago, Ill—Frank Pearson, secretary Land and labor club No 1, 45 La Salle street.

Clanton, Ala—O M Mastin or Alex G Dake.

Cleveland, O—Frank L Carter, 132 Chestnut street.

Clinton, Ind—L O Bishop, editor Argus.

Cohoes N Y—J S Crane.

Columbus, O—E J Brackens, president Single tax club, [566?] North High street; Sam F. Caen, corresponding secretary, care Edward Hyneman, 348 1-2 South High street.

Cornwall, Cal—Jeff A Bailey.

Cramer Hill, Camden county, N J—Chas P Johnston.

Dayton, O—W W Kile, 33 E Fifth street; J G Galloway, 263 Samuel street.

Denver, Col—Charles G Buck, chairman State executive committee National tax reform association, new Tritch block.

Detroit, Mich—J K [Finehart?], 45 Waterloo street; J F Duncan, 279 Third street, secretary Tax reform association.

Diamond Springs, Eldorado county, Cal—J V Lanston.

Dunkirk, N Y—Francis Lake.

East Cambridge, Mass—J F Harrington, St John’s Literary Institute.

East Northport, Long island, N Y—J K Rudyard.

East Rindge, N H—Edward Jewett.

Elizabeth, N J—Benjamin Urner.

Elmira, N Y—William Bergman, 712 East Market street.

Fitchburg, Mass—R D Terry.

Farmington, Iowa—F. W. Rockwell.

Gardner, Ill—T S Cumming.

Glen Cove, Long Island, N Y—Herbert Doromer.

Glens Falls, N Y—John H Quinlan.

Gloversville, N Y—Wm C Wood, M D.

Grand View-on-the-Hudson, N Y—Henry L Hinton.

Harrison, Tex—I J McCollum.

Hartington, Neb—J H Feller.

Haverhill, Mass—Arthur F Brock.

Hornellsville, N Y—George H Van Winkle.

Hot Springs, Ark—W Albert Chapman.

Hoosick Falls, N Y—F S Hammond.

Houston, Tex—H F Ring, corporation attorney.

Hutchinson, Kas—J G Malcolm, M D.

Ilion, N Y—George Smith, P O box [382?].

Indianapolis, Ind—Herman Kuehn, 14 Talbot block; or L P Custer, member of Single tax club.

Ithaca, N Y—C C Platt, druggist, 75 East State street.

Janvier, N J—S B Walsh.

Jersey City, N J—Joseph Dana Miller, secretary Hudson county Single tax league, 86 Ege avenue.

Kansas City, Mo—Chas E Reid, [2,323?] Woodland avenue.

Kingston, N Y—Theodore M Romeyn.

Lansingburgh, N Y—James McMann, 21 Eighteenth st

Lonsdale, R I—Dr Garvin.

Lexington, Ky—James Erwin.

Los Angeles, Cal—W H Dodge, 30 North Alameda street; W A Cole, 149 South Hill; or A Vinette, P O box 482.

Lynchburg, Va—Thos Williamson, cor Fifth and Church streets.

Lynn, Mass—Theodore P Perkins, 14 South Common street.

Madison, Dak—E H Evenson.

Mahanoy City, Pa—J N Becker, president Free trade club; Robert Richardson, secretary.

Manistee, Mich—Albert Walkley or W R Hall.

Marlborough, N Y—C H Baildon.

Mart, Tex—J L Caldwell, chairman Ninth congressional district organizer.

Massillon, O—Samuel T Wright, 63 West Main street.

Memphis, Tenn—R G Brown, secretary Tariff reform club, 59 Madison street.

Middletown, Conn—John G Hopkins, P O box 580.

Middletown, N Y—Chas H Fuller, P O box 115

Minneapolis, Minn.—C J Buell, president Anti-poverty society, 402 W Franklin avenue.

Mt Pleasant, Iowa—A O Pitcher, M D.

Mt Vernon, N Y—Richard Walton.

Murrayville, Ill—William Camm, president Democratic club.

Nashville, Tenn—P H Carroll, [235?] N High street, secretary American land league.

Neponset, Mass—Q A Lothrop, member Henry George club, 43 Walnut street.

Newark, N J—Rev Hugh O Pentecost, 56 Oriental street.

Newburg, N Y—D J McKay, secretary Single tax club, [238?] Broadway.

Newport, Ky—Joseph L [Schraer?], secretary Single tax league, [247?] Southgate street; Will C James, 59 Taylor street.

Norfolk, Va—Edward K Robertson, Marine bank.

Oberlin, O—Edw B Haskell.

Omaha, Neb—John E Embler, 822 Virginia avenue.

Ordway, Dak—R H Garland, member Tax reform association.

Passaic, N J—J J Barnard, P O box [181?].

Paterson, N J—E W Nellis, Chairman Passaic county Single tax Cleveland campaign committee, [89?] North Main street.

Parkersburg, W Va—W I Boreman^sic, member of Single tax league.

Pawtucket, R I—Edward Barker, 23 Gooding street.

Peoria, Ill—J W Avery.

Philadelphia, Pa—Wm J Atkinson, [926?] Chestnut street; or A. H. Stephenson, 214 Chestnut street, secretary Henry George club.

Piermont, N Y—Charles R Hood, P O box [13?].

Pittsburg, Pa—Mark F Roberts, [1727?] Carey alley.

Portland, Ore—S B Riggen, 48 Stark street, James P Kohler, [134?] Grand street, or R H Thompson.

Poughkeepsie, N Y—William C Albro.

Pulaski, N Y—C V Harbottle.

Ravenswood, Ill—W H Van Ornum.

Reading, Pa—Chas S Prizer, [103?] Penn street; Charles Corkhill, 251 Penn street.

Richmond, Ind—D Quigley, [105?] South Third street.

Ridgeway, N Y—D C Sullivan.

River Falls, Wis—George H Bates.

Rochester, N Y—Charles Avril, 7 Morrill street.

Roselle, N J—Read Gordon.

Rutland, Vt—T H Brown, 11 Cherry street.

San Francisco, Cal—Judge James G Maguire, Superior court.

San Luis Obispo, Cal—Mrs Frances M Milne.

Seneca Falls, N Y—Wm H Adkinson, P O box 56.

Shenandoah, Pa—Morris Marsh, president Single tax club; Thos Potts, secretary.

[Southboro?], Mass—S H Howes.

South [Gaston?], N C—W L M Perkins.

Sparrow Bush, Orange county, N Y—C L Dedrick, president Progressive association; John Sheehan, secretary.

Spirit Lake, Iowa—J W Schrimpf, secretary Tariff reform club.

Springfield, Mo—H A W Juneman, [665?] Nichols street.

St. Louis, Mo—Geo S Bonnell, president Single tax league, [1537?] Leffingwell avenue; Sidney A [Rendl?], secretary, [1108?] Olive street.

Stockton, Cal—D A Learned.

Syracuse, N Y—Charles S Hopkins, 9 Seymour street; A R Perry, 149 South Clinton street; or F A Paul, 4 Walton street; or James K McGuire, secretary Single tax club, 59 [Greene?] street.

Trenton, N J—H R Mathews, 9 Howell street.

Troy, N Y—B B [Martin?].

Tuckahoe, N Y—Albert O Young.

Unionville, Conn—John McAuliffe.

Utica, N Y—Thomas Sweeney, [136?] Elizabeth street, or Daniel M Buckley, grocer, southwest corner First and Catharine.

Vincennes, Ind—Hon Samuel W Williams, rooms 2 and 3 Opera block.

Waco, Tex—Frank Grady, lawyer, 163 south [4th?] street.

Washington, D C—Dr. William Geddes, 221 E street, N W, secretary anti-poverty society.

Weatherford, Tex—William M Buell.

West New Brighton, Staten Island, N Y—A B Stoddard.

Whitestone, Long Island, N Y—George Harnwell.

Whitman, Mass—C P Bolin, cigar store; Thos Douglass, president Single tax league.

Wilmington, Del—Geo W [Kreer?], 717 West Ninth street.

Woodstock, Ill—A W [Cummins?].

Worcester, Mass.—E K Page, Lake View.

Yonkers, N Y—Joseph Sutherland.

Youngstown, O—Billy Radcliffe, Radcliffe house.

Zanesville, Ohio—W H Longhead, 27 Van Buren street.

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

Published weekly at 12 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY.

TERMS, POSTAGE FREE.

One year, $2.50; six months, $1.25; single copies, 5 cents.

Entered at the postoffice, New York, as second class matter.

Communications and contributions are invited, and will be attentively considered. Manuscripts not found suitable for publication will be returned if sufficient stamps are sent for return postage. No notice will be taken of anonymous communications.

Contributions and letters on editorial matters should be addressed to THE EDITOR OF THE STANDARD, and all communications on business to the PUBLISHER OF THE STANDARD.

THE STANDARD wants an agent to secure subscribers at every postoffice in the United States, to whom liberal terms will be given.

THE STANDARD is for sale by newsdealers throughout the United States. Persons who may be unable to obtain it will confer a favor on the publisher by notifying him promptly.

Sample copies sent free on application.

SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1888.

THE STANDARD is forwarded to subscribers by the early morning mails each Thursday. Subscribers who do not receive the paper promptly will confer a favor by communicating with the publisher.

THE STANDARD advocates the abolition of all taxes upon industry and the products of industry, and the taking, by taxation upon land values irrespective of improvements, of the annual rental value of all those various forms of natural opportunities embraced under the general term, Land.

We hold that to tax labor or its products is to discourage industry.

We hold that to tax land values to their full amount will render it impossible for any man to exact from others a price for the privilege of using those bounties of nature in which all living men have an equal right of use; that it will compel every individual controlling natural opportunities to either utilize them by the employment of labor, or abandon them to others; that it will thus provide opportunities of work for all men and secure to each the full reward of his labor; and that as a result involuntary poverty will be abolished, and the greed, intemperance and vice that spring from poverty and the dread of poverty will be swept away.

The suit to annul the charter of the North river sugar refining company is now on trial. It is brought on the ground that by becoming a member of the sugar trust, which controls all but four of the sugar refineries of the country and regulates the supply and price of sugar, it has forfeited its corporate franchise. The defense is that it is not the company but its stockholders who have joined the trust, and that they have a right to do as they please with their stock. And over this nice point the wrangle goes on and nobody will be hurt very much no matter how the suit turns out. When members of trades unions combined to regulate the supply and price of labor, they were promptly indicted and put into the prisoners’ dock; but when rich and respectable sugar refiners, who eat more sugar than they refine, combine to regulate the supply and price of sugar, they are invited into the civil courts, and the legal astuteness that readily discovered crime in trades unionism, is in doubt as to whether there is even civil wrong in trusts.

Protection to American industry has not yet begun to operate in Chicago, where a railroad strike over a question of wages took place last week. Nor in Kansas City where railroad employes have accepted a forced reduction of ten per cent in their wages. Nor yet in Indianapolis, where a brakeman’s strike has just been put down and some of the striking brakemen locked up.

It is reported that President Cleveland, though he will urge tariff reduction in his next message, does not believe the issue will bring his party back into power in 1892, because he thinks the republican leaders are shrewd enough to discover the handwriting on the wall and to begin a gradual tariff reduction. That the republicans will try to do this, is now more than probable; but how can they succeed? In one way only can reduction of tariff revenues be accomplished consistently with the policy of protection; and that is by reform in the direction of prohibitory duties. This kind of reform will but make clearer the issue of free trade, and the overthrow of protection the more certain and speedy; while any other kind of reform is sure to excite to wrath the protectionists from whom, in the latter days of the campaign, “fat” for “floaters” was extracted. The submission to free trade of the English tories after their triumph in the forties, is not to be paralleled by our protectionists. The protected classes there were landlords whose interests were so uniform that it was not difficult for a shrewd tory minister to convince them of the importance of making a partial surrender before the agitation had gone so far as to compel a complete and unconditional surrender. But with us it is different. The truth that landlordism ultimately reaps any advantages of protection, is so obscured here by complex industrial relations and the intervention of trusts and other special monoplies^sic that the interests of protection seem to be diversified. While that is so it is impossible for protectionists to make any agreement for partial surrender. Partial surrender here does not mean as it did in England the surrender by all who are protected of a percentage of their protection; it means the surrender of some protected classes for the benefit of others. And what class of protectionists are wiling^sic to be laid upon the altar? The only ones

p. 4, col. 2 we suspect are the working class and the agricultural class, and if they are willing it is because they are used to it. When the republican party begins to reform the tariff by cutting off the privileges of any of its pets it will find enough “fat” in the fire to make a pretty lively blaze.

The recent announcement by Sir George Trevelyan, that a feature of the Gladstone policy is to be taxation of ground rents, is such welcome news to us all that we will watch English politics almost as keenly as we watch our own.

“What’s the use of talking about free land for workingmen?” asked a Very Conservative Gentleman of a Single Tax Man. “They wouldn’t improve it if they could get it. You wouldn’t yourself. Listen to me. I’ll give you a lot of land on the edge of a thriving town if you will put up a house on it and live there.”

“And I decline your offer,” said the Single Tax Man^sic.”

“Of course. I knew you would. Now, if it’s land you want, why?”

“Because I do not want your charity. I want every one to have equal rights before the law, and that cannot be while some are allowed to monopolize the surface of the earth. But, if you please, I will waive my scruples about charity, and not only accept your offer, but guarantee to find ten thousand, aye, fifty thousand workingmen to do the same, on one condition.

“Indeed, and what is the condition?”

“That we shall be exempt from taxation of every kind, direct and indirect, except on the value of the lots you give us.”

Real estate exhibits “a general strengthening in values and firmness in tone,” say the market reports. This is encouraging news to land owners, and no doubt it excites the interest of speculators; but what about the home buyer and the home renter? To him “a general strengthening in values” means harder work or poorer living, while “firmness in tone” along the rent line suggests anything but firmness in tone along the life line. What “a general strengthening in values and firmness in tone” means in the parlance of real estate exchanges may be inferred from the report of a sale last week of two lots containing 5,000 square feet for $28,875, or $5.77½ a square foot. Seven years ago these same lots, in precisely the same condition, brought $11,500, or $2.30 a square foot. In the short space of seven years, therefore, there has been such a strengthening in value and firmness in tone in the neighborhood of these lots that the price of permission to build upon them has more than doubled. If there were less firmness in the tone of the land market there would be less flabbiness in the tone of the labor market.

The supreme court of Illinois has interfered with a new scheme intended to give landlords, who already have nine-tenths of the law in their favor, the other tenth. In Chicago a form of lease which has been much in use, contains a clause appointing an attorney to appear for the tenant in any court and consent to judgment for unpaid rent. This lease, if valid, would enable landlords to enter judgment against tenants without really bringing the tenant into court or giving him a chance to be heard. And yet the decision of the supreme court, which held the clause to be void, was rendered by only a majority of the judges. Perhaps the difference of opinion is not to be wondered at, however, when it is remembered that though the seller of provisions for consumption is held to warrant their wholesomeness as food, the seller or renter of a house for a dwelling does not warrant that it is a wholesome dwelling. When landlords are lawgivers, landslaves may marvel at the crookedness of the law but their marveling will not make it straight.

It is a good sign, this talk of a bargain between the republican party and certain democrats of the south to break the solid south. It means a division of parties in the southern states which will be better for the south and better for the whole country. The mere rumor has brought out in the editorial columns of the Charleston News and Courier, a democratic note with the ring of true metal, so unfamiliar in the southern press. Admitting that there are many men in the south who have been democrats from necessity instead of principle, and who may leave, it declares that “they who remain—they who believe in democratic principles as the only safeguard of republican institutions, will stand together more firmly than ever before.” It is this the democratic party needs, north as well as south—the withdrawal of those of its members who are not democrats. As they go, not alone will they who remain stand together firmer than ever, but to them will come sheals of democrats^sic who have never been and are not now of the democratic party—men to whom the party has been made repulsive by the undemocratic direction in which the enemies of democracy in its councils have guided it.

The democratic party has escaped a serious accident through what seemed at first a disaster. In losing the house of representatives it escaped the leadership in Congress of Samuel J. Randall, for if the house had been closely democratic it was the intention of the republicans to support Randall for speaker against Carlisle. Perhaps, however, though worse for the democratic party, it would have been better for the tariff issue, since such a contest for the speakership would have

p. 4, col. 3 broken party lines and drawn more sharply the issue of protection or free trade.

The Nonantum worsted company of Newton, Massachusetts, is walking on quicksand. In some way it pays this concern, or at least the managers of the concern think it pays it, to have the United States government, on pretense of raising revenues, tax all American citizens for the benefit of some American citizens. Hence, the soul of that corporation—assuming it to have a soul, which Blackstone says is impossible—revolts at the idea of a tariff for mere revenue, and in a special notice posted conspicuously in its mills it announces that “every voter that is employed by this company will be presented with a year’s subscription to any daily newspaper that does and has advocated the cause of protection, which does not mean tariff for revenue but does mean American wages for American workmen.” Now, this is a dangerous proposition. In the first place, a protection paper is the very worst thing for a man of logical mind to read, unless it is desired to make him a free trader; and it may be supposed that in the employ of this company will be at least one subscriber of logical mind. So much granted, there will not be a protectionist in that worsted mill when the first year’s subscription to the protection paper runs out, for a single genuine free trader in the force of a factory is like a little yeast in a lump of dough. And even if there are no logicians in the Nonantum mill a protectionist paper will, nevertheless, be a source of danger, for stern experience may make them logicians. After reading for several months of the importance of a high tariff to make high wages, what are these people likely to think, even the most muddle headed among them, when wages are reduced without any reduction in the tariff, or the tariff is raised without any increase of wages? Such things have happened and are likely to happen again. It is very dangerous, gentlemen of the worsted mill! Far better distribute Sunday school books that inculcate contentment here and promise joy hereafter.

The Tory government of England proposes to devote $25,000,000 to the “forced” purchase of farms from landlords for tenants. This is as bad a piece of legislation as could be conceived. But, coming from a tory minister it is significant of the state of scare into which land monoplists^sic have been driven. It sounds like the music of retreat.

The legislature of Vermont has by a large majority defeated a bill giving to women the right to vote in municipal elections. A variety of reasons for this are suggested by the press of the Green mountain state. One of them is that the Women’s Christian temperance union by indorsing the prohibitionists proved to the republican solons of Vermont that women are as yet too profoundly ignorant of practical politics to be trusted with the suffrage! This sounds like what Artemus Ward used to call “[sarcasm?],” but it is probable that some such idea influenced the result. To a certain order of politicians what could be more convincing evidence of woman’s incapacity to vote than this effort of the Women’s temperance union to have votes thrown away on a third party at a time when votes commanded such high prices?

Another and stranger reason was the opposition of women. This reason so generally accepted as conclusive, is, under our theory of government, no reason at all. If the democratic doctrine of “government by the governed,” has any meaning, no woman can be justly denied an equal voice in public affairs even though all other women unite in renouncing. In a democracy, the ballot is a birthright, not a franchise. It may be arbitrarily taken away; but it can no more be conferred than can the right of personal liberty. When, therefore, any woman of sane mind and the generally accepted age of discretion, demands the right, she cannot be required to first obtain the approval of her sex. It can be done. It is done. But it is not democratic to do it. And it would never have been done had we not drifted into the monarchial notion, that the ballot is only a franchise which sovereigns may condescendingly confer upon subjects.

The Sun became responsible for a story that the mayor intended to appoint a young woman as a commissioner of education, but changed his mind because women are not so well suited as men for the work required. Two of the present commissioners, Miss Dodge and Mrs. Agnew, have, by their official course, proved in advance the falsity of this conclusion. At “whitewashing” they have been failures, but as commissioners they have deserved the commendation of a fellow member who said to the board: “If they all were as faithful and hard working as Miss Dodge and Mrs. Agnew have been, we couldn’t have too many women commissioners. They have made altogether more calls at the schools than the men have, and their suggestions of improvements have been very valuable, and have been usually concurred in.” It is only since the appointment of these two women that there has been any but official evidence of the existence of a board of education.

One of the absurd stories set afloat, apparently by parties who dread the oversight of energetic women commissioners, is to the effect that Miss Dodge and Mrs. Agnew are in favor of introducing uniforms in the Normal school. If they

p. 4, col. 4 were it might not be such a bad idea, for there is nothing essentially degrading in a uniform; but the sole basis for the story seems to have been a speech to the senior class, in which Mrs. Agnew said she trusted they all would wear “the uniform of true womanhood—purity, truth, earnestness—and that these characteristics would be shown in their dress as well as in other ways.” Here’s your thousand black cats in a pear tree which under cross examination dwindle to one white cat on a fence.

The single tax men of North Dakota are consoled for the election of Harrison by the expectation that their territory will be admitted as a state, and the hope that its constitution will introduce the single tax. They are already at work, and though they may not—indeed, cannot—be wholly successful, their agitation is certain to give, in a new quarter, a new impulse to the idea. In saying they cannot be wholly successful, we would imply, not that they cannot make the single tax a state institution, but that free trade is an attribute of free production, and that Dakota alone cannot establish free trade. But whether the single tax system is begun by the states and completed by the federal government, or the reverse, is immaterial. What is material is that it shall begin, and having begun, that it shall go on to completion. The probability is that it will be established as a tunnel is bored, beginning at each end and meeting in the middle.

The Chinese exclusion law seems likely to have one queer effect. It is easy to prevent the landing of Chinese at any of our seaports. But it is by no means easy to hinder them from crossing the boundary line from Canada. It may safely be assumed that such Chinamen as may immigrate to the United States henceforth will come via the Dominion. And as Canada imposes a duty of $50 on every Chinaman landing at her ports, the chief effect of our exclusion law will probably be to materially increase the revenues of our northern neighbor.

GOVERNOR BLACK’S ADDRESS.

We print elsewhere some extracts from ex-Governor Black’s address to the democratic societies of Pennsylvania that will interest the readers of THE STANDARD, but which are of vital importance to democratic partizans who are seriously anxious to see their party become the instrument for carrying on the work of tariff reduction. This address is the only utterance by any prominent democrat that recognizes the exact cause of Mr. Cleveland’s defeat and points out the only possible road to future democratic success. Of course many circumstances contributed to the general result, but one stands out prominent over all others combined, and that is the failure to convince the voters in the agricultural districts that their own true interests would have been served by voting down tariff taxes. In the manufacturing centers Mr. Cleveland made important gains over his vote of four years ago, but in the agricultural districts the republican party made enormous gains.

It is easy to rail against the crass ignorance and stupidity of the farmers. who^sic thus voted to perpetuate a system by which they are the chief sufferers, but railing will not bring them to see the folly of their course nor cause them to vote differently next time. The only way to win their votes is to convince them that the policy they have supported is an unwise one for the country and against their own interests, and this can only be done by extending the work of education and propaganda so well begun in the cities and towns. Probably the best agency for carrying on this work is the association of clubs over which Governor Black so ably presides.

But these clubs if made efficient may accomplish something more. Next to the almost unavoidable failure to educate in a single campaign a whole people to correct views of the tariff, the chief cause of Mr. Cleveland’s defeat was the prevalence of machine management and boss rule in the democratic party. The nomination of Hill for governor in this state was defiantly forced on the party by the machine, and it unquestionably did more than any other one thing to check the tide toward the democratic party that would otherwise have given Mr. Cleveland the electoral vote of New York. The revolt of thinking and honest democrats against the tyranny and corruption of two unscrupulous machines came near costing Mr. Cleveland the electoral votes of Maryland and West Virginia, and the deliberate treachery of the Saulsburys’ henchmen in Delaware will result in the election of a protectionist United States senator from that democratic state.

If the democratic party is ever to win success as the exponent and advocate of principle it must get rid of the domination of these machines and dismiss the leaders who, even in the last campaign, sought to evade the great issue raised by the president’s message. If this is to be accomplished, the mass of its members must be stirred to activity in its management and its enthusiastic young men must come to the front. As a device for accomplishing this essential change the league of democratic clubs may prove effective.

So far as our single tax free traders are concerned, this is a question that does not immediately concern them. The principles for which they stand are bound to go forward whether the democratic party prepares itself to be the fitting instrument for the work or goes to pieces

p. 4, col. 5 and makes way for a better party. That is its lookout, not ours. Nevertheless, the men within its ranks who are endeavoring to prepare it for the performance of the duty to which its traditions and the present situation call it, deserve our sympathy and respect. If they succeed a powerful political body can be utilized in forcing forward a great and necessary reform, while if they fail they will themselves be educated into a readiness to abandon a moribund and conscienceless organization and assist in organizing a living party imbued with nineteenth century ideas and ready to apply the principles of Jefferson to the problems of the present time.

GETTING RICH BACKWARDS.

We find these figures in the columns of the Press:

In 1850 England sent to foreign countries wealth valued at $830,000,000 and got back wealth valued at $530,000,000. On January 1, 1851, she had, therefore, $300,000,000 less wealth than on January 1, 1850. In 1886, however, she exported wealth to the amount of $1,060,000,000, and got back wealth valued at $1,745,000,000; net profit for the year, $685,000,000.

In 1850 the United States sent away wealth valued at $135,000,000 and received $174,000,000 worth in return. We were, therefore, better off by $39,000,000 at the end of the year than at the beginning. In 1886, however, we sent away $666,000,000 worth and got back only $635,000,000, showing a net loss of $31,000,000 on our foreign trade for the year.

We offer no opinion as to the accuracy of these figures, but print them as the Press gives them. Whether they are right or wrong is a matter that troubles us very little. What amuses us is that the Press should quote them as an argument for protection! It puts above them this descriptive line: “Greater prosperity under protection than under free trade.”

The Press evidently thinks that the less a man has the better he is off. When it justifies protection on that ground we really haven’t a word to say.

STRIKING THE KEYNOTE.

The Minneapolis Evening Star prints in its editorial columns the following form of a petition, with a suggestion that readers should sign and return it to the Star office:

Whereas, It is unjust that one man should be taxed more for making land useful and employing labor on it than another is taxed for holding land idle and keeping labor off it.

Therefore, We, the undersigned citizens of Minnesota, petition your honorable body to submit to the people of this state at their next regular election such amendments to the constitution as will permit the exemption of personal property and improvements on land from all taxation.

The remarks with which the Star accompanies this petition will bear reprinting:

To levy a tax upon buildings and improvements is virtually to place a fine upon enterprise and industry. The man who holds vacant property in a growing locality escapes any adequate degree of taxation, does nothing to promote the welfare of the community, and profits from the industry and enterprise of his neighbors who make improvements and give employment to labor. Under the present system of taxation the drone is rewarded and the active, energetic worker is fined by having his taxes increased. Under such a system of taxation as is advocated in the above petition there would be a direct inducement for men to improve their land rather than to permit it to lie idle, or to lease it at reasonable figures to those who would improve it. Capitalists could see their way clear to put their money into buildings without incurring an additional tax that comes near eating up all the profits, and land monopolists could no longer afford to stand across the path of legitimate development by holding on to unimproved property in the heart of a great city. In tne^sic country farmers could in like manner invest their surplus accumulations in houses and barns and drainage and other improvements without incurring the onslaught of the assessor to raise his valuation.

The coming legislature will be asked to submit the above amendment to the popular vote by a list of petitioners so numerous that we don’t believe they can resist the appeal.

It is seldom that we have seen the practical advantages of the single tax on land values stated with more simplicity and clearness than in these few sentences. The man must be indeed blinded by prejudice or self-interest who can read this terse argument and still fail to see how frightfully our present barbarous system of taxation oppresses and discourages industry; and how completely the proposed change would remedy the evil. The Minneapolis Evening Star is doing a good work, indeed. While other journals have been talking as though the issue of the late election had settled economic questions for another generation, it has made haste to strike the keynote of the greater campaign just opening, and it strikes it with the touch of a master.

THE ELECTION IN IDAHO.

The story of the recent election in Idaho is one that every citizen should study.

There are a great many Mormons in Idaho. If they do not form a majority of the voters of the territory, they are at all events sufficiently numerous to give the non-Mormon political managers a great deal of uneasiness. Years ago it was felt that something must be done to prevent their getting control of the local government. And so a law was passed disfranchising them.

This law was a curiosity. It did not disfranchise the Mormons as Mormons. To have done that would have been to subject men to a penalty on account of their religion. Nor did it disfranchise them as polygamists. For the great majority of Mormons are, and must be, innocent of polygamy. The proportion of the sexes holds in Idaho as elsewhere; or

p. 4, col. 6 if there be any variation, it is in favor of the men. But assuming that the doctrine of polygamy was a necessary part of the Mormon creed, it provided that no man should be permitted to vote without first swearing that he was “not a member of any order, organization or association which teaches, advises, counsels or encourages its members, devotees or any other person to commit the crime of bigamy or polygamy, or any other crime defined by law, as a duty arising or resulting from membership in such order, organization or association; or which practices bigamy or polygamy, or plural or celestial marriage as a doctrinal right of such organization.”

This extraordinary piece of legislation, by which men were assumed to be guilty of crime and punished unless they could establish their innocence, was upheld as constitutional by the supreme court of Idaho in a decision rendered about two years since. It was considered an efficient safeguard against the exercise by any Mormon of the fundamental right of an American citizen. And until the present election, it perfectly fulfilled the purpose of its passage.

But just as more distinctively Christian churches have reconsidered their teachings with regard to chattel slavery, and now condemn as impious a doctrine which but a generation ago they justified by arguments drawn from the bible, so the Mormon church has seen a new light on the subject of polygamy; and, if it does not absolutely condemn the doctrine, at all events has ceased to teach it. And so it came to pass that when the registry lists were being prepared for the late election, citizens of the Mormon faith presented themselves before the registrars and announced their readiness to take the required oath.

Then ensued a strange confusion. Some registrars, recognizing the fact that their functions were purely executive, administered the oaths and registered the names. Others assumed to act as legislators, and having passed, in petto, a statute denying the suffrage to Mormon citizens under all circumstances, calmly refused to allow the oaths to be taken. And still a third set, after entering the names, had the Mormon citizens arrested on the charge of perjury.

The matter was brought before the territorial courts by the application of H. D. Woolley of Bear Lake county for a mandamus to compel the registrar of his district to enter his name upon the list of voters. There was no dispute as to Woolley’s willingness to take the oath required by law. But the question to which Judge Berry addressed himself, was not whether Woolley was willing to comply with the law or not, but whether, in taking the required oath, Woolley would or would not be swearing to the truth: in other words, whether the Mormon church had or had not sufficiently repudiated the doctrine of polygamy. It was shown that the church had not for two years past taught or encouraged the practice of polygamy, and that a plural marriage had never at any time been celebrated in Idaho. But this failed to satisfy Judge Berry. He felt sure the Mormon church was humbugging. And so he decided that Woolley must lose his vote. The result was that throughout the territory Mormon citizens were refused the privilege of registration.

And yet some Mormons managed to get in their votes, and curiously enough they got them in by permission of this same Judge Berry. What they did was to swear that they were no longer Mormons—to repudiate their church and deny their religion. One of these apostates was arrested after registering, and declared before Judge Berry that he had withdrawn from the church “of his own accord, because he wanted to help elect a delegate from congress^sic.” The judge accepted the explanation and discharged the prisoner. Since the election numerous warrants have been issued for the arrest of these seceding Mormons on the charge of perjury.

The whole story is a disgrace to American civilization. And it is a story that carries with it a lesson that American citizens would do well to heed. If we begin by depriving men of the suffrage in Idaho, not because of anything they have done, but because of opinions they are supposed to hold, and this even in the face of their solemn repudiation of those opinions—if we begin by doing this in Idaho, we may end by doing the same thing in New York. Why not? Already there are not a few who do not hesitate to say that certain aliens should be refused naturalization for opinion’s sake. From this to the denial of the suffrage, because of those same opinions, would be but a step. And in these days events move quickly.

T. L. M’CREADY.

A Clear Gain for Ballot Reform Made by Single Tax Men.

ROCHESTER, N. Y., Nov. 14.—With great satisfaction I announce that the United labor club has defeated the Hon. P. A. Sullivan (dem.), who voted against the Saxton electoral reform bill in the legislature. We supported him last year because he pledged himself to vote for the bill. He was elected by 370 plurality. We have now elected Joseph Bauer by 1,200 plurality. He is the president of the united labor club of this city. and an^sic earnest worker for ballot reform. The single tax and ballot reform are gaining friends slowly but surely.

There were four baltots^sic cast for Cowdrey in Monroe county. The balance of our vote of 1887 was about equally divided between the two parties.

All believers in the single tax in Rochester and vicinity are earnestly requested to send in names and addresses at once. The object is to establish a working bureau, to arrange for speakers during the winter, and to distribute single tax literature. All single tax men should enroll, even if they do not wish to take an active part.

CHAS. AVRIL, 7 Morrill st.

MEN AND THINGS.

St. Luke’s church, on Hudson street, is one of the old land marks of New York. It was built in the early part of the century, when the city was miles away and Greenwich was a country village to which New Yorkers fled to escape the risk of yellow fever. For nearly seventy years the church has held possession of a considerable piece of land, which, when St. Luke’s was founded, had scarcely any appreciable value. During that time the city has grown from a town to a metropolis. Vast public improvements have been made. Streets have been laid out, graded and paved. Surface and elevated railways have come into being. The land around the church has been covered with houses. Toward none of these improvements, save by the building of one or two dwelling houses, has the church contributed. It has paid no taxes. It has added absolutely nothing to the common stock of wealth.

And now St. Luke’s is going to move. Though it stands in the midst of a dense population, its worshippers are leaving it. It’s old-time members^sic have moved away uptown, and the new residents somehow are not moved to patronize St. Luke’s. So the church will follow the congregation, and has secured an ample piece of ground on 141st street, and the old graves around the building on Hudson street are being opened, and the dead and gone New Yorkers who have rested there tran quilly for two generations past are being carted off. For St. Luke’s is going to sell the land, or lease it, or erect buildings on it and lease them. or^sic in some way turn into solid cash. for^sic its own benefit, the value which it has done absolutely nothing to create, but which has been brought into being by the pressure of population and the march of public improvement.

We Americans are fond of boasting that we have no state church. We point to the fact that in England dissenters are forced to pay tithes for the support of an ecclesiastical organization for which they have no use nor liking; and we boast ourselves that in this country such injustices are not perpetrated. But the English tithe is simply a tax upon the privilege of occupying land. And when we consider that residents of Hudson street, who have so little use for St. Luke’s church that the church actually has to move away from them, are going to be taxed, in the way of ground rents or purchase money, for the support of a new St. Luke’s to be situated miles away from them—when we consider all this, why really it seems as though we may not be so very far from having an established church of our own after all.

At an auction sale of stocks and bonds belonging to the late Joshua Jones of this city, 354 shares in the Pennsylvania coal company of a par value of $50, sold for $291 each; and 100 shares in the Singer manufacturing company, par value $100, were disposed of at $301 each. Once in a while the veil is lifted from some of our great protected monopolies, and we get an idea of what we really have done for them in taxing ourselves for their benefit.

According to the report of the bureau of statistics at Washington, the value of the exports of domestic breadstuffs from the United States during the month of October, 1888, was $10.855,878^sic against $8,623,314 in October, 1887. During the four months ended October 31, 1888, it was $43,257,353, against $53,857,109 during the corresponding four months of 1887; and during the first ten months of 1888 the total value of breadstuffs exported was $92,912,831, against $138,515,938 for the same period of last year.

It is not hard to read the lesson of these figures. With a superabundance of land unsurpassed in fertility, with a constantly improving system of transportation from the interior to the seaboard and from the seaboard to the food purchasing countries of Europe, and with a constant influx of immigrants specially adapted for agricultural pursuits, we are steadily falling back from the foremost position among the food producing countries of the world; and if we have not already dropped to second place we are certain to do so within a year or two. For as we recede Russia and India are advancing.

Any farmer who keeps accounts and will take the trouble to do a little figuring can easily discover how this has come about. He will find that for whatever breadstuffs he has had to sell he has received a less price than English farmers have secured for the same kind of product. The price of his wheat and corn is fixed in the English market, and out of that price is deducted the cost of transportation across the Atlantic, together with the necessary brokerages, etc. But for everything he buys with the money received for his breadstuffs he has to pay on the average fully twice what the English farmer is charged for the same articles. A dollar in his hands has only half the purchasing power it has in the hands of his British competitor; and yet that competitor gets more dollars for the same quantity of breadstuffs. Is it any wonder that American agriculture is being discouraged; or that in spite of our fertile prairies, our marvelous railway system, and the increasing efficiency of our labor by the use of machinery, Russia and India are surely and rapidly driving us out cf the world’s markets^sic?

Let the farmer study his accounts and see how handsomely his farm would have paid him could he have got his clothing, his dress goods, his boots and shoes, his plows and harrows, and all the other manufactured articles he had to buy. at half price^sic. Then he will appreciate what protection has done for him.

The week brings its usual marine tragedy. This time it is the English steamer Black Watch, foundered in the Mediterranean with the loss of all hands—in all probability forty to fifty men. That is, all hands are supposed to be lost—the newspaper reporters are not quite sure about it.

Suppose it were a wrecked railway train instead of a wrecked ship; or a mine that had exploded, or a factory that had burned down—and there were a doubt p. 5, col. 2 whether fifty lives were lost or not? The world would insist on knowing something more about the matter; the newspaper reporters would run races to secure the fullest details of the tragedy, and find out just who was responsible. But there will be no fuss like that over the sailors of the Black Watch. If they have the good luck to be saved, after all. a brief^sic newspaper paragraph will announce the fact—perhaps. But if they are really all drowned, nothing more will ever be said about them. Except, of course, in their families—their names will be mentioned there, occasion ally, in accents more or less despairing.

And yet human carelessness is responsible for whatever evil has befallen those men. Their lives have been flung away that somebody might save a little money. And society stands by, saying nothing, doing nothing, caring nothing, and justifying itself with the blasphemous notion that God kills sailors or saves them according as he happens to feel in a good humor or otherwise, and it would be useless to try to interfere with him.

The Richmond papers of last week were enthusiastic over the number of northern millionaires visiting their city at the same time. They spoke with special pride of the presence of John Jacob Astor; John A. Stewart, of the United States Trust Co.; George Bliss, of Morton. Bliss & Co^sic.; C. H. Coster, of Drexel, Morgan & Co.; J. C. Brown, of Brown Brothers & Co., and others; and congratulated the state of Virginia that she had at length succeeded in attracting the serious notice of the moneyed men of the country.

The reason why all these rich men went to Richmond was very simple. They believed that a tide of settlement and manufacturing enterprise was about to flow towards the line of the Chesapeake and Ohio railway, and they wanted to get ready for it. So they met in Richmond by agreement. and were going^sic thence in a body, along the line of the railroad, to inspect and buy up, if they thought it would pay, a large area of mineral and other lands.

If a piratical fleet should make its appearance in the James river some fine day and exact from the citizens of Richmond security that they would hereafter and forever pay to the pirate chiefs, their heirs and assigns, a constantly increasing yearly tribute, as a reward for the mere privilege of being allowed to attend to their own business unmolested—if any thing of this kind should happen, the Richmond journalists would be in a pretty state of distress and lamentation. But when a crowd of men come down there and simply secure the right of forcing other men to pay them tribute for the privilege of mining iron or digging coal, why that’s a very different matter, and the Richmond journalists congratulate the people and prophesy great things. And yet Thomas Jefferson was a Virginian.

The English coal miners seem to have won all along the line, and that without any serious disturbance of production. They demanded an increase of ten per cent in their wages and they got it.

This was in England, where trade, if not absolutely free, is at least far less restricted than here in the United States. In this country, where industry wears fetters for its own protection, the last strike among the coal miners was against a reduction of wages. And the strike was unsuccessful.

The reason why the English mine operators yielded is worth noticing. It was because the moment they ceased producing coal, began pouring in^sic from Belgium and from Germany. In this country, when the miners refuse to work, the operators simply put up the price of coal and make the public pay the expense of the strike. It’s different in free trade England. When coal goes up in price there the operators must either produce coal or allow foreigners to take possession of the market.

It is pleasing to note, too, that the spinners in the Dundee jute mills have secured an advance of five per cent in wages. The workers in American jute mills are being laid off, and getting no wages whatever. But then the jute industry in this country is protected. It makes a heap of difference, that protec tion.

There is one thing worth noting about the elevated railway condemnation proceedings; that is, the ease and certainty with which real estate experts estimate the effect of the roads on the value of adjacent lands. Expert George L. Curtis, testifying as to the damage done to the Renwick property by the spur of the elevated road running through Forty-second street to the Grand Central depot, said:

The Renwick land has a fronting of 83⅓ feet. It is worth [$13,000?] a lot, or a total of about $45,000. The property on the land is worth possibly $30,000 in addition. Had not the elevated railroad been built the land would be a worth a total^sic of about $76,000, and the buildings would be of a greater rental value than they are now, though their worth would probably be the same.

And yet men like Edward Atkinson affect to doubt the possibility of determining, for purposes of taxation, the value of bare land, irrespective of improvements.

The annual dinner of the New York chamber of commerce on Tuesday evening last was enlivened by a speech from General W. T. Sherman. It was not, and clearly was not intended to be, a great speech. There was no effort of oratory, no spreading of the eagle’s wings, no soaring into the dizzy region of metaphor, It was^sic a plain straightfoward^sic talk, in which the speaker told his honest thought, in matter of fact language. And for this very reason it is worth a word or two of comment. For General Sherman, apart from his military pre-eminence, is a fair representive^sic of the average citizen of intelligence, and whatever confusions of thought may appear in his remarks are typical, we may be very sure, of similar confusions in the minds of thousands of other men.

The general began by expressing the pleasure it gave him “to come into the presence of the merchants of New York.” “All who profess to love their country,” p. 5, col. 3 said the general, “honor the merchants who take in the whole universe, who bring here the things we need, and send forth the things we can dispense with.”

Then he went on to sing the praises of our country. “It is,” he said, “a big piece of territory.”

The country which we possess to-day, every foot of which was acquired by as honest a title as any gentleman has to his estate, is a land to be proud of. We have now 3,700,000 square miles of land, and that is all we need. While Belgium has 400 and England 200 or 300, we have less than ten people to the square mile. You could take the people of these thickly settled European countries and put them in the Mississippi valley, where they could all be supported with no perceptible drain on its resources. The capabilities of the country are almost unlimited. Three hundred million people could easily live on the land the United States now possesses. Out of this land ceme^sic the fruit and flowers which give us life and prosperity.

And then the good old man went on to say how glad he was that Harrison had been elected.

It is only when you pull a speech like this to pieces that you begin to see how utterly in congruous^sic are its different parts. Think of congratulating New York merchants on their trade with foreign countries, and in the next breath rejoicing that the policy of the government is to be the extinction of that trade. Think of boasting of the capacity of the country to support without difficulty five times its present population, and then sympathizing with the party whose constant cry is that this country is so poor, and its inhabitants so weak and uninventive, that there is really danger of everybody starving.

General Sherman is not to be blamed for all this. He has simply never thought of these matters. And there are tens of thousands of men just like him. But the time is coming when both he and they will have to think.

Certain fish dealers of the east have set up a little protective dodge of their own with marked success. About three years ago an enterprising Yankee shipped a cargo of halibut from Tacoma, Washington territory, which arrived here in good condition and was sold away below the prevailing prices. That was good for people who wanted to eat fish; but the associated dealers didn’t like it, and in Gloucester a public meeting was held to take measures for the protection of Gloucester’s infant halibut industry. If Ta coma had been in England or Canada, or any other country of pauper labor, it would have been an easy matter to put high tariffs on halibut in the interest of American workingmen. But Tacoma wasn’t in England. It was in the United States, and in point of pauper labor no worse off than Gloucester or New York. Indeed, it was a place of pretty high wages, as wages go, and yet it was shipping cheap fish to us. This was so perilous to the industries of the east that a committee was sent from Gloucester to Tacoma to prevent further shipments. How the committee did it is not yet known, but certain it is they have succeeded in protecting us against the low priced halibut of Tacoma, and, accordingly, for the benefit of the eastern halibut trust, we are paying dear for our fish.

There is in the United States navy a lieutenant of the name of Jacob J. Hunter, whose pernicious activity as a free trader should be vigorously denounced.

It has been customary for many years to dump garbage in the channel of New York harbor. To any but a free trader whose intellect has been distorted by studying maxims instead of markets, the beneficent effect of this custom must be apparent. Its tendency is to interfere with the free entry into our port of ocean steamers loaded with the products of foreign pauper labor, and to compel transshipment in the lower bay and the employment of domestic barges for harbor navigation. The amount of extra work this would make and its effect in raising wages are incalculable; and if it were adopted in every port in the country we should enjoy an era of prosperity hitherto unknown.. Then^sic we could with safety abolish the tariff and thereby rid ourselves of the surplus, for the extra cost of imports entailed by transshipment would be large enough to enable our employers to compete with the employers of cheaper men.

And it would have at least one advantage over tariffs as a means of encouraging home industry. An accumulation of garbage in the harbor would strongly tend to breed disease, from the cure of which physicians and druggists might reasonably expect to profit. The tariff ignores both these classes of American laborers; but garbage in the channel, while amply protecting all ,other classes^sic, would not pass over the interests of these two, which may justly be said to be among the most worthy.

That this laudable custom of dumping garbage in the channel has not yet obstructed navigation or bred disease sufficiently to produce the benefits to American industry, of which it is capable, is because the federal government, under an administration which, if not inoculated with free trade heresies, is at least indifferent to protection, has cleaned out the garbage almost as fast as it was dumped. And now this free trader, Lieutenant Hunter, has not only issued a proclamation forbidding dumping in the harbor, but he is organizing a kind of harbor naval squadron to see that his proclamation is obeyed. To be sure, the time within which he can do harm is short, for a protection administration is to be inaugurated on March 4 next; but his conduct, though its free trade tendency harmonizes with our own views, is a wanton rebuke to the declared policy of the president-elect, and therefore, to say the least, in exceedingly bad taste.

The Campaign Fund.

Contributions to the campaign STANDARD fund not previously acknowledged have been:

Michael Carroll, New York…………………… 25 Charles F. Smith, Colton, Cal………………… 5 00 Thos. W. Roberts, New York…………………… 25

$5 50 Previously acknowledged………………… 3,784 86

Total to date……………………………. $3,790 36

p. 5, col. 4

The Tide of Poverty.

The tide of poverty is rising! stealthily it creeps along With no fury or commotion; Silent as a summer ocean Upward steals this deadly wrong. As men look for stir and tumult when a blight invades the land, Little reck they in their revel Of a dread relentless evil That no cunning can withstand. Hear them prate of power and riches and a progress great and high, When a peasantry is making, And a favored guild is taking Freedom’s blood that she may die.

The tide of poverty is rising! there are watchers on the height Who are signaling the nation Of the coming devastation, Yet but few can see the light: Some are wrapped in schemes and passion and cold reason holds them not; Some are myops—not observers, Dupes, or partisan time servers, Well contented with the lot That makes them underlings or toadies, moral bawds and panderers, Like those old masters of derision, “Out with Noah and his vision,” Gibe they, careless of the curse.

The tide of poverty is rising; and a vague unrestfulness Seizes those who stand the nighest To this crawling flood, where highest Climbs the doom they dimly guess. All below is dark with falsehood; filth and famine there hold sway; Ill paid labor’s degradation, Ignorance and profanation, Crime and sorrow, swarm the day. Hope’s phantasma flits a moment o’er the flagon’s mantling brim, Only to depress and sadden Stricken souls that nought shall gladden Till their light of life grows dim.

The tide of poverty is rising; and the yelping demagogue, Quack in all and knave by nature, Plots in every legislature Each fair measure to befog; Winking at the rich oppressor, super-sanctimonious, All of self his honey savors As he proffers faction-favors, Trivial sops to Cerberus. How he schemes to break the virtue of the mass by treachery, Pitting brother against brother; Stripping one to bribe another; Such a prince of hell is he.

The tide of poverty is rising! Shall it upward creep until All the gifts of the Creator In the clutch of one dictator Leave his greed insatiate still?

Shall one mortal’s whims and passions sway the world as swings a reed? No! The struggle is before us; Liberty her standard o’er us Waves, and honor gives us heed.

High Omnipotence upholds us and enfolds us to forefend; Love of truth and justice fires us, Impulse of the right inspires us, And we battle to the end.

WILLIAM WALSTEIN GORDAK.

North Scituate, Mass.

THE IMPULSE THAT BUSINESS FEELS.

“Even now business feels the impulse which was imparted to it by the election,” says the Pittsburg Times.

One of the businesses which has felt the impulse is carpet manufacturing. The carpet manufacturers have put their heads together and agreed (among themselves) to add to the general prosperity of the country by simply putting up the price on all grades of carpets. But notwithstanding the protectionist theory, the six hundred men “laid off” by Higgins will not share in these protection benefits.

The coal business has also felt the impulse in ways that are peculiar. A dispatch from Pottsville, Pa., of November 17 says:

Work has been commenced on the four new collieries that the Philadelphia and Reading company will open, which will increase the annual production of coal by at least 1,000,000 tons. The new operations will cost about $750,000, and [will?] all be completed and in working order toward the end of next year.

A liberal profit of twenty per cent on that investment would amount to $150,000.

The present value of the million tons of coal to be mined (the price of which was recently increased about twenty per cent) would be about $6,000,000.

The amount that would be paid the miner for digging that quantity of coal at forty-nine cents per ton would be $490.000^sic.

The little balance of $5,360,000 unaccounted for in the above items. goes^sic, of course, to increase the general wealth of the country.

The same dispatch quoted above also informs us that the Philadelphia and Reading coal and iron company will continue mining on full time until the end of the month, when the collieries will be put on three-fourths time, the object being to limit the output of coal and keep up prices. Other collieries are expected to follow the example.

It may appear to some folks that an increase of the price of coal meant a scarcity of that article and that the opening of new collieries indicates lack of capacity to supply the demand and consequently there should be more work and better wages for the miner. But the facts show that all this means that the miners are to be put on three-fourths time, three-fourths pay and three-fourths of a very poor living.

P. V. JONES.

The Ohio Plan of Campaign.

The following address, signed by the chairman of the Ohio single tax league, should receive the attention of every single tax man in that state, and should call forth his best efforts in behalf of the cause:

OHIO SINGLE TAX LEAGUE.

State Executive Board.

C. S. Walker, Chairman, foot Evans st., Cincinnati, O.; L. E. [Siemon?], Vice-Chairman, Cleveland, O.; W. W. Kile, Treasurer, 33 E. 5th st., Dayton, O.; Edw. L. Hyneman, Secretary, room 3, [345?] 1-2 S. High st.. Columbus^sic, O.

CINCINNATI, Ohio, Nov. 16, 1888.

To single tax men of Ohio: It is earnestly requested that our friends throughout the state put themselves in correspondence with the state committee of the single tax league. We desire to make the strongest possible appeal to our general assembly during the next sessions, by presenting petitions, by having Henry George address the legislature, and by other methods that may appear desirable. We ask that wherever it is possible you organize for the purpose of circulating petitions

p. 5, col. 5 > and collecting funds to forward this work. With the number of men in this state who are devoted to our cause, a subscription, even of the most reasonable amount from each one, would place the state organization on such a sound financial basis that we could render most effective service. > > It lies now in the power of the great state of Ohio to lead the Union in this grandest of reforms. Let us not fail through lack of energy and enthusiasm to win success, when it is in our grasp. > > C. S. WALKER, chairman. > > ED. L. HYNEMAN, secretary.

Work for Ohio Men.

COLUMBUS, Ohio, Nov. 17—The situation in Ohio will continue to grow more interesting every day now. Since the defeat of Cleveland the democrats have become something more than mere tariff reformers, and they will in time be something more than free traders. They will need to become more progressive in this state.

In accordance with the present constitution of Ohio a constitutional convention should be called in 1890, bnt^sic it is to be feared that the vested interests will try to prevent it. Efforts were made in this direction during the last session of the legislature. The great expense involved by such a convention was argued against it. It was a specious objection. It was suggested that carefully devised amendments be put to popular vote. Thereby the revision might be defeated. A committee was appointed to investigate the necessity for such revision and to report measures to the legislature.

This committee has been in communication with the committee on revision of our tax laws which meets in Columbus from November 19th to the 24th. The report which these committees prepare will be the commence ment of a heated discussion which, beginning in the legislative halls, will be carried into the press and upon the platform. It will arouse as much thought as our recent campaign. The prospect of it is like the distant scent of battle to Ohio single tax men. We will be prepared to support the men who accept the single tax.

And we are enthusiastic in this state. All the correspondence which comes into my hands breathes fire. We are more determined than ever before. I would suggest that single tax men in places I am not in communication with send their addresses to me. We want to know all our friends. It is necessary that we concentrate our efforts. A state board can do more effective work than isolated clubs.

Owing to the sudden departure of Mr. George, his appearance before the tax investigating committee has been deferred. Arrangements will probably be made with the committee to receive his testimony during the early part of January. The legislature convenes January 8, and this will prove a most opportune time. Senator Massie, chairman of this committee, expresses his approval of the change of date.

EDW. L. HYNEMAN, Secretary Single Tax League.

PERSONAL.

The London Democrat says: “Lord Hobhouse’s year of office as president of the”united committee for the taxation of ground rents and values” having expired, the executive commitee^sic have unanimously resolved, on the motion of his lordship, seconded by Mr. J. F. Torr, to request Mr. William Saunders to acept^sic the nomination for president for the forthcoming year.

Michael Flurscheim, the editor of Deutsch Land and leader of the land restoration movement in Germany, is about to turn his business into a limited company, in order to “retire and devote the rest of his life to land reform.” The business referred to is his extensive iron foundry at Gaggenau near Baden Baden, where he has latterly employed some 1,000 hands.

W. J. Atkinson of Philadelphia writes that the single tax men there have their spurs strapped on for another campaign. Their first important move will be in the direction of the Australian system of voting.

B. F. Henly is now publishing a bright, well written weekly paper at Port Jervis, N. Y. Its name is the Deer Park Citizen, and its motto, “Tax Land Values Only.” In the current issue Mr. Henly has a four-colum^sic article on “Herbert Spencer and Henry George” in which he recounts in a very interesting manner his own conversion to the doctrine of the single tax.

The rising generation of single tax men are coming to the front. One of the tersest and most luminous presentations of the tariff question in the late campaign, was prepared by Fred. Moore of Roselle, N. J., and read before the tariff reform club of that place. Master Fred is a son of Marshall G. Moore, who has long been an earnest and efficient supporter of the single tax doctrine.

For a Single Tax Club House.

NEW YORK, Nov. 20.—We single tax Georgeites, as we love to style ourselves, have now carried on or participated in the carrying on of three campaigns—all defeats. Many of those who have gone through those campaigns and are tried and trusty desire to form a more permanent organization and to get a place wherein the records of the movement may be stored away; in fine, where the history of the war for industrial freedom in New York city may be kept. This headquarters should be in my opinion purchased by the men who believe as we do.

This can be done, and with a certainty of profit to every one engaged in the enterprise. It is proposed to make a tontine of say $10,000; each share to represent one dollar, and the shares purchased to depend upon the life of the person buying, and to purchase in the name of the society thus formed a building within a short distance of Cooper union, which should not cost over $40,000 cash. Such a building can be bought by an outlay of $10,000, the rest to stand on mortgage to be gradually wiped out by a sinking fund. Now if there are any others who think as I do that such a plan is feasible, and differ possibly merely on a matter of detail, can we not get together within the near future and talk over some such plan?

The coming fights are not at all likely to be less bitter and they might easily become much more bitter. Already we have much literature fit for distribution. and we need^sic every day more and more a rallying point, a home, a place where at all times our men can find a welcome and whence they can carry away for distribution much of the literature we now send. Lastly, as time runs on and our faith spreads, strangers of our kith and kin coming to New York want a place where they can come and see the men who “fight with Ormuzd” in New York. And I submit that while THE STANDARD office is always and probably always will be the Mecca toward which their steps will trend, yet it is not a place where they can be shown the kind of attentions they deserve, and meet all the people they wish to meet, as strangers are necessarily out of place there and must feel so despite the best efforts and kindness of the persons they may meet.

I am only one out of a large number who think of this favorably, and as one expression of opinion send it to you. I take it of course, defeat or no defeat, we are in this struggle till we win our desire, or die in the attempt.

A. J. STEERS, 39 Nassau street.

p. 5, col. 6

SOCIETY NOTES.

The weddings of the week have been in the highest degree interesting. Among the most prominent was that of Miss Mary Brady, daughter of Judge Brady, in Trinity chapel on Thursday. Apart and distinct from all else, even from her picturesque group of bridesmaids, Miss Brady stood out the most peerless and exquisite of white robed maidens. Satin and lace lent their aid of course, and diamonds sparkled in her hair and her throat, but her radiant beauty shone through it all and called forth a murmur of admiration as she walked up the broad aisle of the church. The bridal offerings were exceptionally handsome. Relatives and friends lavished silver and jewels upon the bride and the bridegroom must have ransacked the east to find pearls of such remarkable size, purity and symmetry as those that form the pendant to his wedding gift.

A young German named Charles Eich who was to have been married last Sunday, committed suicide an hour or two before the time fixed for the ceremony, in the apartments he had engaged for himself and his bride. Want of money was the only reason for his action that his friends can assign and their opinion is confirmed by a letter he left for his betrothed, in which he said “I did not want to do this, but I am short of money. I do it in full possession of my senses.”

Miss Louise Bouvier Drexel and her two sisters, Miss Lizzie Drexel and Miss Kate Drexel, are the three wealthiest young unmarried ladies in the United States. The aggregate fortune which came to them from their father, after the payment of about $1,500,000 to Roman Catholic charities, was something over [$15,000,000?]. It is so invested as to bring each of them in an income of over $500,000 a year.

Of the total number of suicides committed in France during the year 1887, [483?] were attributed to poverty, 305 to pecuniary difficulties and 100 to the loss of employment.

Black underwear, black sheets, pillow slips, and a black coverlet or bed spread are the fads of the moment among New York women of capricious tastes who follow eccentric fashions. These black garments and bed furnishings must all be of the finest black silk surah and crepe, embroidered in black silk cut work, and edged with black Chantilly or fine Spanish lace.

Mrs. Kelly, a widow, who lived with two of her children at No. 285 Kingsland avenue, Brooklyn, was found in a sick and destitute condition last Thursday at her residence. She was removed to St. Catherine’s hospital and her children were cared for by friends.

The artists who make handsome dinner menus expect to grow rich, for fine hand painted ones on parchment and satin are in favor. Some of the newest have a miniature of the hostess painted in the center, or a pretty landscape view. Etched menus are also in fashion, and people who can afford it have the work of noted artists.

An eighty year old, white haired woman was arrested for picking the pocket of another woman at an auction sale last week. Her name is Mary Fitzgerald, and the police authorities say that for sixty years of her life she has alternately passed the time in jail or lived by thieving. As she had no friends or relatives living who would support her she had the choice of going to the poor house or running the risk of getting sent to prison, and she preferred the latter.

The opera box of the dutchess^sic of Marlborough at the New York opera house has just been sold for [$23,000?].

[Nell?] Nelson, who has been writing up the sweating shops and factories of New York for the World, told in last Sunday’s paper of her experience in a binding establishment. She had to try at several places before she found one where a new hand was wanted, and in her search talked with a large number of the girls employed, not one of whom was making more than 55 cents a day, the average wages per week being about $3.75. At G. W. Alexander’s she found work. They were busy and the girls stayed long after six o’clock. One girl got home about ten o’clock, and her mother made her bring “three pieces of bread” for her supper for fear she “would get sick by going so long without food.” An expert worker, whose constant stooping over the table had rounded her shoulders, had been there seven years. In the busy season she made $1.25 a day. Her fingers were worn and blistered, and now and then she had to stop a moment because the work hurt her. New girls of two, four and six months’ experience slaved away for $3 a week, and old hands for from $4 to $6.

For ladies who wish light footwear there are boots of kid morocco with heavy soles and pointed tips of patent leather. Slippers for house wear and evening wear are made in all shades of Suede kid to match the color of evening costumes. A tiny buckle of steel or silver or a large pompadour buckle of old silver is sometimes used. Venetian slippers for neglige wear are made without heels, and have a silk lining and a rolled top trimmed with black velvet. The red morocco toilet slippers and the Suede kid toilet slippers, with pointed Chinese toes, are very fashionable for house wear.

Louis [Keitowitch?], of 26 Suffolk street, was held for trial at the Essex market police court last week on a charge of leaving his four children destitute and without food or clothing. The agents of the society for the prevention of cruelty to children suspected that he was starving them for the purpose of ex citing pity and getting donations, and this turned out to be the case. He had done the same thing in Chicago. The children, who had been reduced almost to skeletons by hunger and privation, were taken in charge by the society.

In a Colorado Town.

CANON CITY, Col.—Prominent politicians of both parties in Colorado predict that the next issue will be landlordism and that under one name or another there will be a landlord party.

Professor Robbins of Denver recently visited us. He has been doing some good work during the canvass for ballot and tax reform. We will soon have a local club of at least twenty good workers, and we hope to have some legislation this winter in favor of ballot reform.

I would suggest a national organization under some name that we may adhere to and make uniform through all the states. Let it be “free soil commoners.”

FRANK P. BLAKE, M. D.

An Enterprising Crow.

Atlanta Journal.

Farmer Crowder had finished planting his corn, but his heart was heavy. He knew the crows were whetting their bills to pull up the corn as soon as it appeared above the surface.

“I tell you how to get away with the crows,” said Neighbor Stokes.

“How?”

“Get you a gallon of mean whiskey and soak some corn in it till it gets full of the stuff and then scatter it broadcast in the field. The black rascals will eat it and get drunk, and then you can catch ‘em and pull their heads off. That beats [pizen?] or shootin’.”

In a few days Farmer Crowder met his friend Stokes.

“Well, how’s craps?” queried Stokes.

“My corn’s bodaciously ruint,” replied Crowder, dolefully. “I tried that ‘ere scheme o’ your’n, and it’s a humbug. I soaked the corn and scattered it one day, and next mornin’ I went down to the new groun’ to see how it’d worked.”

“Found ’em drunk, eh?”

“Found nothin’. I hearn a devil of a fuss down nigh the branch, and went to see what it was; thar was a dad-blasted old crow what had gathered up all the whisky corn an’ had it on a stump, an’ he was retailin’ it out to the others, givin’ ‘em one grain o’ that sort fur three grains o’ my planted corn; and dinged ef they hadn’t clawed up that field by sections.”

ONE OF THE MANY!

Curtis Yorke in Temple Bar.

They had been married for rather more than a year—Jim Carrol and his pretty little wife—and their baby daughter was two months old.

He was a fine fellow, was Jim—well set up, and good to look at; chivalrous, upright and honest as the day; but though he came of a good old stock—of which he was the last—he was only a clerk in a London artichitect’s^sic office, with a miserable salary of £100 a year, which, of course, he might lose with his situation any day. It will be clear, I hope, to the meanest understanding that under these circumstances he had not the smallest right to think of matrimony. So when he had the audacity to propose for Marjory Linton—niece and ward of the pompous and wealthy old Joseph Linton of Manchester—that gentleman gave him a very short shrift, and promptly showed him the door. And when, a month later, pretty, independent Marjory ran away with this same handsome, impecunious Jim Carrol, her irate uncle—to use his own expressions—“washed his hands of of her^sic, and closed his doors against her and her husband for ever.” At this terterrible^sic sentence Marjory did not trouble herself very much; nor did her husband suffer it to affect his peace of mind. He was too happy to care whether all the rich old men in Europe closed their doors against him—or otherwise.

They lived in a tiny house in a red bricked, pointed gabled terrace at Chamberwell^sic, and they had enough to do to pay the rent and to make ends meet generally, especially after the baby came; but they loved each other passionately, and that made things easier. Marjory was the most sunny hearted and hopeful of little women, and she was quite sure that some day Dornton & Cox—awakening to a sense of Jim’s abilities—would take him into partnership and make his fortune.

But, alas! for Marjory’s dreams, on the particular evening on which this story opens, Carrol was wending his way homewards dejectedly enough, for Dornton & Cox, having had heavy losses lately, were reducing their staff of clerks, and among those dismissed to-day was James Carrol. Jim felt stunned and bewildered, for situations were not as plentiful as blackberries in London in 1884 any more than they are now.

“O, Jim, how late you are!” cried little Mrs. Carrol, as she flew to the door to meet her husband. “I thought you were never coming! I had to put baby to bed, at last.”

“Had you, dear?” he answered absently, as he followed her into the small but cosy sitting room.

He looked depressed and out of sorts, Marjory thought. Perhaps he had one of his bad headaches. But like a wise little wife she asked no questions, only poured out his tea and gave him his slippers. He did not eat anything, she noticed, but sent up his cup to be filled again and again, draining it each time feverishly.

He was very silent, too.

“Is anything the matter, dear?” his wife said at last in anxious tones.

“Yes, Marjory,” he answered with an effort. Then, after a pause, he told her.

For a moment her sunny face was clouded; this was a contingency which they had never contemplated. Then she said bravely:

“Never mind, Jim. It will not be difficult for you to get another situation. I see scores of advertisements in the papers every day!”

But Carrol was not so sanguine. He was of a more gloomy temperament than Marjory, and would not be cheered, not even when baby woke up, and smiled and cooed in his face, as was her wont.

“You see, Jim,” said Marjory cheerily, “we have still a good part left of your last salary. It is not quarter-day yet for a good while; and we can economize in little things. We might let Ann go” (Ann was the small maid-of-all-work), “she is really getting very careless; she broke three plates yesterday. If I have a charwoman to come in on Saturdays, I can easily manage the work myself. Baby is so good, and requires so little attention.”

Jim put his arm round her as she knelt beside him.

“Dear little woman,” he said, “I couldn’t let you do that. Not yet, at least.”

They studied the paper diligently day after day. Carrol answered innumerable advertisements, both by post and personally, but in vain; though he spent an alarming sum in postage stamps, and returned night after night, weary, heartsick and footsore.

The days went on; quarter-day drew near, and passed; and the Carrols’ little store of money melted away. For the baby had been ill; and several tradesmen’s bills, small but imperative, had had to be paid. The weather was oppressively hot and enervating and Marjorie’s^sic little face began to look pinched and worn; for the baby was peevish and fretful, requiring constant nursing and attention; and the servant had been dismissed some time ago.

Another week passed. Jim felt almost desperate, for he could obtain no employment; and to make matters worse the baby fell ill again. It seemed a kind of wasting, nameless illness. She cried and wailed night and day, and grew almost hourly more shadowy-looking. The doctor whom Carrol at last called in shook his head, asked a few questions, advised change of air and ordered the young mother to take “plenty of nourishing food.” With a view to furthering the latter object—change of air being out of the question—Jim pawned his watch and chain. Poor fellow, he felt shamefaced and embarrassed enough as he took the ticket and buttoned his coat over his now chainless waistcoat. But the money so obtained kept them going for some little time; and Carrol, meanwhile, did not for a day relax his efforts to obtain employment. He searched with anxious diligence in each evening’s paper the column devoted to “vacant situations,” and answered various advertisements which seemed singularly suitable. But those who have studied that column—not for amusement or curiosity, but for dear life

p. 6, col. 2 —know that of these advertisements only too many are simply swindles, and that the comparatively few which are bona-fide are speedily secured by these who have^sic either the influence or the experience which Jim Carrol had not. He set off every morning for the city, neglected no opportunity, left no stone unturned, but in vain.

He used to “dine in town,” he told his wife; but in reality nothing passed his lips from the time he went out in the morning until he returned, unsuccessful, hopeless, and exhausted, in the evening. Marjory never guessed this, and she herself did without absolute necessaries, silently, and with uncomplaining cheerfulness. It was a terrible time for them both; perhaps it was the hardest on Jim, for he had not Marjory’s elastic, hopeful nature, her happy, almost childlike, faith and trust that things would be better by and by. He felt, too, that he had brought her to this life of poverty and privation, which he seemed so powerless to avert; and as he thought of the future—grim and black and uncheered by any gleam of hope—his heart sickened and died within him.

In September they moved out of their pretty home to a very small and dingy cottage which stood alone, a little way back from a side street, behind a timber yard. It was not an attractive dwelling, but it was very cheap; and the rent of their former house was now out of the question. To defray the various inevitable expenses connected with the removal, and one or two other necessary outlays, they sold some of their furniture, and a few other things besides.

Marjory’s jewelry had all gone long ago.

One day, in walking westward along Fleet street, Carrol met an old fellow clerk, by name Archie Lyle.

“Hallo, Carrol!” Lyle exclaimed, grasping the former’s hand heartily, and turning to walk alongside. “How are you? Haven’t seen you for a month of Sundays. Why, you look down in the mouth, old man! What’s up, eh?

“Nothing particular,” replied the other, coldly enough, “except that I have been out of a situation since I left Dornton & Cox. Inspecting public buildings, when you have a wife and child to keep on nothing, is not a particularly exhilarating or lively occupation,” he continued bitterly.

“By Jove, no!” said the other in serious tones. He was a good-natured, easy-going fellow, who had rarely known the want of a five-pound note, and who, as a rule, had only to sit still and let things come to him.

“I’m awfully sorry, old fellow,” he went on awkwardly. “You know I’ll never forget the lift you gave me two years ago. I’m awfully sorry,” he continued, with less tact than good nature. “Upon my soul I don’t know when I was so hard up as I am this month. Until I get my next—”

“Confound you! What are you talking about?” interrupted Carrol haughtily. “Do you take me for a beggar?”

Lyle murmured some confused apology.

“I don’t want your money,” Carrol went on in brusque tones. “Can you tell me of anything I can get to do? Anything. I am not proud,” with a short laugh.

The other cogitated, then shook his head.

“By the way,” he said suddenly, when they had crossed several streets in comparative silence, “you are a good draughtsman, are you not? You have a good idea of plans and that?”

“I ought to have,” returned Carrol dryly, “seeing I have been a clerk in an architect’s office for the last three years.”

“Ah, yes, to be sure. Well, I know designs are wanted for a new hospital somewhere near Manchester. The premium is a hundred pounds. Now—”

“For God’s sake, tell me,” interrupted the other eagerly and hoarsely, “do you think I have any chance?”

“Well,” said Lyle, “I was going to have a try. My father has an idea I ought to to distinguish^sic myself in that line; but I’m an awful duffer on plans—always was. So if you care to go in for it—it’s a goodish premium—it might be worth your while. And, by the way, Carrol, don’t sign your own name, for I believe old Linton, your wife’s uncle, is to be one of the judges. He is still no end down on you, and—it might make a difference. See? Sign it—oh, anything you like, and send it under cover to me. You can trust me not to father it,” he added, laughing. “I’ll send you all the particulars to-morrow, and let you know whenever the thing’s decided.”

“Lyle, I cannot thank you sufficiently,” said Carrol unsteadily, “though I fear there is very little chance for me.”

“Pooh!” replied the other in airy tones, “you’ve as good a chance as any of the rest.”

“How soon must it go in?” asked Carrol, feverishly.

“Ah, let’s see. I think its a fortnight^sic, but I’ll let you know.”

They were in the Strand by this time, and Lyle stopped at the nearest restaurant, for it was past two o’clock.

Carrol declined his companion’s invitation to accompany him, and with a grasp of the hand the two men parted. Jim turned down a side street, and from thence through the Embankment gardens to the river. He did not feel very hopeful, for when the body is weak the spirit is apt to be weak too; and big, stalwart looking fellow as he was, Carrol had but little stamina; and the past months of ceaseless anxiety—and lately of almost starvation—had told on him terribly. He walked slowly along the embankment, and across Westminster bridge, and so home.

Marjory met him with her usual cheery smile; but he fancied her sweet face was paler and more worn looking than ever; and the baby’s eyes, unnaturally large and bright, seemed to follow him reproachfully. His wife clapped her little hands joyfully when he told her of Lyle’s proposal; and she was so merry and hopeful all the evening that Jim felt his spirits rise. She prepared a nice little supper for him, too; and Jim did not notice, for a wonder, that one or two of their cherished books had disappeared. Baby was very good to-night, she did not cry at all; and the evening was the most cheerful they had passed for some time.

In the evening of the following day

p. 6, col. 3 came the promised letter from Lyle; and as soon as it was light the next morning Carrol began his task. He worked hard and patiently, but he suffered terribly from nervous headaches; he took even less food than usual; and the baby’s constant monotonous wail made him sometimes feel half crazy.

At last the drawing was finished. Carrol signed it “Isola, care of A. Lyle, esq.,” as his friend had suggested. Marjory thought it beautiful, and had no doubt of its being successful; but Carrol was not so sanguine. However, he sent it off at once; and Marjory already began to calculate how long a time must elapse before its fate would be decided.

It was weary waiting, though; and to Jim—ay, and to Marjory too—the once dreaded pawnshop became sadly and painfully familiar. Meanwhile their baby was slowly but surely fading away from them.

One afternoon Carrol returned somewhat earlier than usual from the city, whither he had been in answer to some luring will-o’-the-wisp advertisement. It was a dull, wet day; and as he turned up the narrow street which led to his home. his^sic heart sank with a curious, undefined dread. They had been up with the baby all night, but she had seemed better and brighter when Jim left in the moruing^sic.

Marjory met him, as she always did, at the door. At a glance his fears were quickened.

“What is it?” he said hastily. “The child—is she worse?”

“Jim,” she answered, looking up at him with dry, grief stricken eyes, “Jim—baby is dead!”

He followed her silently to the room where the tiny creature, with waxen features so like his own, lay cold and still and smiling.

“When?” he asked in a choked voice.

“Just three hours ago,” she replied monotonously.

Carrol stood looking down on all that was left to him of his baby daughter and smoothed the short, fluffy hair with a strange, wistful look in his dark, sunken eyes.

“Poor little thing!” he said, sadly and brokenly. “God knows what she is spared!”

There was a silence, for Marjory could not speak. The rain dripped on the window sill outside; the wind shook the casement and moaned in the chimney. Then, with a quick, dry sob, Carrol took his wife in his arms and they mingled their tears together.

A few days more passed and the baby was buried. Even that was a struggle to the poverty stricken father and mother, It^sic was wonderful how they missed the tiny thing—theirs for so short a time—her funny, winning baby ways, and even her fretful, peevish cries. To Marjory, during the long hours when her husband was absent, the house seemed horribly, unnaturally still and desolate.

The weather was wet and chilly, and Jim caught a cold which ended in a sharp attack of bronchitis, and left him more spiritless and haggard looking than ever. So the autumn dragged on.

At last—one dreadful day, when even Marjory broke down and when Jim looked so weak and ill as he set off on his weary and fruitless quest for work that it almost broke his wife’s heart to see him—at last, privately, and with many pangs of humbled pride, Mrs. Carrol wrote her uncle. She did not tell her husband, for she knew that if she did nothing would induce him to let the letter go. The answer came soon enough; and it so chanced that Carrol met the postman at the door and took the letter from him. He gave it to his wife, and waited while she read it; then, seeing her face blanch, took it from her trembling hands, and with compressed lips glanced at the few words it contained. It was short and to the point:

DEAR MARJORY—If you like to leave your husband, I will take you back to your old home. On no other terms and in no other way will I help you. You took your own way; and now you may take the consequences.

JOSEPH LINTON.

It said much for Jim’s utter heartsickness that he did not even show any displeasure at Marjory’s having written. He only said gently:

“You should not have asked him, dear.”

But the passionate little Marjory tore up the letter and threw it into the fireplace.

It haunted Jim, though. If it were not for him, he thought wretchedly, his Marjory would be cared for again as she ought to be. He knew her too well to think she would leave him. No word had come of his drawing; he had almost given up hope; a deadly, horrible depression seemed to have taken possession of him. Every way seemed closed to him—save one.

“Dear,” he said one night with an effort—they had been sitting silent for a long time in the dismantled little sitting-room—“would you not like—to go back—to Manchester?”

“What, without you, Jim?” she cried, with incredulous amazement in her tired little voice.

“Yes,” very steadily.

“Ah, Jim,” tones of keen reproach, “do you want me to go?”

“My darling, you need not ask me that,” and Jim’s voice shook slightly. “But—it would be better—for you.”

“Ah, my dear,” she said with an attempt at her old sauciness, “you need not hint; you can’t get rid of me. Don’t think it!”

Then she suddenly laid her curly head on his knee and began to cry.

“O, Jim,” she sobbed, “don’t send me away! How can you speak so? You break my heart! Ah, darling, you could not do without me, could you?”

“God forgive me, no,” he answered hoarsely. “You are all I have!” As he spoke he drew her into his arms, and held her against his breast. She clung to him, sobbing passionately, for a long time,

“Marjory,” he said suddenly, “have you had anything to eat to-day? For you ate nothing this morning.”

“Yes, dear, of course I have;” she answered, sitting up and drying her tears.

“What had you?”—noting with a pang how wan and weak she looked, and what heavy shadows lay under her sweet brown eyes.

“Oh, all I wanted,”

p. 6, col. 4 “I know what that means,” he said, in low, agitated tones. “Child, you are starving yourself to death! I am killing you—you, my little Marjory, who are dearer to me than my own soul! You are dying before my eyes—as our baby died—and I can do nothing—nothing! O my God, this is torture!” And laying his head down on his arms on the table, he too sobbed—a man’s heavy, heart rending sobs, tearless and bitter.

In an instant Marjory’s arms were round his neck, her lips resting on his dark, bent head.

“Hush, dear boy, hush!” she said, in her quaint little motherly way. “You are talking nonsense, dear. I haven’t the slightest thought of dying, you foolish Jim. Don’t, my dear, don’t!” she went on imploringly.

But Carrol’s self control seemed to have deserted him utterly; and for a time his agitation was terrible.

Then there was a long silence, broken at last by Marjory’s voice in anxious tones—

“You have eaten nothing to-day, Jim, I am quite sure; and you are quite faint and worn out.”

“My darling, I could not eat,” he answered wearily, raising his head and leaning back in his chair. (There were only two chairs in the room now, and very little else.)

Marjory’s soft brown eyes filled again with tears; but she resolutely winked them away, and said, trying to smile: “We will make up for lost time, and have some supper. Then things will look brighter. I have an idea, do you know, that our luck is going to take a turn.”

Jim smiled faintly; his idea pointed in a diametrically opposite direction.

“And therefore,” Marjory went on, with a gayety the more touching to Jim because he knew it was assumed for his sake, “we will go out and buy something for supper, my dear Jim. A great fellow like you cannot possibly live on bread and tea—and not much of that—as you have been doing. Now I wonder”—looking round the room meditatively—“if there is nothing more we can put away?” (They always called it “putting away.”)

Carrol did not speak. He could not just then. Marjory stole softly up stairs to their bedroom and slowly opened a small box which stood there. It contained nothing of much value, seemingly—only a few baby clothes and a tarnished silver rattle, of which latter the tiny bells tinkled merrily as Marjory lifted it. Her tears fell thick and fast as she rubbed the pretty toy with an old glove until it shone quite brightly in the dim candlelight. Then she went down stairs. Jim was still sitting where she had left him, but he turned as she came in, and shivered slightly, for the night was chilly, and a fire was a luxury not to be thought of. She held the rattle out to him silently.

“Oh, Marjory, not that—I can’t!” he said hoarsely, hiding his face in his hands.

“Yes, dear,” said the sweet, unsteady little voice. “We—we—” She stopped uncertainly, and, to her husband’s terror and dismay, fainted suddenly and quietly away in his arms.

The next day Carrol himself wrote to old Joseph Linton. His letter was returned—unopened.

. . . . . . . .

“Post these letters for me, King—will you?” said Archie Lyle, one October forenoon. “I’m off in a tearing hurry to catch a train. Don’t forget them, there’s a good fellow.”

“All right,” said the young man addressed; and he put the letters carelessly into the breastpocket of his overcoat.

“Hang it all!” King said to himself the next day, “I’ve forgotten to post Lyle’s letters. However, I don’t suppose it matters much. He’ll be none the wiser.” He dropped [them?] into the first pillar box he came to, and lighting a cigar, sauntered on his way.

On the morning of this same day Carrol and his wife were standing, pale and silent, at the window of their sitting room. They were watching for the postman. They had watched for him unspokenly, feverishly, despairingly, for many days. Soon they heard the sharp rat-tat on the doors in the distance. He came nearer. He knocked at the door of the house nearest theirs. Then—he passed on!

“O, Jim!” said the little wife despairingly.

Carrol was white to his very lips.

“Never mind, childie,” he said, putting his arm round her, and trying to speak steadily.

“Oh, my dear, I can’t help it,” she sobbed.

There was a long pause; then Marjory said, almost cheerily, “Perhaps if you went to Mr. Lyle, he could tell you, Jim ——”

“I did go, Marjory, yesterday,” he interrupted, quietly, but he has gone^sic from home for a fortnight. If my drawing had been successful, he would have written before he left. Try not to grieve, darling; it can’t be helped,” Jim went on, with a sickly smile. “We must try something else. I may hear of something to-day.”

Perhaps there will be a letter to-night^sic,” said Marjory, with renewed hope, as she bade her husband good-by at the door.

Jim came home about six, looking terribly weary and depressed. He had been unsuccessful—once more.

“No letters yet, dear,” said his wife, hastening to answer the unspoken question in his eyes. As she spoke they heard the postman’s knock in the distance; it came nearer and died away.

“Perhaps there will be one in the morning,” Marjory went on; but her voice faltered.

In the morning! Another long, awful, sleepless night of hoping against hope, of maddening, steadily growing despair! Jim shuddered. He was worn out, physically and mentally; and he felt as though he could not stand the sickening suspense longer, As^sic he looked at his wife, her wan, changed little face, with its pale ghost of a smile, seemed to pierce his heart.

A strange, terrible, determined look settled round his mouth; but Marjory was leaning her curly head against his arm, and did not see his face.

The room was quite dark now, but they were still standing at the window. For a time Carrol was very still. Then he said:

“I am very tired, Marjory darling, I

p. 6, col. 5 will lie down for a while. Don’t disturb me. I—I didn’t sleep last night” (nor for many nights, he might have added).

“But won’t you have a cup of tea first, Jim?”

“No, I don’t care for any.”

“A long sleep will do you good, dear,” she said, anxiously and caressingly. “You look dreadful!”

“Yes,” he answered, in a strangely quiet voice, “a long sleep will do me good.” Then suddenly, “Kiss me, Marjory!”

“Ah, my own dear, disappointed boy!” she cried, throwing her arms round him.

He held her to him tightly, and kissed her again and again.

“My darling!” he said hoarsely. “My own darling!”

Then he let her go, and went away. She heard him go up stairs, and his footsteps echo in the room above.

Marjory sat at the window for a long, long time, and watched the stars grow brighter and clearer in the soft dark sky. Somewhere in the distance a street organ was wailing out an old hackneyed waltz tune. It stirred her heart strangely. She remembered dancing that waltz with Jim, so very, very long ago—it seemed long ago, like everything else that was bright and hopeful. Even Marjory’s brave little heart was heavy to-night. What would become of them, she wondered. God only knew.

The clock on the neighboring church tower boomed out on the night air; and as the last stroke died away there was a sharp knock at the door. It was the postman. Marjory took the one letter he held out to her, and closing the door, she went back to the sitting room. With trembling fingers she lighted the candle, and examined the envelope eagerly. Yes—it was Mr. Lyle’s handwriting! Marjory recognized it without difficulty, for it was a peculiar hand. With a beating heart she stole softly up stairs—she did not take the candle, for fear of waking Jim, should he be asleep—and peeped into the bed room. All was still. In the pale starlight she could just make out the dim outline of his figure on the bed.

“Jim!” she whispered.

No answer. He was evidently asleep.

Ah! It seemed a pity to wake him, she thought; and perhaps, after all, the letter held bad news. She softly laid a shawl over him in the semi-darkness and crept down stairs again.

After looking at the fateful envelope for some time, she slowly opened it. She could not wait; and she knew Jim would not mind. In another moment she uttered a little glad, involuntary cry, and her lips parted in a joyful, half incredulous smile. Could it be possible! Yes, Jim’s design had been selected as the best; the premium would be his! And this was not the only good news the letter contained; for Lyle went on to say that he had heard of a vacant appointment, which he thought he could—through his father’s influence—secure for Carrol.

Marjory hid her face in her hands; for a moment the revulsion of feeling was almost too much. Then in a passion of tears and thankfulness she fell upon her knees. But she could only say, “Thank God! Thank God!”

An hour passed. The moon was drifting among the stars, and streaming in through the uncurtained window on Marjory’s face wet with many tears. The candle had burnt itself out.

Ah, what a joyous waking Jim’s would be! Should she lay the letter on his pillow to surprise him when he awoke? Or should she rouse him? Perhaps he was already awake.

She lit a fresh bit of candle, and, still holding the precious letter, went up stairs. She laid the candle down just outside the bed room door, and entered very gently.

How deadly still the room was!

“Jim!” she said softly.

But Jim did not answer. How soundly he slept!

Marjory came nearer and bent over him in the throbbing darkness. The moon had hidden herself behind one solitary cloud.

“Jim!”—a little louder.

Still that strange, weird hush. A vague fear stirred her heart. She did not even hear him breathe. What if he had fainted!

The moon sailed out again, illumining part of the room, but leaving the bed in deep shadow.

“Jim, darling,” leaning over him and laying her arm across his neck, “a letter has come! It is—” With a sudden sickening terror she stopped and raised herself, for she felt—that her sleeve was wet!

Snatching up the candle she held it over the bed, and by its flickering light she saw—ah, dear heaven, what did she see?

Not her Jim, surely?

A white, dead face—a dark-red stain on the coverlet—a ghastly wound—and cold, nerveless fingers, still holding—what!

Ah, cruel Jim!

A long, shuddering cry rang out on the autumn night—wild—agonized—despairing. Again and again it echoed. Then all was still.

. . . . .

In the asylum at S—— there is a fair, slender woman, with solemn, child-like eyes and sunny hair.

“Hush!” she says to the doctors every day, with lowered voice and uplifted finger. “Hush! Jim is asleep. I must not wake him. He is so tired, poor Jim! He does not know that the letter has come. You will take me to him, will you not? Not now—but when he wakes!”

The Author of “Robert Elsmere.”

New York World.

The first book that Mrs. Ward published was for children; the second, appearing in 1884, was “Miss Bretherton,” which was an elaborate study of a supposititious actress, interest being supplied to Americans by the fact that the noble woman, nobly planned, that Mrs. Ward depicted, had borrowed her temporary soul from the temporary characteristics of Miss Mary Anderson. In 1885 Mrs. Ward’s translation, with an introduction, of “Amiel’s Journal” appeared, and, with “Robert Elsmere,” completes the list.

In the fields of essayism and magazine criticism, Mrs. Ward has done more than previously in fiction. Her critical articles show the variety of her tastes, as well as her familiarity with the modern literature of the Latin races. With recent Spanish literature she is thoroughly conversant, and the French

p. 6, col. 6 seem to attract her sympathies almost as much as they did those of her uncle, Matthew Arnold. The London Quarterly Review has had two papers by her—one on “Modern Spanish Literature” and another on “Modern Geneva.” She has also been a frequent contributor to Macmillan’s during the last eight or nine years. One of her early articles, entitled “A Spanish Romanticist,” was a review of the life, works and influence of Gestavo Becquer^sic, with a prefatory sketch of Spanish politics, which was essential for a right understanding of the subject. This was signed “Mrs. Humphrey Ward^sic.” Since then, however, Mrs. Ward’s contributions to Macmillan’s have been signed “M. A. W.”

A glance at some of these papers throws considerable light upon Mrs. Ward’s intellectual attainments and upon the character of her critical work. Among them are articles on “Marius, the Epicure^sic,” a review of Walter Pater’s book with that title; “Style and Miss Austen,” a charming essay apropos of the recently discovered letters by the author of “Pride and Prejudice;” “M. Renan’s New Volume” (of Studies in Religious History); “The Literature of Introspection;” “A New Edition of Keats;” “French Souvenirs,” on the book of that title by M. Maxime du Camp; “Francis Garnier,” who was a distinguished leader among the French colonizers in the East; “A Swiss Peasant Novelist,” a sketch of the life and a review of the works of Albert Bitzius, who wrote under the pseudonym of “Jeremias Gotthelf,” and “M. Renan’s Autobiography.”

Personally Mrs. Ward is short, rather heavy in build, very pale and endowed with brilliant though small dark eyes. Genealogically as well as by culture and in mind Mrs. Ward is first, last and always an Arnold.

NEW IDEAS, METHODS AND INVENTIONS[!?]

At the Baldwin locomotive works in Philadelphia there are in course of construction four locomotives which are designed to run by soda, which takes the place of fire under the boiler. Soda has much the same power as coal, says the Philadelphia Record, without any of the offensive gases which that fuel emits. The engines are to be shipped to Minneapolis, and are to be run on the streets of that city, where steam engines are forbidden. The engine has much the same appearance as a passenger car. It is about sixteen feet long, entirely boxed in, with no visible smokestack or pipes, as there is no exhaust or refuse. The boiler is of copper, having tubes running through it as in steam boilers. Inside the boiler will be placed five tons of soda, which, upon being damped by a jet of steam, produces an intense heat. When the soda is thoroughly saturated, which will occur in about six hours, the action ceases and then it is necessary to restore it to its original state by forcing through the boiler a stream of superheated steam from a stationary boiler, which drives the moisture entirely from the soda, when it is again ready for use. The exhaust steam from the cylinders is used to saturate the soda, and by this means all refuse is used. The engines are being built under the supervision of a German engineer. Soda engines are used in Berlin and other European cities very successfully, and they also traverse the St. Gothard tunnel, under the Alps, where steam engines cannot be used, because the length of the tunnel renders it impossible to devise a system of ventilation which will carry off the foul gases generated by a locomotive.

As the stormy season on the North Atlantic approaches, the hydrographic office at Washington again reminds navigators, in a note on the November pilot chart, of the great advantage to be derived from the use of oil to prevent heavy seas from breaking on board. The forcing of the attention of mariners to this subject, so that now no careful master of a vessel goes to sea without providing for the use of oil in storms, has been one of the most important results of the work of the hydrographic office.—[Science.

Claus Spreckles^sic is running his new beet sugar factory at Watsonville, Cal., day and night. He gives personal supervision to all details, and instructs the hands in the new process, with which they are unfamiliar. The beets have proved very satisfactory as regards saccharine qualities, and many farmers are receiving [$5?] per ton, whereas only $4 was guaranteed. Spreckles will probably establish several other refineries in different parts of the state.

Among the products which science has put to valuable service is the nettle, a weed which is now even being cultivated in some parts of Europe, its fiber proving useful for a variety of textile fabrics. In Dresden a thread is produced from it so fine that a length of sixty miles weighs only 2½ pounds.

A correspondent of the Electrical World says that the Detroit steel spring works have used petroleum for eighteen months under eight boilers of [85?] horse power each, as well as in their furnaces for heating steel. The following figures refer only to the boilers, six being used at a time. They burned 24 tons of the best bituminous coal every 24 hours, and were often short of steam. The coal cost $2.80 per ton, and the labor, including removal of ashes, made the total expenditure per day (twenty-four hours) $80.25. The consumption of petroleum for the same period of time is 76 barrels of 42 gallons each, at a cost of 55 cents per barrel, the total cost, including labor, being [$45.30?] per day (twenty-four hours), a saving of [$34.90?], equal to 41 per cent. They have an abundance of steam, and always under a constant pressure.

The successful tow of the big lumber raft from Nova Scotia to New York by Mr. Leary has started other men in the same line. The report is that a Colonel Donahue, of San Francisco, has given $200,000 for the right to use the system of towing on the Pacific coast, and that active operations will be commenced immediately. It is also reported that a party of Boston capitalists who are building a railroad in Chili are negotiating to have rafts delivered in Chili during the coming summer. In this connection we would allude to the report that Mr. Leary, the inventor of the lumber raft system, has stated that he will construct no more big rafts for ocean navigation, as the work of building and then breaking up such great rafts, to say nothing of transporttion^sic, creates an expense greater than that of handling the logs by vessels in the ordinary way.

It is well known that many useful inventions are patented and sold to large corporations, who buy them for the sole purpose of preventing others, and possible competitors from using them. The Bell telephone company is said to own patents which, if they were used, would not only lessen the cost of the instruments, but very much improve the telephone service. They do not use them, simply because they have a monopoly of the telephone business and need to look only to the matter of dividends, without any regard to the interests of the people who protect them in their monopoly. The Western union telegraph company is said to pay a certain electrical inventor a regular retainer for the privilege of the first examination of his patentable inventions, with a view to their purchase; and that the company owns a great many inventions, which, if put into use, would greatly improve the telegraphs and lessen the cost of operating them. We think it would be very difficult to show in what way the people are benefited by these inventions, and if they are not benefited by them, why should they protect them? If the owner of a patent will neither use it himself nor allow others to use it upon any terms, does he not thereby entirely prevent the people from deriving that benefit from their patent contract with him which alone makes that contract binding upon them? and have they not the right to declare the contract void?—[American Machinist.

What She Didn’t Want.

Harper’s Bazar.

“George,” said the fond young girl, ’I believe^sic thoroughly in economy, but there is one mistake I don’t want you to make. There is a French copper ring that is much talked about in the papers, and I want to say to you now that I won’t wear one.”

“All right dear,” says George; “I’ll get you a gold ring with a solitaire carat in it.”

QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

Restoring the Equilibrium.

Chicago Herald.

Lord Salisbury is confident he has restored the financial equlibrium^sic of Egypt. The financial equilibrium of Egypt is like the physical equilibrium of Sam Patch. It is like the the financial^sic equilibrium of the Central Pacific road. It is like the financial equilibrium of a Chicago savings bank of 1873 or 1877, where the landlord sued the receiver to see who should get the office furniture, the cabinet maker meanwhile getting nothing at all. Egypt is an orange that all the natives have squeezed. Egypt is a pauper, made so by the robbery of all religions and all forms of government. In 1882 its financial equilibrium was restored by bombardment and the burning of Alexandria.

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OWN A SINGLE TAX PAPER. MUCH effective work in and after the campaign can be done by the publication of a local paper. Wo can^sic furnish 500 [20?]-column papers, containing much free trade single tax matter, for $2.50 per issue. These will be headed and dated at any village or city. At a little extra expense items of local interest, making points against local opponents, will be inserted. The publisher will have complete control over his own paper; he can insert in it any reading matter or advertisements he pleases, collecting his own pay for subscriptions, sales and advertising. All we have to do with the plan is to furnish the work from a central office and divide the expense among the publishers. These papers can be entered at local post offices as second class matter, and can then be mailed at a cost of four cents per 100 copies for postage. This is a very important item for clubs and groups to consider. Samples free. Write for fuller information to

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ANY PERSON holding a receipt for one year’s subscription to THE STANDARD may become a member of “The Standard Association” by applying to W. C. BOHANNON, Secretary, [2,219?] Chestnut street, St. Louis, Mo.

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The department of fiction will be exceptionally full. Instead of a serial story, dragging its length through several months, and exhausting the patience of the reader, a complete novel will be published in each number; and each issue will also contain one or more short stories complete.

Colonel Donn Piatt is assisted by a staff of sub-editors, and also by a large number of able contributors, among whom are

David A. [Welles?], | Gen. H. V. Boynton, Hon. Frank H. Hurd, | Sarah B. M. Piatt, Prof. W. G. Sumner, | Edgar Fawcett, J. S. Moore (Parsee Merchant), | Joel Benton, Hon. John G. Carlisle, | Ella Wheeler Wilcox, Henry Watterson, | Rev. George Lorimer, Henry George, | E. Heron-Allen, Julian Hawthorne, | Coates-Kinney, Edgar Saltus, | James Witcomb Riley^sic, John James Piatt, | Soule Smith (“Falcon”), Thos. G. Shearman, | Gertrude Garrison.

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[Advertisement] HENRY GEORGE’S WORKS.

[Advertisement] LAND AND LABOR LIBRARY

The following is a list of tracts in print:

1. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
2. Land and Taxation. David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages.
3. Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pp.
4. A Christian Minister on the Remedy for Poverty. Hugh O. Pentecost. 2 pages.
5. A Sum in Proportion. T. L. McCready. 2 pages.
6. Settler’s Nightmare. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
7. New York’s Docks. J. W. Sullivan. 4 pages.
8. Unemployed Labor. Henry George. 4 pages.
9. Mysterious Disappearance. Lewis Freeland. 6 pp.
10. How to Increase Profits. A. J. Steers. 2 pages.
11. The American Farmer. Henry George. 4 pages.
12. Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
13. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
14. Only a Dream. Abner C. Thomas. 4 pages.
15. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pp.
16. My Landlord. John Jones. 4 pages.
17. “Thou Shalt Not Steal.” Henry George. 8 pages.
18. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington. 4 pp.
19. Poverty and Christianity. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pages.
20. The Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
21. Religion vs. Robbery. Rev. Dr. McGlynn. 8 pages.
22. Back to the Land. Bishop Nulty. 16 pages.
23. Anti-slavery and Anti-poverty. H. O. Pentecost. 8 pp.
24. Tenement House Morality. J. O. S. Huntington. 4 pp.
25. The Case Plainly Stated. H. F. Ring. 8 pages.
26. Questions by Rev. Howard Henderson, with answers by Henry George. 2 pages.
27. Objections to the Land Tax. Thos. G. Shearman. 4 pp.
28. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
29. Horse Sense. W. C. Woods, M. D. 2 pages.
30. Taxing Land Values. Henry George. 8 pages.
31. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages.
32. What We Want. Everett Glackin, ex-president Typographical union No. 6. 2 pages.
33. How John’s Father Saw the Light. W. C. Woods. 2 pp.
34. The Distribution of Wealth. T. G. Shearman. 16 pp.
35. Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers. Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages.
36. What the United Labor Party Want. Henry George. 2 pages.
37. Stories for Farmers. 4 pages.
38. Electoral Reform. A. T. Rice. 4 pages.
39. A Practical Illustration. Hugh B. Brown. 2 pages.
40. Hints as to What You Can Do. Henry George. 4 pp.
41. To a Bookkeeper. Bartholomew Appleby. 2 pages.
42. A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms. Samuel B. Clarke. 16 pages.
43. A Piece of Land. The late Francis G. Shaw. 2 pp. [68?]. The Tax on Buildings. William T. Croasdale. 8 pp.
44. My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man. William McCabe. 4 pages.
45. Election Reform. Louis F. Post. 12 pages.
46. The Single Tax in Canada. 2 pages.
47. The Onward March. William Lloyd Garrison. 4 pp.
48. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages. [85?]. A Catechism. D. A. 45. 2 pages. [86?]. Jefferson and Hamilton. Chauncey F. Black. 8 pp.

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CURRENT THOUGHT.

The opening article in the Nineteenth Century for November is a noteworthy one. It is nothing less than a protest, signed by several hundred of the best known men in England, “against the mischief to which the system of competitive examinations is running.” The protest itself is followed by a series of articles by Max Muellr^sic, Edward A. Freeman and Frederic Harrison, in which these distinguished men state briefly their special objections to the system they unite in denouncing.

Few people in this country have any idea of the portentous growth of the competitive examination system in Great Britain. It has developed an army of specialists—examiners, tutors, crammers and coaches—the object of whose being is to insure, not that certain men shall acquire a certain amount of knowledge, but that they shall be able to answer, at certain fixed times, the greatest possible number of questions. And it has brought into being a vastly larger army of men, who look upon study as a trade, to be pursued solely for the sake of its pecuniary rewards, and not by reason of any desire for knowledge. The boy at a public school crams for the competitive examination whose reward is a fellowship at the university. The university student crams for the competitive examination that may win him a scholarship. The graduate hastens to engage a coach for the competitive examination that may secure him a position in the civil service. As Frederic Harrison puts it:

A man going through the full school, college, and professional career now passes from ten to twenty of these examinations, at intervals perhaps of six months or a year. From the age of ten till twenty-five he is forever in presence of the mighty Mill. The Mill is to him money, success, honor and bread and butter for life. Distinctions and prizes mean money and honor. Success in examinations means distinctions and prizes. And whatever does not mean success in examinations is not education. Parents, governments, schools, colleges, universities, and departments combine to stimulate the competitive examination and the mark system. None quite like it; but all keep up the tarantula dance—‘needs must when the devil drives.’ The result is that the Frankenstein monster of Examination is becoming the master of education. Students and parents dare not waste time in study which does not directly help towards success in the test. One hears of the ordinary lad at school or college, either as amusing himself because ‘he is not going in this year,’ or else as ‘working up very hard for his examination.’ He is never simply studying, never acquiring knowledge. He is losing all idea of study, except as ‘preparation’ for examination. He cannot burden his memory with what will not ‘pay.’ And a subject which carries no ‘marks,’ or very few ‘marks,’ is almost tabooed. Books are going out of fashion; it is only analyses, summaries, and tables which are studied. But published examination papers are the real Bible of the student of to-day—nocturna versanda manu, versanda diurna.

It is against this system that the signers of the protest uplift their voices; and it must be owned that they speak with no uncertain sound. “Alike,” they say:

Alike in public elementary schools, in schools of all grades and for all classes, and at the universities, the same dangers are too often showing themselves under different forms. Children—as is so frequently insisted on—are treated by a public department, by managers and schoolmasters, as suitable instruments for earning government money; young boys of the middle and richer classes are often trained for scholarships, with as little regard for the future as two-year-old horses are trained for races; and young men of real capability at the universities are led to believe that the main purpose of education is to enable them to win some great money prize, or take some distinguished place in an examination.

It is encouraging to see so large and respectable a body of men and women uniting to protest against a great and growing social evil. Only, what are they going to do about it? Doubtless the competitive examination system is a monstrously bad thing. But it was invented to take the place of a much worse system—the shameless abuse of patronage in the public service, and the strong tendency of favoritism at the schools and colleges. And if our English brethren throw the competitive examinations overboard[,?] what are they going to put in their place? In the schools and colleges, of course, the simple remedy may be applied of abolishing the whole system of scholarships, fellowships and other pecuniary rewards of successful study. But the civil service cannot be swept out of existence in any such fashion. And whether the competitive examination system be replaced with a pass examination system, or by no examination system whatever, it is certain that the old patronage evil will assert itself just in proportion as appointments are left to the discretion of the appointing authority.

It does not seem to have occurred to any of the signers of this remarkable protest that the competitive examination system is only part of a much larger evil—only a symptom of a wide spreading disease. Scholarship in England is being degraded into a mere money making vocation, simply because mere money getting is becoming more and more every year, in England as in this country, the serious business of life. A college fellowship or a position in the civil service is an absolute security against the miseries of poverty; and to secure himself against poverty, is nowadays a man’s first duty. And so it comes to pass that English students scramble for college fellowships just as English laborers scramble for the privilege of work, or English paupers for admission to an almshouse. And the system which should secure the fittest men for the British public service, results in making public office a thing to be struggled for like a championship belt.

STOREKEEPERS AND WAGES.

In THE STANDARD of November 10, when speaking of Helen Campbell’s recent studies of European poverty, I quoted her assertion that the competition of women who are not compelled to work is an evil thing for those who have to depend on their labor for a living, and said:

The author of “Prisoners of Poverty” does not see the contradiction involved in her own sweeping condemnation. Why should it be a

p. 8, col. 2 > bad thing for society that women, blessed with immunity from want, should devote their leisure time to producing, for low wages, things that other people want? If they produced them for nothing at all—gave them away to every applicant—would that be a still worse thing? According to Mrs. Campbell’s argument it ought to be. It is not because a few women are content to work cheaply that other women are driven out of work. It is because women and men alike are forbidden to go to work unless they first find an employer.

A correspondent, “W. F. W.” writes from Brooklyn to say that he considers this utterance by far too sweeping. A distinction, according to him, should be drawn between the making of things for gratuitous distribution and the making of the same things for distribution by sale. He says:

If they made the goods for nothing, and distributed them gratuitously among the needy, the needy would be benefited; and honest working women are of that class. But suppose they made them for nothing, and gave them to the merchants, would not that be a worse thing for the working class? Certainly it would. For the needy would then have to pay the dealer the full market prices for their goods, notwithstanding they got them for nothing.

There is an essential difference between working for charity and giving to the poor and working for low wages in competition with the poor. It is said that competition is the life of trade. Be that as it may, we know that it is the death of wages.

Who would be injured if a lot of well to do women should conclude to keep our retail stores supplied with some description of fancy work—say knitted hoods, for instance—absolutely without any charge, leaving the store keepers to make prices as they saw fit?

Certainly not the store keepers. They would sell more goods, and make more money by selling them than ever before. For they could afford to sell at vastly lower prices, and the pressure of competition would compel them to do so, even if they lacked the sense to understand their own interest. And the price of hoods being lowered, more people could afford to buy them, and more hoods would be sold.

Not female wageworkers as a class. For it would certainly be a benefit to them to get their worsted hoods in return for less expenditure of labor than before.

But what about the women who had been making their living by knitting hoods? Wouldn’t they be injured? Unquestionably; just as men who make their living by building are injured when a house on fire doesn’t burn down; or as they themselves are injured when spring succeeds to winter and knitted hoods are no longer worn. They would be injured; but the real cause of their injury wouldn’t be that a few half idle women had taken to knitting hoods for nothing; but that they themselves were forbidden by society to do anything else but make hoods, to apply their labor to the opportunities of nature in any direction save the direction of knitting worsted.

The only persons who could truthfully say that any injustice was done them by this gratuitous hood making would be the well-to-do women who would be working without wages. And they would have the remedy in their own hands, since they could stop work at any moment they saw fit.

All this my correspondent will probably admit. But if I read his letter rightly the admission will not by any means signify that he has changed his mind. It will be simply an acknowledgment that he is not able at the moment to detect the weak point of my argument. He will believe just as firmly as ever that it is good to give things directly to the poor, but bad to give them to storekeepers to sell to the poor; and he will be quite sure that with a little study of the question he will be able to prove his position triumphantly. He is like one who has been listening to a demonstration of a perpetual motion machine—unable to detect the flaw in his adversary’s argument and yet as certain as ever that perpetual motion is a humbug.

The real foundation of my correspondent’s criticism is, I think, the idea that the storekeeper, the retailer, the employer of labor, the middleman who stands between the people who make things and the people who consume things, is a really superfluous member of society, who makes a living and often acquires wealth by virtue of a certain dexterity he has attained in “exploiting” the labor of wage workers. According to this theory the middleman is simply a taxer of production, levying toll upon both wage workers and consumers. Were he swept out of the way the people who make things would be better rewarded for their toil and the people who consume things would get them cheaper.

But suppose there were no middlemen. Suppose the kind hearted woman, whom^sic we have imagined making knitted hoods for other people’s use without reward, should refuse to supply any storekeepers with their wares and attempt to distribute their hoods by the simple process of giving one to every applicant. Consider the effects.

In the first place, there would be fewer hoods made. The hood makers would have to spend a great part of their time in the work of giving away hoods. In the next place the hood distribution would be very unequal. People living near the hood makers would have the first opportunity, and would be very apt to get all the hoods before people at a distance could find time to call. And the people who most needed free hoods would be the very ones least likely to get them. And lastly, the great majority of people would remain ignorant of the whole matter and never know that there were places where knitted hoods could be had free for the mere trouble of asking for them.

The truth is, and my correspondent will see it if he thinks awhile, that the mere making of hoods is only a part of the labor of hood production. The labor of getting them to the people who are to use them has still to be performed. This labor is just as much entitled to reward as is the labor of knitting the hoods. And that the folks who do the knitting are self-denying enough, or charitable enough, or foolish enough to work for

p. 8, col. 3 nothing, is no reason why the men who complete the work of production should be denied their reward. If knitted hoods grew on bushes like blackberries the work of picking them and carrying them to the consumers would still have to be performed. And people in general would find it cheaper to pay men who made a business of hood picking to bring their hoods to them than to go and pick them for themselves. But the hood pickers in that case would be doing the very thing that W. F. W. thinks it impolitic that the storekeepers should be allowed to do.

It is a truth of which thousands are unmindful, who think superficially upon economic subjects, that the process of production begins with the first application of labor to the raw material of nature, and ends only with the delivery of the product to consumers. The laborers who plow the land, sow the seed and gather in the grain; the railroad hands who transport the wheat, the elevator men who store it, the seamen who transport it across the ocean, the millers who grind it into flour, the bakers who convert it into bread, the brokers who negotiate its sale, the merchants who buy and sell it, the bankers who provide the funds out of which each man receives pay for his work as soon as done, without waiting for the final sale of the completed product, the newspaper reporters who collect the statistics and quotations of the market; all these and others form an unbroken chain of producers whose labors are not finally completed until the loaves of bread are delivered by the bakers to the people who are to eat them. Each one of them, if he has done his work properly, has added something to the value of the product; and this added value, be it more or less, is the first measure of his wages. Each one of them, too, has increased the efficiency of his labor by the use of capital, and whether the capital employed was his own or the property of another, its owner is equally entitled to be paid for its use, according to the price fixed by open competition in the market.

It is unfortunately true that the members of this chain of producers do not receive the true measure of their wages. Some get vastly more than their proper earnings; some vastly less. But this is not to be remedied by putting the overpaid member out of existence, but by searching out and removing the causes which compel the underpaid members to accept less than their share. To do away with the store keeper would neither increase the earnings of the wealth producer, nor reduce prices to the wealth consumer. On the contrary, by hampering the process of production, it would lessen the employment of the former, and so reduce his wages; and it would in the same way increase prices to the latter.

It is not competition that is “the death of wages,” but the prohibition of competition. It is not because too many men want work that wages are low, but because too many men are forbidden to go to work. The remedy for poverty must be sought in the abolition of restrictions, not in their increase. What industry needs is not regulation, nor fostering protection, but simply freedom.

T. L. M’CREADY.

SUGGESTIVE OF THE IDEA SOME OF THEM HAVE OF US.

Toronto Grip.

LIVERPOOL, Oct. 21, 1888.

Dear Grip: I think I told you in my last that I was billed for a lecture in Lower Bebington, Cheshire, under the patronage of Canon Duxter. Well it was a big success. Hall crowded to its utmost capacity. Any number of local magnates present, and some from a distance. Punctually at 8 o’clock I stepped on to the platform, and, without waiting to be introduced, drew the revolver I had bought for the occasion and fired at the ceiling. As you may suppose, a scene of wild confusion ensued. The ladies shrieked, and I believe one or two of them fainted.

“Don’t get scared,” I said, as soon as I could make myself heard. “It is always the custom in America for a speaker to begin that way. It arrests the attention of the audience, besides letting ‘em know he’s heeled in order to resent interruptions. The subject onto which I’m to shoot off my mouth to-night is, ’Real Life in America,’ and, you bet, I’ll give it you straight and not unload any gaff on you. ’Taint often that I’ve had the chance to toot my bazoo before so fly a crowd, accustomed, I reckon, to considerably better layouts than my chin music, and I aint no such sucker as to allow that any flapdoodle would go down with you. Not to any extent, by gosh! If I tried that racket on I guess I should give myself away real bad. You’ll allow me perhaps to brace up before we get down to hard pan.”

I paused a minute, and drawing a large flask from my hip pocket, took a drink amid loud applause from the audience.

“How charmingly natural! how delightfully unconventional, isn’t he?” said a young lady who sat near the platform, to an elder woman, probably her mother.

“Yes, dear. The free and unaffected manners of the Americans are indeed an agreeable contrast to the restraints of English society. We must invite him to the Castle.”

“In America,” I resumed, “they reckon a man is away off his chump if he don’t irrigate every hour or so. Our favorite beverage is the cocktail. It is composed of equal parts of aquafortis and sulphuric acid, with a dash of bitters and a flavoring of lemon. (Sensation.) Hence the expression ‘Nominate your pizen,’ when extending a hospitable invitation.

“My friend, the canon here, who is no slouch, didn’t exactly catch on when I mentioned this circumstance, but as I explained to him, there is a difference in the climate.” Then I proceeded to give ’em the stories I’d unloaded on the canon during our interview, which I don’t need to repeat here, about the effects of the cold and the way we conducted our elections, etc. Took it all in? I should say they did. When I was telling ’em about our fights with the Indians near Toronto, they got greatly enthused as I illustrated my remarks by several more shots from my revolver and by slashing up the desk with my bowie knife. When I exhibited a bunch of hair I had got in a hair dresser’s store as the scalp of the Indian chief, “Snapping Turtle,” slain by my own hand in an encouter^sic on the Don flats, it just capped the climax.

I took out a big plug of tobacco, cut off a chew with the bowie knife and proceeded to tell them about buffalo hunting.

“If you will look on the map you’ll see in western New York the name ‘Buffalo.’ That is the center of the buffalo country. To follow the monarch of the plains as he scoots like thunder over the level prairie, making

p. 8, col. 4 the earth shake beneath his tread like a thousand of brick, you bet it’s elegant.”

“It’s hall a confounded lie,” spluttered out a large red faced man who had listened in open mouthed astonishment to my discourse. “Ladies and gentlemen, hi lived in Buffalo, N. Y., four years, hand there hisn’t a buffalo within ’undreds of miles.”

“Oh, come off,” said I, scornfully. “Then perhaps you can tell us why it is called Buffalo?”

The question paralyzed him, and as he couldn’t answer it, the audience hooted him, and he was collared by a policemen^sic for raising a disturbance.

I resumed. “I was telling you, when interrupted, about buffalo hunting, which everlastingly knocks the spots out of fox hunting. Formerly we used to go on horseback, but now steam engines are employed, the prairie being as smooth as a billiard table. Fancy the exhilaration of the hunter as on perceiving a herd of buffalo in sight, he gaily fires up, puts a weight on the safety valve, opens the throttle and lets her go, Gallagher! On and on speeds the engine until the game is overtaken, when the hunter, carefully igniting the fuse, hurls a dynamite bomb at the nearest bull. The explosion can be heard for miles, and the shattered carcass falls to the earth. That rather lays over your dog and gun business, I guess!”

At the conclusion of my lecture Canon Duxter remarked that it was perhaps the most successful of any delivered in the town. I was overwhelmed with congratulations and invitations. I have since been asked to repeat the lecture in several places, and shall, of course, do so. Guess I’ll stay here a while longer after all. Yours, etc.,

THE FAKIR.

GARRISON AND HOAR.

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[Garrison and Hoar, continued from column 4]

but he said, “The world is my country. To do good is my religion.” And Dr. Channing, the founder of the sect you are proud to be numbered with, uttered these “sentimental’ words^sic:”I call that mind free that sets no bounds to its love; which is not imprisoned in itself or in a sect; which recognizes in all human beings the image of God, and the rights of his children . . . and offers itself a willing victim to the cause of mankind.” And Henry Ward Beecher would not have been out of place on the historical platform from which you spoke. Listen to his sentiment: “As a father stands in the midst of his household, and says, What is best for my children? so we are to stand in the world and say, What is best for my brotherhood?”

And your human love is limited to “thirty-eight states and 60,000,000 freemen!” Love, then, is a question of geography and numbers. Had you been born in Italy your sympathies would have been confined to that peninsula. But Terence was a Roman, and the world keeps his name undying for one “sentimental” declaration: “I am a man, and nothing that pertains to humanity is foreign to my sympathies.” And Seneca was not ashamed to say: “We are members of one great body, and we must consider that we were born for the good of the whole. . . . I will look upon the whole world as my country.” And Epictetus takes up the chorus: “The universe is but one great city, full of beloved ones, divine and human, by nature endeared to each other.” And I could summon a later and not less worthy spirit whose memory belongs to the world, Joseph Mazzini, whose absorbing love for Italy never allowed him to forget his black brothers in American chains.

I might imagine you born in Greece and uttering such sentiments I have cited^sic in the days of the academy, and let Plato rebuke you for your ignoble speech. I might conceive you a native of the Emerald isle, and then contrast your narrow patriotism with O’Connell’s noble declaration that whatever became of Ireland, he never would be silent regarding American slavery. And France would bring you face to face with Lafayette, whose patriotism embraced America, and who would not be out of place even in Faneuil hall; and with Victor Hugo, who stretched his hand of sympathy across the ocean to John Brown at Harper’s Ferry. And English Herbert Spencer reminds us that “the moral law is cosmopolite—is no respecter of nationalities, and between men who are the antipodes of each other, either in locality or anything else, there must still exist the same balance of rights as though they were next door neighbors in all things.” Even heathenism is broader than the Christianity you profess. Confucious^sic, whose countrymen, to your lasting honor, were not shut out of this great republic by your vote, tells us that “the good man loves all men,” and that “the mean man sows, that himself or his friends may reap; but the love of the perfect man is universal.” “Love all mankind equally,” says the Budhist^sic commandment, and I might summon a mighty cloud of witnesses to the sublimity of that universal brotherhood at which you affect to sneer.

I once heard from your lips a reverential expression for a citizen of Massachusetts whose intense devotion to his family lead him^sic to love the entire human race. Of his first born he wrote:

Bone of my bone! not all [Golconda’s?] gold
Is worth the value of a hair of thine!

Adding—

Yet no more precious than the meanest slave!

In his day and generation the business interests of Boston decried him, and the Pauline epithet of “infidel” was hurled against him. And great Massachusetts senators in Faneuil hall appealed to men’s lowest instincts to crush out his zeal. While the old state house stands, it will recall the mob that sought his life. But to-day, on the noblest avenue of the city is an effigy in bronze bearing the name of this despised and hated man. Engraved upon the pedestal of stone the passer reads—not your quotation from St. Paul—but these simple words: “My country is the world; my countrymen are all mankind.”

Faithfully yours,

WM. LLOYD GARRISON.

Mark Twain’s Wooing.

Philadelphia Press.

Mark Twain, if he is in the mood, will tell the story of his own courtship in a manner worthy of the greatest of living humorists. When he first met the lady who afterward became his wife he was not so distinguished as now, his origin was humble, and for some years of his life he had been a pilot on the Mississippi river. The future Mrs. Clemens was a woman of position and fortune; her father was a judge and doubtless expected “family” and social importance in his son-in-law. Clemens, however, became interested in his daughter, and after a while proposed, but was rejected.

“Well,” he said to the lady, “I didn’t much believe you’d have me, but I thought I’d try.”

After a while he “tried” again, with the same result, and then remarked with his celebrated drawl, “I think a great deal more of you than if you’d said ‘Yes,’ but it’s hard to bear.” A third time he met with better fortune, and then came to the most difficult part of his task, to address the old gentleman.

“Judge,” he said to the dignified millionaire, “have you seen anything going on between Miss Lizzie^sic and me?”

“What? What?” exclaimed the judge, rather sharply, apparently not understanding the situation, yet doubtless getting a glimpse of it from the inquiry.

“Have you seen anything going on between Miss Lizzie and me?”

“No, no, indeed!” replied the magnate, sternly. “No, sir, I have not.”

“Well! Look sharp and you will,” said the author of “Innocents Abroad;” and that’s the way he asked the judicial luminary for his daughter’s hand.

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