December 28, 1889 Vol. VI, No. 26Whole No. 156

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE^sic, Editor and^sic Proprietor.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Editorial. Single Tax Colonies—Electric Roads—Lecture at Youngstown—Billy Radcliffe’s Methods—Johnstown and Mr. Moxham—A Wholesome and Much Needed Quarrel—The Standard for 1890—A Back Number Democrat—The Protected Building Trades—Two Leisure Classes—Non-Partisan Political Economy—Notes.

Notes and Queries. The Brooklyu^sic Institute’s New Department^sic—The Single Tax and the Dock Department—Protest Against Giving Away Franchises—A Clergyman Who Has No Use for the Kingdom of God on Earth.

Letters to the Editor. A Conference Suggestion—Women’s Duty—They Are Asked to Apply at Home—Interdependence—The Knights and the Petition—Another St. Louis Woman Who Wants to Help.

Foreign Notes.

The Dispossess Fiends.

Mr. Shearman’s Reply to His Critics. Thomas G. Shearman.

The Arid Plains of the West. Ira S. Richards.

Our Washington Letter. Henry George, Jr.

Progress in London. Harold Cox.

Personal.

Society Notes.

The Social Problem. Glimpses of the Cat—Brains Our Best Defense—Hope of the Eight-Hour Advocates—A Single Taxer in Posse—“Mostly Fools”—England and Her Colonies.

The Free Trade Fight. Carlisle to Cullom—The Work of the Reform Club—The Wool Question—Mr. Ivins Before the Pan-Americans—An Iowa Republican on Allison—Everett P. Wheeler Before the Young Men’s Tariff Reform Club—A Memorial to Congress.

The Assessments.

Straws That Show the Wind.

Ballot Reform. The New Ballot System, by Louis F. Post—Good Work in New Jersey—Bills Prepared in Maryland—Good News from West Virginia—A Significant Article in “The World”—A Boston Policeman’s Opinion^sic.;

In the Field of Industry.

New Ideas, Methods and Inventions.

Single Tax News. The Petition—New York City—Brooklyn—New York State—West Virginia—Ohio—Indiana—Illinois—Tennessee—Missouri—California—News From Other States.

EDITORIAL.

Here is a letter I have sent to a gentleman in Texas who has been urging that THE STANDARD should take up a single tax colonization project. The letter will explain my views to others who have similar projects^sic to urge:

Dear SIR—Referring to yours of Nov. 11, which I have not found opportunity to answer until now, let me say:

It is quite true as you say, that successful towns have been planted, but so far as I know it has always been under the influence of self-interest, or of some very strong religious organization, and all attempts to plant colonies on any looser bond of common feeling have resulted in failure^sic.

But even if I could see that your plan for a a single tax settlement had all the advantages that attach to it in your mind, there is one sufficient reason why I could not engage in advocating it or consent to that being done in THE STANDARD. All such projects must depend for success upon the matter of management, and for that we could not assume any responsibility. The task that I have set before myself, and the object for which THE STANDARD was founded, and for which alone it exists is the advocacy of principle. To associate with this advocacy the advocacy of any scheme involving business

p. 1, col. 2 > management and pecuniary obligation would necessarily be to risk the loss of usefulness^sic. > > I have no objection to your setting your plan before those who may be inclined to favor it upon its own merits, and not as a part of the single tax movement. But except^sic as an advertisement, I could not consent to your doing so through^sic the columns of THE STANDARD, without seeming^sic unfair in denying to others the same privilege. > > I am answering by the same mail a letter from a gentleman in another part of the country proposing^sic to get up a single tax colony in the south, and offering me a share^sic of the profits^sic. To this, as to a number of other such applications, I have, of course, returned a negative answer. But I could not continue to refuse such applications if any such scheme as yours, meritorious though it may be in itself, were laid before the public through THE STANDARD. > > Trusting that you will see the justice of this, I am, yours truly, > > HENRY GEORGE

I lectured on the evening of Monday the 16th at Youngstown, Ohio, for the Young men’s Christian association. I went out of my way a little to stop at Cleveland and have a chat with Tom L. Johnson. He has been changing his Cleveland roads from horse power to electricity—using the Thompson-Houston^sic system, and running two cars to a train, thus avoiding the crowding that is so uncomfortable in busy hours on most city street railroads. He showed me the power station, where through a line of engines that seem to run as easily as so many sewing machines, the heat from burning coal is converted into electrical energy, and taught me how to make a crowbar stand out straight by bringing its head against the upper part of one of the dynamos. And then taking me on the front platform of one of the cars and letting the driver take a seat inside, he took me for a ride and showed me how easily the cars could be started and stopped, slowed down or made to run fast. Johnson says the engines feel the increase or decrease of the pull on the road far more quickly through the current of electricity than if they were connected with the cars by belting. As for the power and the possibility of future economies, he doubts if more than one or two per cent of the energy evolved by the burning coal is used in propelling the cars. But what of that? he said. Even if our knowledge of how to economize force were to stop where we now are, nature’s reservoirs are so enormous, so practically inexhaustible by man, that were the burdens only removed from labor and natural opportunities freed from monopoly, there could be leisure^sic and the luxury of abundance for all.

At Youngstown I of course went to the Hotel Radcliffe, where they cook yellow-legged chickens by natural gas in the highest style of the art. In the front window of the hotel are two models, designed and executed by the proprietor. They are illustrative of the necessity and advantages of ballot reform, and would draw a crowd anywhere on Broadway. One of them is labeled “the American system of voting.” It represents a polling place surrounded with crowds of heelers and ticket peddlers. On one side a “block of five” is being marched up to deposit the ballots the voters hold in their hands. On the other side a citizen approaching the polls is beset by a dozen ticket peddlers and heelers, each trying to thrust a ticket on him. In another place a fight is in progress. In another a dicker as to the price of a vote is going on; in another a group of voters is holding off to be bought, and so on. The

p. 1, col. 3 companion model is labeled “the Australian system,” and gives a good idea of its practical working, showing the rail, the booths, the election officers properly stationed, and a free and orderly approach of the voter, unembarrassed by “workers,” and unpestered by ticket peddlers, the receiving, marking and delivery of the ballot, and the final exit of the voter. All the figures are labeled, and to a certain extent this is perhaps necessary. In the fight, for instance, the artist has been lavish of red paint, as suggestive of gore, but the attitude of the figures themselves is suggestive only of repose, since they have been carved by Mr. Radcliffe out of clothes pins^sic, and resemble for all the world the figures of Noah and his family which used to come in the Noah’s arks forty or fifty years ago. The grotesqueness of the thing makes us laugh, but the moral is conveyed with distinctness and force. I wish such models could be exhibited wherever the Australian ballot has not yet been adopted.

Billy Radcliffe’s method on the tours of which the readers of THE STANDARD have heard something, is to go into a town or village, set up a light in a principal street in the evening, thrum on his banjo, sing a song and attract a crowd. Then he offers for sale a song book, published by himself. Then he sings another song or two, and offers for sale some medicine which he prepares. Then he sings another song or two, hangs up a blackboard, and with the aid of diagrams, of which he is quite as fond as General Walker or Mr. Edward Atkinson, delivers a lecture on the single tax. During the presidential campaign protection and free trade was his favorite subject. In the last campaign he, like many other of our^sic Ohio single tax men, would take no active part, being disgusted with the way in which Campbell was rushed on the democratic convention in place of a more radical candidate. Most of them, however, voted for Campbell at the election rather than even passively aid Foraker and the republicans.

I spoke in Youngstown in the opera house, being introduced by Mr. Clarke, a leading lawyer, on behalf of the Young men’s Christian association. In spite of the furious rain there was a splendid audience, who seemed intensely interested, and after the lecture, I met in the hall and in the Hotel Radcliffe a large number of our single tax men, among them some who had come from other places.

That tne lecture did good was not only shown at the time by the interest of the audience and the questions that were asked, but by the newspaper communications that have followed it. The Youngstown people are very anxious to have Thomas G. Shearman give a lecture there. And so it is all through Ohio, though not in Ohio alone. Mr. Shearman’s address before the committe^sic of the Ohio legislature last January produced a deep effect.

I could not get from Youngstown to Johnstown, Pa., until late in the afternoon, but as the train drew up at the station I saw, waiting to meet me, the slight figure of Tom L. Johnson’s partner, A. J. Moxham, the man whose nerve, tact and leadership saved Johnstown from horrors that might have followed the flood. Mr. Moxham drove me rapidly through the town—which, though being fast rebuilt, still shows an awful contrast

p. 1, col. 4 to what it was when I was there last—and up on the hill to a point where a view of the valley can be had. It is hard to describe the impression of awe which is even now made on the visitor by what he sees and hears in Johnstown. Remains of the victims are still being found. Only a few days before my visit the body of Mr. Moxham’s secretary, whom I had met in full strength and vigor when last in Johnstown, had been found. Another body, supposed to be his, had been recovered some time before, and sent to his native place for interment, but that that was a mistake^sic was conclusively shown by the watch and safe keys in the clothing of the body last found.

Only a few weeks before the flood came Mr. Moxham had removed from a part of Johnstown that was swept absolutely bare, to the higher ground of the town named after him, about two miles distant, where the new works of the Johnson company are situated. All day he had been working to save a bridge over Stoney creek from being carried away, and had just retired to his house to get some rest when, with a sudden burst, the back water from the deluge which swept down the Conemaugh rose five feet on the floor of the Johnson rolling mill. They knew at Moxham what had occurred at Johnstown, for the floor of the rolling mill is on a level with the highest part of the Johnstown bridge, but to reach the city was utterly impossible. All night long the flames from the burning wreckage at the bridge rolled up, and screams of direst agony were heard. But during the night Mr. Moxham had done what it was possible to do. He had organized the little neighborhood^sic (for the works had just been erected, and there were few people living there as yet), and with the morning light men were sent out to gather whatever provisions could be got, with instructions to promise that the Johnson company would be security for payment, but to secure them anyhow. Others were sent to note and guard every eatable animal, and mounted on the strongest horse a man bearing dispatches to Pittsburg, Cleveland, Philadelphia and New York was sent out with directions to ride across the hills and not to return till he had found some telegraph station where the wires were not all down.

Mr. Moxham himself started into Johnstown, and got there at last, but how is now a mystery to himself. As he looked down the main street and saw the awful wreck, with whisky barrels already rolled out here and there among the debris, and men and women getting crazy drunk around them, and the pillaging of the dead going on openly, his one thought was to get back to Moxham, get his wife and children into his carriage and get away somehow. But the imploring cry of an old woman who threw herself before him, and asked what they were to do, roused him. The minor flood of the day before had put out fires and destroyed provisions, and many people had had nothing to eat for thirty-six hours. With the old woman’s cry Mr. Moxham saw in a flash the absolute necessity of inspiring hope, and answered as confidently as if it were true, “I have a telegram in my pocket that says a train loaded with provisions is on its way over the Baltimore and Ohio road and will be here at one o’clock.” Going a little farther he met a group of the leading survivors. How continued on p. 2 →

A WHOLESOME AND MUCH NEEDED QUARREL.

There is some prospect that the quarrel that has broken out between Governor Hill and Mr. Manning, of the Albany Argus, will assume proportions that will compel the opponents of Hill to take sides and show their hands. The whole success of Governor Hill’s schemes for his personal aggrandizement at the expense of the good name, and, when necessary, of the success of the New York democracy, has been achieved through the hesitation and cowardice of his natural foes within his own party. Not satisfied with the base betrayal of his party and the political assassination of Cleveland at the last presidential election, Governor Hill has managed to drive nearly every friend of the man he betrayed out of the democratic state committee, and has now begun a systematic attempt to dragoon the democratic press into a support of his plans. It is a matter of no consequence to the people of this state which Albany newspaper enjoys the distinction of being the recognized organ of the democratic state administration, but it is a fact of grave political importance that Governor Hill’s friends have, in order to rebuke the son of the late secretary of the treasury for his kindly feeling toward Grover Cleveland, given their open indorsement to a paper which in its treachery to democratic policy and principles stands on a par with the New York Sun in everything but ability.

We are glad that Mr. Manning has hit back, and we hope his example will prove contagious and demonstrate that there is still some self respect, courage and manhood among the hundreds of thousands of New York democrats who detest the unscrupulous politician who has defied and insulted them hitherto with impunity; and who is himself such a physical coward that he had to have his horse led through the streets of this city, at the time of the late centennial parade, lest the governor of New York might fall off into the mud^sic.,

There is one thing, however, that the democratic opponents of Governor Hill must do if they mean to accomplish anything, and that is to openly take issue with him on the question of ballot reform. His own attitude on that question is in full accord to his innate depravity and natural liking for dishonest methods in politics. It is not only disgraceful to his party, but it is dam- aging it beyond measure. The Albany Argus has thus far yielded to Hill’s dictation in this matter, but now that it has thrown off his yoke it ought

p. 2, col. 3 to muster up the courage displayed by Mr. Cleveland in his Boston speech, and come out in favor of the great reform that Governor Hill has so violently and dishonestly opposed. This is true of all those who profess friendship for Mr. Cleveland and what he represents, but who have for several years back been contributing by direct acts as well as by timid supineness to build up the power of the man who hates them, who detests and fears Cleveland, and who is the natural foe to all that Cleveland represents. There is no use in trying to divide Hill’s forces by making concessions to those who are opposed to honest elections. Such politicians are natural Hill men, so long as Hill has anything to give. The only thing to do is to fight them and him, and to arouse such a popular demand for honest elections that no man ever hoping for a continuance in public life will dare refuse to vote to pass a real ballot reform bill over the governor’s veto.

When this is once done David B. Hill will shrink back to his natural insignificance, out of which he has been lifted by the carefully directed activity of the most abhorrent forces in politics in behalf of a policy that appealed to the selfish greed and the basest passions of the unscrupulous corruptionists of both political machines and thus made them accomplices in the crime of repeatedly elevating such a man to the gubernatorial chair of this great commonwealth.

“THE STANDARD” FOR 1890.

THE STANDARD is issued this week one day earlier than usual because Christmas falls on Wednesday, the paper’s real day of publication. The same course will be adopted next week, since New Year’s day, the following Wednesday, is also a public holiday, and the publication of the paper on that day would cause delay in the distribution of that portion of the edition which is handled by the news agencies.

This issue completes our sixth volume and the third year of the paper’s existence. The next issue will be the first number of the seventh volume and it will be dated January 1, 1890. Thenceforth the paper will be dated on Wednesday, its actual day of publication. THE STANDARD was originally printed at the close of the week, but the demands for its issue in time to reach distant readers before Sunday have gradually pushed its publication day back to Wednesday, though the date has remained unchanged. No good purpose appears to be served hy^sic preserving the fiction that a paper sold on our streets on Wednesday is not published until three days later, while the inconvenience in handling news matter in a paper thus misdated is very great indeed.

THE STANDARD enters on the fourth year of its existence with every prospect of gratifying growth in influence and circulation. The politics of this country has at last been made to turn on a great question of principle, and happily that principle is an economic one. The great social problem occupies the minds of men as it has not done before, and the great parties are bound to make their fight on an economic issue. At last there is a hearing for the principles that THE STANDARD has always advocated, and the number ready and eager to listen to the presentation of the single tax proposition as a method of solving the great social problem is increasing from day to day. THE STANDARD recognized the great opportunity thus offered two years ago, and it can be trusted to improve it. now that^sic the fight grows more fierce as the discussion widens and the inquiry becomes more searching.

During the past year a great labor organization has voluntarily embraced our principles, and has put itself in the position of demanding justice for all instead of privilege for some. During the coming year the two great political parties will engage in a contest for the control of congress, and despite all efforts of cowards and trimmers, and despite, the^sic con- servatism of the ignorant and indifferent, the question at issue will be as to whether the system called protection shall be continued or extirpated. Whatever the terms

p. 2, col. 4 in which the opposing parties may state their differences, the contest will be between free trade and protection, and it will so continue until common honesty and common sense finally triumph in the overthrow of all restrictions on trade.

Thenceforward the way is open to the single tax, and no hired lobby and no vast selfish interest. save one^sic, will seek to choke discussion or bar progress. Surely THE STANDARD and all other advocates of the single tax have the right to look back over the past two years with satisfaction, and to look forward to the next two with hope and confidence.

A BACK NUMBER MASSACHUSETTS DEMOCRAT.

The American shipping league, composted^sic partly of ship builders, has been holding a meeting in Boston to urge congress to grant subsidies to merchant vessels. What have the ship builders to do with this? Do not the navigation laws give them an absolute monopoly of the home market? They are the most thoroughly protected manufacturers to be found in the whole country, and, according to protectionist theories, their absolute control of the home market ought to make them supremely contented. It is disrespectful to the Home Market club to choose Boston as the place for ventilating such grievances. It suggests the suspicion that the home market may not satisfy even the protectionists.

The saddest thing about the meeting was the appearance of Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury as an advocate of the subsidies job. Mr. Woodbury declared that our coasting trade is quite prosperous, and that nothing but a failure to compete with foreign subsidies stands in the way of a prosperous ocean carrying trade for our people. This is not true, and it has been shown conclusively again and again that subsidies play no appreciable part in the maintenance of England’s supremacy on the ocean. Captain Codman, in a recent address before the Reform club of this city, effectively disposed of this pet misrepresentation of the subsidy beggars. The greater number of steamers sailing under the British flag receive neither subsidies nor payments for carrying the mail.

Mr. Woodbnry^sic is one of the old gentle- men who nursed a decrepit organization known as “the Massachusetts democracy” during the civil war, and now that the democratic party really represents a vital principle it is sad to see such a man lending his aid to protectionist schemes for giving away the people’s money in order to afford an excuse for continued high tariff taxation. But there is a better reason, still, why no Massachusetts man of Mr. Woodbury’s years should advocate such schemes. Such men can remember when, without subsidies or government fostering of any sort, New England ships, manned by Yankee crews, carried the American flag to every port. This was before the era of the war tariff and at a time when ocean postage played a more important part in aiding some lines of English shipping than it now does.

Mr. Woodbury occupies a most unfortunate position. He was opposed to a war tariff in time of war. when^sic the government needed the revenue to preserve its own existence, and he is in favor of a war tariff in time of peace, maintained exclusively for the benefit of private interests. It is well that younger and more consistent democrats have come to the front in the old Bay state.

THE PROTECTED BUILDING TRADES.

There is something charming about the audacity with which the New York Press assures an inquiring mechanic that the building trades are protected industries. Of course the Press frankly admits that ready made brick houses cannot be imported, and hence that the bricklayers, masons, carpenters, plumbers, painters and paper hangers and others do not derive the “protection” that they enjoy directly from the tariff. The Press assumes that even protectionist workmen know something. This same assumption causes it to dwell rather lightly on the benefit derived by the building trades from the continued on p. 3 →

[continued on page 3]

TWO LEISURE CLASSES.

The New York World has been making careful inquiry as to the amount of time devoted to the city’s business by its highly paid officials. So far it has not discovered that any of them devote themselves to their duties with such reckless assiduity as to lead them to violate a certain law (tucked away somewhere in the revised statutes of this state) making eight hours a legal day’s labor, while some of them have more than realized the dream of Moore’s Utopia^sic, since they get a handsome living by less than six hours’ daily work. According to the World the commissioner of public works heads the list with eight and a half hours’ office time, which includes, however, his lunch hour. Next come the street cleaning commissioner, the tax commissioner, the recorder and corporation counsel with eight hours to their credit, including the time spent at lunch. Next comes the mayor with seven hours, and the record is carried down through a long list of officers to a Harlem police justice, who puts in three hours and ten minutes, of which time it is said about two hours are devoted to luncheon The city^sic chamberlain has not been in his office for a month, but his salary at the rate of $25,000 a year goes steadily on. All of the officials included in the World’s list are paid salaries ranging from $3 500^sic to $25,000 a year, and it is generally understood that they will not have to apply for jobs on the street or horse car lines at $1.50 a day after their terms of office expire.

In broad contrast with the state of these gentlemen, is that of another leisure class found just now in the Schuylkill coal region in the highly protected state of Pennsylvania. It is said that in this region 25,000 miners who ordinarily have steady work have recently had their hours and wages cut down

p. 3, col. 2 twenty-five per cent. It will be noted that in this instance the wages are cut to correspond with the shorter time spent in work. Experts say that the cause of this distressing situation in the coal regions is the exceptionally mild weather we have thus far had this winter. The newspapers tell of “miles of sidings along the railroads from the mines to the sea crowded with loaded coal cars.” The only thing that can save the miners from starvation will be a spell of freezing weather in New England and the middle states that will cause a sharp and sudden demand for coal. This will shift the scene of suffering from the coal regions to the crowded tenement districts of the cities of the east, and the men who work ten or more hours a day for the scantiest of wages, and not those who live in ease on public revenues, will be the sufferers. Yet strangely enough, this is a democratic country, and the overworked and underpaid wretches, who must suffer under the conditions that promise relief to their fellow workmen in the mining regions, are the very men who by their votes sustain the system that creates such disparities in comfort, and many of them are enthusiastic supporters and followers of the officials who draw handsome salaries for short hours and easy work.

It is not to be regretted that a city official, if he does his duty, is not compelled to work more than eight hours a day, but it is monstrous that the men who work from dawn to dark at the hardest physical labor receive so miserable a pittance that they are compelled to economize in the use of coal to such an extent that their fellow workmen at the mines are threatened with starvation through lack of work. Does any one imagine that the people of New York and Boston and other eastern cities would not buy more coal, even in such weather as this. if they^sic had plenty of money? Can any one doubt that if they were practically free to exchange the products of their labor for the products of the labor of the miners, that both would be put beyond the danger of discomfort? Yet it is not through the unwillingness of men to work, nor the lack of provision by nature of raw materials on which to expend their labor, that this condition of affairs is brought about. Foolish, unjust and stupid man-made laws are responsible for the whole difficulty, and the men who practically control the lawmaking power live in luxury and ease, and devour the products of the labor of the poor without so much as a thought as to why it is that such poverty can exist among two sets of industrious and willing workmen, each of which is producing that which the other wants. It is this fat complacency of the comfortable classes that makes it necessary now and then to contrast the conditions of the men who rule this community with that of the men whose votes keep them in power.

NON-PARTISAN POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Professor Smith, on taking the chair as president of the new department of political and economic science just established by the Brooklyn institute, declared that the work of the department would be strictly non-partisan. It is difficult to see precisely how it is to be kept so. Perhaps national banking, silver, legal tender, and the whole currency question can be discussed without arousing partisan feeling except among those constituting the remnant of the old greenback party, but questions of taxation cannot be separated from the issues on which the political parties are now divided. The tariff question is the actual bone of contention between the two great parties to-day, and the truth cannot be taught concerning it without giving offense to republicans. When it comes to municipal taxation the danger is not so great, but the time is rapidly approaching when that, too, will be a burning issue, arousing as intense partisan feeling as that now caused by the tariff question. Street pavements seem to be innocent of partisanship, but should the public ever be educated up into demanding decent pavements, questions would arise as to where

p. 3, col. 3 the money would come from and who would reap the pecuniary advantage, and the experience of Chicago in the contest over^sic the sewerage commission contest will be repeated in any city where public opinion in behalf of good pavements is once aroused.

It is, of course, desirable that in any attempt to teach a science the kind of partisanship that has been prevalent in this country for some years shall be avoided. This was the partisanship of mere prejudice, generated by appeals to passion, and kept alive and inflamed by the spoils system. It not only ought to be driven out of all institutions of learning, but it should disappear entirely. On the other hand, the recollection of an irrational phase of politics ought not to be permitted to stand in the way of the thorough examination and the free discussion of social problems. The truth about the incidence of taxation ought to be taught, and it cannot be taught if the tariff question is ignored. Furthermore, the question of municipal taxation cannot be thoroughly discussed without giving attention to the so-called unearned increment, and to what in London is called the taxation of ground rents. The experience of the new London county council amply demonstrates this. It therefore seems likely that if the Brooklyn institute’s new department is to accomplish all that its founders hope, Professor Smith will find that he has a difficult task before him in the avoidance of such a presentation of facts as will run counter to the political opinions of either S. V. White or Joseph C. Hendrix, the republican and democratic vice-presidents of the department.

The establishment of the school, however, is a most gratifying evidence of the steady and irresistible growth of public interest in the social problem, and should any difficulty arise over the question of partisanship, we hope it may be solved by the establishment of two opposing schools, whose professors and students can meet each other from time to time in defence of the ideas that they will represent. When we get down to real politics in America once more—that is, a division of men on questions of political principles—partisanship will cease to be a term of reproach, and men will no longer repudiate it.

On Wednesday evening, December 18, the Boston nationalists held a mass meeting in Tremont temple, at which Mr. Bellamy, the author of “Looking Backward,” made a speech. Mr. Bellamy spoke at length concerning the rapid and steady concentration of wealth in the hands of the few, and said that the only hope of the wage earners and small capitalists is to join in some social and radical reform like nationalism. “If you want to know how republics go to the bad, shut up your musty Roman and Greek histories,” said he, “and look about you.” It is to be feared that Mr. Bellamy has disregarded the histories that show how nations have decayed, for he has utterly failed, despite his denunciation of monopolies, to comprehend that the one overshadowing all-absorbing monopoly—the mother of the brood—is land monopoly. Mr. Bellamy’s ideas will unquestionably be examined and disposed of in the discussion that his novel has started, but it is a very good thing, indeed, that a thousand men and women in Boston, presided over by that friend of protected monopoly, Edward Everett Hale, should meet together and take cognizance of the fact that the wealth and political power of the country is rapidly drifting into the hands of the few, and that something must be done about it. Until the people are aroused to a comprehension of this fact, there is no hope that any remedy, good or bad, will be applied.

The marvelous muddle of the average tory’s mind is admirably illustrated by an editorial article that appeared some time ago in the London Evening News and Post, which mixes up the single tax with socialism and communism, and yet admits that private property in land is

p. 3, col. 4 likely to allow owners to make an exorbitant profit out of the progress of the community. It declares, however, that it is utterly misleading to say that “nature makes land while man makes capital,” or that “land is limited in quantity and capital is not.” The News and Post insists that “for all practical purposes land and capital are equally man’s work.” It winds up its most astounding article by advising the discontented to carefully investigate “several questions relating to the land laws, such as the taxation of land values and the enfranchisement of lease holders.” To make the article complete the tory paper ought to have advised single tax men against their insatiate desire to tax personal property and their determination to have the state engage in the manufacture of pins and collar buttons.

The Baltimore single tax league has, on the motion of Dr. W. N. Hill, adopted a resolution to petition the legislature not only for separate assessment of land and improvements, but for the publication of the assessment rolls in the daily papers of the city. This latter idea is an admirable one and in accord with the spirit of the existing law, which requires that the tax ledgers shall be open for public inspection. Some convenient way of bringing information about assessments home to the people is absolutely necessary, since every one knows it is not practicable to have even the property owners of the city go and examine the tax books. Now, however, that a growing number of people who are not owners of real estate, are beginning to take a great interest in such subjects, it is all the more important that the figures be made easily accessible to the public.

The vigorous and wrathful protest of people in towns on the Long Island coast, against the attempts of private persons to take possession of land under water, are encourging^sic symptoms of a wholesome change in public sentiment. For years a lot of politicians at Albany have been giving away such land to anybody who could organize a “pull,” and those defrauded have calmly looked on under the supposition that such transactions were inevitable. Though many such people have never heard of the single tax, the agitation of the land question has caused them to ask why land long held in common should thus be given away, and now they are beginning to do something more than ask why, and to fight strenuously against each specific act of robbery. This may in time lead them to fight stenuously^sic against the system of which such acts are but parts.

The Bell monopoly has been beaten in a lawsuit in Arkansas. The victory probably will not amount to much as the Bell monopoly is a bigger institution than the state of Arkansas and has more influence at Washington.

Dr. Gilman Colby, editor of a Bar Harbor summer newspaper, published for the delectation of the wealthy visitors at that fashionable resort, has undertaken to publish at Pittsfield, Mass., an elite dictionary containing the names of the local “Four Hundred.” Not satisfied with merely giving the names of the distinguished few, the doctor thought he would improve upon the plan of his predecessors in the art of toadying to wealth by attaching certain marks to each name that would indicate the wealth of each member of the local aristocracy. Not wishing to offend any of his prospective patrons by undervaluation, he sent to each of them proofs of the page containing his name with a request that he should correct any error in his rating. The result is a storm of indignation in Pittsfield by men and women who insist that their pecuniary possessions have nothing to do with their social standing.

What nonsense! These people who claim to constitute Society—with a big S—in the United States, and whose claim is acknowledged as valid by the news continued on p. 4 →

[continued on page 4]

Woman’s Duty.

To the Editor of the Standard—SIR: When I read Mr. Hicks’s proposal for a woman’s single tax union, I felt as if a new era of hope and effort had begun. And, now in THE STANDARD received to-day, I read with renewed joy the letter from the ladies of St. Louis.

Among all the “signs of the times” concerning our movement there is none, it seems to me, more full of promise than this. From the first I have felt it a pain and a reproach that women in general seemed so coldly indifferent to a cause which, fully understood, ought to strain at their very heart strings. But now, at last, it does seem as if woman was about to assume her rightful place and share of efficient work. For my own part, although for long a believer in “woman suffrage,” since I became a single taxer, I have felt that the greater question included the less, and that even to woman herself the relative importance of the right of suffrage, under present conditions, sinks into insignificance beside the work she should and could do in helping to introduce a new order. For, unless conditions are altered, the suffrage will not benefit her any more than it has her brothers. It is true, men can by an intelligent exercise of the voting power be mainly instrumental in altering present conditions, but at the same time woman’s aid in the work does not depend on her voting—certainly not at the present stage of affairs. So let her throw herself heart and soul into the struggle for justice, and she need not doubt of her reward, nor that emancipated manhood will refuse to acknowledge her true place, or slight the value of her counsel and co-operation in the brighter day now dawning.

FRANCES M. MILNE.

San Luis, Obispo, Cal., Dec. 6, 1889.

They Are Asked to Apply at Home.

To the Editor of The Standard—SIR: In the miscellaneous “want” column of one of our great morning papers I have for some days noticed, about the third advertisement from the top, the rather startling announcement that a Mr. Croscut of Stumpage county, Ark., desires to exchange his steam saw mill, there located, for a choice residence site on Grand avenue, St. Louis. About one-third of a column further down my hair is diurnally raised by the really blood curdling statement that Mr. Vandegrand of St. Louis is anxious to trade an elegant vacant lot on Grand avenue, St. Louis, for a steam saw mill in Arkansas—Stumpage county preferred. This has been going on for some time, but I was forced this evening into an unwarranted interference with the printer’s “snap.” I mailed to Mr. Croscut and Mr. Vandegrand each a marked copy of tne^sic other’s “want.” Truly it pays to advertise!

Down at Eighth and Olive streets, St. Louis, Mo., third floor, southeast corner, to be read from any direction, is displayed a black and gold sign reading: Single Tax League. Every Sunday morning the Republic of this same city announces:

The St. Louis single tax league^sic, H. H. Hoffman, president; J. W. Steel, secretary. Tuesday night at the southeast corner Eighth and Olive. Everybody invited.

The Benton school of social science every Saturday evening at 3 o’clock at the residence of Dr. Chase, 6839 Waldemar avenue, Benton, Mo.

In another part of this identical paper a space, running from a few lines to a half column, is devoted to an account of our last meeting, and the name of the speaker with the title of his address for our next meeting. In the columns of THE STANDARD can, with little trouble, be found:

MISSOURI.

ST. LOUIS—St. Louis single tax league., s. e. cor. 8th and Olive, meets every Tuesday evening. Rooms open every evening. Pres., H. H. Hoffman; sec., J. W. Steele, 2224 Walnut street.

“Benton School of Social Science,” Saturday, 8 p. m., 6839 Waldemar ave., St. Louis. Pres., Dr. Henry S. Chase; sec. Wm. C. Little.

All this has absolutely nothing to do with the somewhat aggravating fact that six ladies of St. Louis, who probably read the Republic every Sunday morning, and who are surely acquainted with the most central corner in their own city—the post-office corner, Eighth and Olive—should send a tearful appeal all the way to New York for work. And, worse yet, send it to the very paper containing our call to workers.

Really, when I started to write I had not this subject in mind, but as I have mentioned it I will add that the “wheel” to which these ladies express a desire to p. 5, col. 2 place their fair shoulders, is now slowly revolving at the address mentioned. Every additional shoulder will but accelerate its speed. If they will kindly place themselves in communication with the officers or members of the league it will not be necessary to form a “union.” Work shall not be wanting.

HENRY H. HOFFMAN.

St. Louis, Dec. 7.

Interdependence.

To the Editor of The Standard—SIR: The Kings County Gazette (protection organ), in a recent editorial, says:

To attempt to inflame one man against another is simply madness, as the rich man knows that his mortgages, deeds and notes are not worth the ink with which they are written were it not for the muscle and industry of the intelligent laboring man; and the workman, in turn, knows that his muscle and brawn and energy are only waste material without the rich man’s purse to keep them employed. We are as dependent upon each other as sunshine and shadow, as vegetation and the refreshing shower, as perpendiculars and horizontals.

Here we have the picture: The rich man, perpendicular, stands on the poor man, horizontal. Unquestionably the rich man is dependent upon, supported by, the poor man. But what is the poor man supported by? Surely not the feet of the upright rich man. By what, then? Do you see the cat?

SOCRATES.

The Knights and the Petition.

To the Editor of The Standard—SIR: Can a Knight of Labor reasonably refuse to sign our petition to congress? I think not if it is intelligently presented. It is enough that a signer snall^sic disapprove the present system of taxation and be glad to see an intelligent investigation of the subject. No one need remind a Knight of Labor of the general assembly’s recent action, for that might lead him to suspect that the person who approached him believed that he was bound to sign. I believe there is not a single assembly of Knights of Labor in the United States that does not contain one or more single tax men. Now is their opportunity, and if they will just send for enough blanks to cover the membership of their assembly, we should—providing we can get the funds to print and send the blanks—have in three months’ time the signature of every Knight of Labor in the United States.

E. MOORE.

Another St. Louis Woman Who Wants to Help O[illegible].

To the Editor of The Standard—SIR: Will you kindly give place in your columns to a communication to those six St. Louis ladies who express a desire to work for the single tax principle?

To Mrs. Sharpe, Mrs. Widen, Mrs. McCracken, Mrs. Haig, Mrs. Carstarpher and Mrs. Spangler of St. Louis, Mo.—Dear Friends: I have read your letter in THE STANDARD of November 30, expressing a desire that women should do their part toward teaching the people the principles of the single tax theory. Permit me to request you to communicate with me, 3716 Delmar avenue, St. Louis, Mo., and if it suits you and the other women interested in this movement, we can have a meeting at my house to consider ways and means.

Permit me further to suggest that there is now an active single tax society in St. Louis, which holds meetings every Tuesday at Eighth and Olive streets. Women are always welcomed at these meetings, and it is a great pity more do not attend, for the best way to educate men is first to educate women. Women are the mothers of men, and mothers ought to sow seeds in infant minds. Never will we have a nation of truly enlightened men until the women are educated. Yours respectfully,

ELIZABETH A. MERIWETHER,

3716 Delmar ave., St. Louis, Mo.

December 8, 1889.

A Conference Suggestion.

To the Editor of The Standard—SIR: It seems to me that a conference which would be “both pleasant and profitable” might be held on some such basis as this: Place, New York; time, October, 1890; participation (either in person or by proxy) to be open to everyone, anywhere in the world, who stands on the platform printed every week in THE STANDARD; every participant, whether in person or by proxy, to contribute at least $1 to the treasury of the conference; any qualified participant not personally attending to designate in writing one proxy, and one or more alternates, all of whom must themselves be qualified participants; each proxy to have in the conference, p. 5, col. 3 over and above his own personal vote, one vote for every constituent he represents; the conference to be strictly confined, in scope, to the receiving of reports from the various regions represented, mutual consultation, the issuing of one or more addresses to the public, and the appropriation of any surplus over expenses to the spread of literature and other means of propaganda.

Under this scheme, those able to attend in person would be quite numerous enough to make a very large convention, while on the other hand some of the more conspicuous of them would among them represent as proxies pretty much all who for any reason should be unable to attend. Mr. Henry George would no doubt find himself the expressly authorized proxy of thousands of absent participants, and a sufficient variety of other well known single taxers would be in attendance to satisfy all tastes in the matter of spokesmen. Each proxy would have a voting power and a prestige measured by the number of his constituents, and the body as a whole would not only have a sufficient personnel to be a good meeting, but likewise constitute, in a very real sense, a convention of the entire body of participants, present or absent. The names of those intending to attend from any distance might be published from time to time, to help participants to choose their proxies.

In the hope that this suggestion may be adopted, I hereby request Mr. George to speak and vote for me in the suggested conference, and I will contribute $2.50 to the treasury of the same.

CHAS. FREDERIC ADAMS.

Irrigation and the Public Arid Lands—A Practical Step Toward the Single Tax—More About Superintendent Porter and the Eleventh Census—The Fight Between the [Military?] and the Appropriation Committees in the House—[Practical?] Action Toward Public Ownership of Street Railroads—A Valuable Book on the History of Congressional Legislation—Washington’s Fine Streets—Republican Tariff Reformers in Congress.

WASHINGTON, D. C., Dec. 21.—Senator Cullom’s bill providing for ceding the public lands to the various states in which such lands lie under the plea of aiding in the irrigation of the dry and arid lands and more quickly getting them into the hands of settlers, makes way for the strong movement on foot to squander the rest of the public domain. President Oakes and General Counsel McNaught of the Northern Pacific railroad have been here recently, and not only avow themselves in favor of such a scheme, but urge that the privileges of irrigation be given to individuals or private corporations and guarantee financial backing to all such irrigating companies as may require help to establish themselves in the Northern Pacific’s section of the northwest. Opposed to this scheme is a plan formulated by Major J. W. Powell, director of the geological survey, which, if carried out, will make a most important departure in the treatment of public lands. This plan aims, for one thing, at a careful distribution of the land in small lots of forty or eighty acres to actual settlers, the cost of all irrigating works to be paid by the land owners in proportion to the benefit derived from such improvements.

It may be as well to say that prac-tically all the arable lands in the public domain that can be cultivated without irrigation are gone, and there remains but the arid lands, which, however, embrace the greater part of the vast region west of the one hundredth meridian. Of the lower lands near the water courses in the arid region it is estimated that 150,000 square miles can be brought into cultivation. These water courses have their source in a group of mountains. A dozen or a score of creeks unite to form the trunk. The creeks higher up divide into brooks. All these streams combined form the drainage system of a hydrographic basin. In such a basin of the arid region the irrigable lands lie below, not chiefly on the river’s side, but on the mesas and low plains. It is apparent that without the water supply assured these lands would be valueless. Obviously the lower and higher lands must be treated conjointly, and not separately, as though they had no relation with or dependence upon each other. It is therefore proposed to organize local self-governments by hydrographic basins, each basin constituting a great country, with right to control its own water supply, its own forests and its own pasturage.

To this end it is proposed that the general government shall make a survey of the public arid lands, segregate and designate the irrigable lands, the timber lands, the pasturage lands and the mineral lands, retaining possession of all but the irrigable lands, which it shall give to the people in severalty as homesteads, requiring that such homesteads shall be actually developed by the construction of irrigation works, in order to establish title thereto. It is proposed that the general government shall then declare and provide by statute that the people of each district may control and use, but not sell or part with, the timber and pas- continued on p. 7 →

[continued on page 7]

Socialistic Schemes That the Single Tax Would Render Unnecessary.

LONDON, Dec. 15.—The principal business at the meeting of the London county council yesterday, though it did not excite much debate, was the passing of the report of the committee for the housing of the working classes. The committee recommends that the staircases should always be close to the outer wall of the building, and should have large openings communicating with the outer air. Such a staircase could be arranged so as to give access to four tenements on each landing. The stairs should be at least four feet wide, and the lower part of the walls of the staircase should be finished with glazed bricks.

Bath rooms and wash houses should be provided to every block of dwellings, but can most conveniently be placed altogether in a separate building or in the basement for the sake of economy in the supply of hot water. A sufficient number of water closets should be supplied to each floor of dwellings, to which

p. 7, col. 3 a separate staircase is provided, together with a profusion of sinks and water supply for common use. The closets should have doors and windows opening to the outer air; and, when possible, there should be one closet for each family.

In the case of a single roomed tenement the minimum size of rooms should be 12 feet by 12 feet. In other cases, additional rooms as small as 12 by 8 may be allowed. These are the minima, but it is desirable that rooms of various sizes should be provided so that tenants may have a choice. The standard height of every room should be 9 feet.

As regards the intervals which should exist between a block of dwellings and the nearest buildings obstructing the light, under no circumstances should a less distance be allowed than the height of the obstructing building.

In presenting this report the committee point out that the buildings to which these regulations are intended to apply, are destined for the house of the poorest classes, and that therefore the committee has, on grounds of economy, only asked for the bare maintenance that is necessary for health.

The question has now got beyond the stage of theory and has passed into the hands of so-called “practical politicians.” Something must be done, says the practical politician, to get the people out of the slums, and he straightway proceeds to offer them good houses for less rent than they are now paying for bad ones. If this were effected merely by the superior skill of the county council in buying land cheaply and building upon it cheaply, well and good. But as a matter of fact the council will buy dearly and build dearly, and the difference between outlay and income will be made good out of the pocket of the rate payer.

In other words, the rate payers of London will pay part of the rents of a certain number of the poorer people of London. Considering how intensely keen competition is in the poorest strata of the London working classes, the probability is that this lowering of rents will produce an equivalent lowering of wages. But even if this does not take place, the proposals of the practical politician are still unsound. He talks of letting the rooms at a “fair” rent, i. e., not a rent calculated on the cost of the land and buildings, or on the market price of the rooms, but on the circumstances of the applicants. That is to say, the rent is to be fixed at a figure which the poorest family can afford to pay, and only the poorest people are to be admitted. The truth is, as all land reformers know well enough, that the only fair rent is a competition rent This^sic competition rent belongs to the whole nation by whose energy it is created, and it is as unjust to assign some of it to a poor man as to assign much of it to a rich man.

The real way to deal with London slums is to tax London ground rents. If this were done crowds of wealthy people who are now living on unearned incomes in the west end would have to clear out, along with their dependents, to cheaper quarters in the country. At the same time the speculative builder, on whom now falls a large part of the burden of local taxation, would be able to build better houses for the same money.

In connection with this point, I ought to mention that the county council is doing its best to stir up the parish authorities to exercise what powers they possess in the way of closing unsanitary dwellings, so that we are moving along. Another great victory achieved is the conversion of Mr. Gladstone to the principle of taxation of ground rents.

HAROLD COX.

You Can Get It by Applying at No. 5 West Fifty-First street, New York City.

Andrew Carnegie at Boston banquet, Dec. 12.

There does not exist under the sun such a country as this for labor. There is not a man—I make this statement advisedly as one who should know—there is not a man in these northern states (and there never were in the south, I believe)—not a man living in this country, able and willing to do a useful day’s work, a sober and industrious man, who need be out of profitable employment, and at wages which would seem riches to a man in any country but this.

If It Is In the Interest of “the People,” the “Co.” Will Approve It.

Washington sunday Capital^sic.

Major McKinley, very fortunately for the country, will draft the bill which this congress will pass, revising the present tariff. Unlike Mills, Cleveland & Co., he will not particularly care very much if the forthcoming bill fails to meet the approbation of the Cobden club, so long as it is in the interests of this country and the American people.

p. 7, col. 4

The Difference Between the Two Men,

Kansas City Star.

The difference in the views of ex-President Cleveland and Governor Hill on the question of electoral reform can scarcely fail to attract public attention. Mr. Cleveland is in favor of throwing around the ballot box all the safeguards which can be made to promote the end of preserving its purity. If Governor Hill believes the elective franchise should be preserved inviolate against corruption, he has failed to reveal that fact to the people either by his public utterances or his official acts.

Glimpses of the Cat.

Any one acquainted with the principles of the single tax must be struck with the intimate relation that those principles bear to nearly all the social problems discussed in current periodicals, and with the blindness of economical theorists who in such discussions leave the real land question out of account. Robert Giffen, who writes in the December issue of the Contemporary Review upon “The Gross and Net Gain of Rising Wages,” seems again and again just upon the point of enunciating the land theory when he suddenly swerves aside and goes on with the discussion upon conventional lines. He starts with the assumption that the money earnings of wage workers have considerably increased within the last fifty years, and then considers some facts that may have tended to make such increase vain. He admits that in some instances the gross increase of earnings has shrunk because workmen “have to submit to an increased charge for rent and railway fares, and similar expenditure.” He insists, however, that on the whole the classes of workmen affected in this way must be comparatively small, and evidently believes that what he calls monopoly rent is confined to crowded cities. He believes that there still has been within the last fifty years an enormous net gain in wages. The allegation that as wages have increased the severity of labor has intensified he meets with a partial admission, but affirms that this phenomenon is rather a revolution in the quality of labor, and to be connected with the fact of improvement generally. It is evidence of improvement in the laborer’s condition. He admits that the failure of workmen employed in running labor saving machinery to obtain their share of the saving may give them cause to suspect something wrong in the social arrangement wherein their share can be spirited away in this fashion, but this he explains by setting up the theory that the gain from such labor saving ma- chinery is distributed over the whole of society^sic, and finally reaches all laborers. The gain by the increased product of labor saving machinery he believes to be small in comparison with the whole product of labor, skilled and unskilled, and hence the increase in wages from this source cannot be great. There is more severe toil all round, and whether the additional remuneration is adequate or not the laborer gets all that is possible to be accorded him, and the labor itself could not be carried on with less.

An increased expenditure to maintain a necessary better style of living has been advanced as a reason why the net gain of wages is smaller than the sanguine might suppose. This Mr. Giffen regards as at once proof of improvement in the laborer’s condition and of the necessity for an improvement in his living to enable him to do the new work. This, of course, is equivalent to saying that the workingman is a better machine because he is better fed, and that he is better fed because he is a better machine. It is not easy to see, however, where the gain lies if the laborer’s sole improvement in estate is directed toward enabling him to do more work that such improvement may be maintained. This is not unlike the curious round of the southern plantation, where the master “raised more corn to grow more hogs to feed more niggers to raise more corn.”

Mr. Giffen admits that on the whole the complaint of workmen as to the difference between the alleged gross and net increase of wages is not unjustified, but believes that the fact points to “changes in their condition of a remarkable kind, which are in every way deserving of further study.” “The complaints here dealt with,” he adds, “could not exist without that improvement in society and the condition of the masses which the complaints seem to call in question.” He is sanguine enough to look for continued improvement in society “so long as science and art make progress, and heavier and heavier calls are made on the intelligence and energy of workmen.” Here, again, comes the sequence of corn, hogs and “niggers,” with the apparition of the monopolist of opportunities not far behind. The one doubtful sign, in the opinion of Mr. Giffen, is a fear that there may be an increase in what he calls the “social wreckage,” that is, a class lower still than the hardest worked skilled laborer, unfitted to bear the strain of modern society, and apparently hopeless of improvement. He has misgivings, too, about the “capitalistic classes living in idle luxury,” and not bearing the burdens of society, though he has already taken some pains to show that the returns of capital are getting small, that interest is smaller, a fact which he ascribes to labor’s increased share in production. It is astonishing that Mr. Giffen should see so much and yet so little.

Brains Our Best Defense.

To the Financier of New York it appears that “the United States government is stronger without than with naval and fortress armaments.” This opinion is based, not entirely upon the hope of permanent peace with all the world, but upon the idea that in the presence of the acknowledged uncertainty as to what is the best sort of armament money expended on aught beyond experiment is thrown away. The government, in-

p. 8, col. 2 sists the Financier, is weakened in its power to resist foreign attack in proportion to the extent of the accepted work done. The likelihood against this country ever again going to war with a foreign power is about one million to one, because England is the only power that would force such a conflict, and our commercial relations with her are so close that there is little danger that the two countries would enter upon active hostilities.

After further argument to prove the improbability of war with Great Britain, the Financier goes on to show how rapidly the advance of invention renders useless and obsolete the apparatus of war. A great armament would commit us to the policy of discouraging invention, for with the advance of naval architecture our costly ships must become practically worthless as engines of war. The writer finds an explanation of the American mechanic’s great inventive genius in the fact that he has freedom to visit all parts of the works in which he is employed. We may depend on his cleverness to invent for us what engines of war we may need, provided we do not commit the government to a conservative policy by expending great sums in armaments in this transition period. After a false note that seems to suggest subsidies, the writer closes thus: “The war strength of our government to-day consists in having no armaments, and a large surplus of inventive brains.”

Hope of the Eight-Hour Advocates.

Sidney Webb talks about “The Limitation of the Hours of Labor” in the December issue of the Contemporary Review, and finds in Greville’s picture of the ten-hours movement forty-five years ago a parallel to the eight-hours movement of to-day. He feels sure that an eight-hours bill will find unexpected support, as did the ten-hours bill. Mr. Webb believes that the spell of laissez faire is broken, and that henceforth the principle of individualism will not seriously stand in the way of legislation designed to ameliorate the condition of the masses. He regards the “factory acts,’ not as temporary expedients, but as part of a well settled social policy, and quotes the approving verdict of the duke of Argyll, Professor Newmarch and Mr. Mundella as evidence that this so-called”Jack Cade legislation” was not only relatively, but positively good. He notes with satisfaction, too, that these acts, though not directly aimed at affecting man’s hours of labor, have resulted in ameliorating the condition of the whole mass of workers—men, women and children. He cites similar legislation, chiefly designed to guard the personal safety of the laborers, and then goes on to consider the further limitation of the hours of labor.

Mr. Webb admits the difficulties of the problem. He believes that universal and compulsory restriction of the hours of labor to eight per day could not be secured by an act of parliament. “An obstinate misunderstanding of any inconvenient agitation is invariably one of the outer defenses of the existing order,” says Mr. Webb, with keen appreciation of an interesting attitude of the conservative mind. “More generous critics,” he adds, “seek to discover what is really meant by a popular agitation, endeavoring to put into reasonable form the necessarily fluid aspirations of the masses.” He then goes on to say that eight hours of labor per day can be made the rule in any particular industry only by the negotiations of those concerned in that industry. “The true inwardness of the eight-hours movement is an assertion of the necessity of a legal recognition of the general social interest in every labor contract quite as much for the sake of the influence upon public opinion of such legal recognition as for the immediate social advantages sought.” He then seeks to show the impossibility of bringing about a reduction of hours by the influence of trades unionism. He argues against the individualistic objection that legislative reduction of hours would weaken the workingman’s selfreliance^sic, and sees no reason why the people should suffer in this regard from having the government, which is merely an executive committee of the whole people, regulate, in accordance with the wish of all, the hours of labor. No one will be prevented from laboring as long as he chooses, but he must not sell his labor so as to lengthen the hours of others.

Mr. Webb finally outlines the measure as it is suggested by the Fabian society. It provides for an eight-hour day in public works; limitation of the hours of labor in mines and on railways; a clause empowering local legislatures to make by-laws regulating labor in local monopolies; providing for universal registration in work shops, and dealing with sanitary conditions; limitation of the hours in any particular trade throughout the United Kingdom whenever the secretary of state is satisfied that the majority of those engaged in the trade desire it; the hours thus provided for shall not exceed sixty or fall short of forty-five per week, and it shall be the secretary’s duty to investigate the conditions of various trades from time to time, so as to learn whether excessive hours of labor are exacted.

Mr. Webb fears no great falling off in product under a shortened labor day, and thinks wages will tend to rise rather than to fall. The effect on prices would be complex, some rising some falling, while as to international trade, the general result would show no ma-

p. 8, col. 3 terial change. He expects a fall in the rate of interest as one result of shorter hours.

A Single Taxer in Posse.

“Double Taxation in Massachusetts” is the title of a pamphlet written by J. P. Quincy and published by Houghton, Mifflin & Co. Mr. Quincy favors the putting of “all taxes upon real estate,” with the exception of license and succession taxes, but thinks we are not yet ready for the single tax and the abolition of custom houses. He is, however, opposed to the “double tax” on visible property and on the evidence of the indebtedness with which such property may be burdened. He insists that the taxation of evidences of indebtedness falls on poor as well as rich, and shows the peculiar disadvantage under which a town labors where it endeavors to inforce such a tax.

The teamster who sells his horse to an expressman, and then—because the purchaser has sickness in his family—kindly takes a note instead of the money, is under the same obligation to present his paper for taxation at the hands of the assessors as is the banker with his trunk full of similar evidences of debt. If both neglect to facilitate double taxation, then—if you choose to put it so—each cheats the state according to the measure of his ability, and Satan himself can do no more than that!

Mr. Quincy then makes the familiar argument that titles are not wealth, and goes on to illustrate the hardships of double taxation by many examples. He is persuaded that for the present various license taxes, taxes on luxuries and on inheritances are the proper thing, and he calls on single tax men to join him and others in removing the evil of double taxation. He admits that when this has been done other steps follow, and plainly believes the taxation of land values must be the final solution of the problem.

,’Mostly Fools.”

Guy Hampden writes for the Vox Populi series a pamphlet of sixteen pages entitled “Mostly Fools.” Mr. Hampden is mindful of Carlyle’s famous saying that the population of England was made up of “thirty million souls, mostly fools,” and he thinks that much the same proportion between wise and foolish exists in this country. “The stupid mass does not think and indolently submits to the few,” is one of Mr. Hampden’s sentences. Some of the few wise men he believes to be as dangerous to their fellow mortals as an animal with the ferocity of the wolf and the cunning of the fox would be to the denizens of the forest.

The object of “Mostly Fools” is to awaken this community to the power and rapacity of the elevated railway system of New York. The author notes that, according to the Manhattan railway company’s last annual report^sic, its net earnings for the year were $3,658,486. The joint capital of the two companies merged to form the Manhattan company was $13,000,000, but after the merger this was set down by the new concern at $26,000,000. The dividend last year was 8.09 per cent, equivalent to 16.18 per cent on the true capital. As the roads were built from the proceeds of bonds, the stock really cost the stockholders nothing. Mr. Hampden insists that the city might have built the roads for $16,000,000, which, in three per cent bonds, would have made an annual interest charge of $480,000.

Let it be borne in mind that, by the report, the net earnings for the past year are $3,658,486, and $480,000; deducted from that, shows a balance of $3,178,486, which is the sum the people now pay the chief gentleman and his associates for the privilege of riding through their own streets, or a tax of 1¾ cents on each ride.

Every laboring man who rides daily on this road drops into the till at the gate ten cents each day; and in the three hundred working days of the year deposits there $30. Out of this $30, $10.50, more than one-third, goes as a yearly tribute to—what shall we say? To the genius which can devise ways of wringing wealth out of beggary? To the superior sagacity which teaches men how to hold a trust for the benefit of the people, and to convert it into an inexhaustible mine for personal benefit?

The author finds that the ordinary workingman pays one-fortieth of his income to enrich the millionaire railway owner. “This the state has given to a few individuals, and with it the power to amass millions through the profit on a service it is her own duty to render at cost of supply.” The gentleman who was once the largest stockholder in the elevated railway, said that the franchise alone was worth $50,000,000. Mr. Hampden thinks this admission was a happy indiscretion for the community, and says that the reason why the whole population does not enjoy this valuable franchise by making the roads a municipal enterprise, is that “we are mostly fools.”

England and Her Colonies.

Julius Vogel occupies thirteen pages of the December Nineteenth Century magazine in answering the question: “Is it open to the colonies to secede?” As Mr. Vogel’s answer is a simple “no,” the wonder is that he has taken so much space to present it. As a matter of fact, the first twelve pages of Mr. Vogel’s article are written to set forth the facts which he afterward summarizes in these words:

We have endeavored to show—That, as Great Britain’s interest becomes more largely concerned in federation, the colonies may

p. 8, col. 4 > feel less inclined toward it. That Great Britain, while accepting unlimited liability for the defense of the colonies, has allowed them to suppose they are free to become independent. That the colonies under that persuasion have not sought and do not seek the share in the government of the empire which federation would give them. That natural causes may lead to one or more of the colonies, at a not remote time, asking for secession, and if that should be granted, the almost total disruption of the empire would sooner or later follow. That all the probabilities, however, point to an absolute refusal by the mother country of the demand for secession and to a denial of the right to claim it. That the heat arising from such demand and refusal would lead to disastrous consequences. That an authoritative assertion of the maintenance of the empire, though too late to avoid much bitter feeling, might not be too late to obtain acceptance, and that the assertion could be made in the most conciliatory manner through the medium of the Anglo^sic-colonial conferences suggested by the federation league. That from the acceptance would arise the demand for federation, and that the satisfaction of the demand would lead to the establishment of an immensely powerful empire.

Those who take the trouble to read the twelve pages condensed into what is given above will discover that Mr. Vogel, in common with Matthew Arnold in particular and most Britons in general, is so well pleased with his own opinions that he thinks them worth repeating once in about every thousand words.

Having answered his own question in his own way, Mr. Vogel asks “would the colonies benefit by such federation?” He answers this by declaring that separation brought about by fratricidal war is too shocking to contemplate, and inviting us to consider the hypothetical case of a peaceable separation. He pictures the ills that must come to an insignificant country battling for itself against a hostile world, recently respectful, because the said small community was part of a powerful empire. Then, too, he says, an Australian or Canadian republic could scarcely have more liberty than a province of the British empire under the present highly developed self government. On the other hand, as federated states with a central government at London, “the colonies would enjoy all that the lovers of liberty and freedom could desire.” Mr. Vogel closes his article in these words:

If the whole subject could be dispassionately considered by the master minds of the various dominions, the advantages of federation would be as apparent as the danger of allowing the relations of the component parts of the empire to drift as at present. Sadly small occurrences, under existing circumstances^sic, might lead to a conflagration which would rend the empire to its center, and make a cordial and sympathetic union impossible.

Perhaps most Americans,’ of^sic truly democratic convictions are less eager to see British colonies independent states than are some American conservatives, because democrats everywhere are hopeful that Great Britain will presently develop a system of government to which no genuine democrat can make serious objection.

CAFLISLE^sic TO CULLOM.

The Ex-Speaker Shows How False is the Idea That Protection Benefits the Farmer.

Ex-Speaker John G. Carlisle answers in the January Forum, just out, Senator Cullom’s article entitled, “Protection and the Farmer,” which appeared in the October issue of the same publication. Senator Cullom sought to show that the farmer is a beneficiary of the protective system. Mr. Carlisle meets this argument by using many of the very facts and figures that Senator Cullom uses in defending protection. “No logical or consistent argument can be made to show that the policy of protection encourages the establishment or maintenance of any industry in this country, except upon the hypothesis that free competition in the sale of the products of that industry would so reduce prices that our people could not profitably engage in it,” says Mr. Carlisle. Protection accomplishes its object only when it enhances the price of the article protected. Evidently this policy can be beneficial only to the producers of those articles which would be imported to what the protectionists consider an injurious extent, if not wholly or partially excluded by the tax, and as to all those articles which we produce in greater quantities than we need for our own consumption, as well as to all those which we produce as cheaply as they can be produced in other parts of the world, the argument can have no application whatever, because they could not be imported and sold here, even if there were no tax. The natural laws of trade prevent the importation of such articles.

The prices of agricultural products sold by this country are fixed in the great markets of the world, while the prices of most things bought by the farmer are fixed by our own artificially protected market.

Mr. Carlisle insists that protection has failed to provide for the farmer the much-talked of-home market^sic promised him by the protectionist. And he proceeds to show from census figures and the calculations of Mr. Edward Atkinson that the whole annual ex penditure of the protected classes for purely agricultural food products grown in this country is probably not more than $160,000,000 “at the places where the purchases are made,” and that of this the farmer does not receive nearly all, for much goes to transporters and other middle men. Such is the boasted home market offered to the farmer by protection.

Mr. Carlisle then attacks Mr. Cullom’s assertion that were protection abolished half our manufacturing industries must die. Our annual products, other than agricultural, aggregate $7.000,000.000, and Mr. Cullom professes to believe that without protection these must sink to $3 500,000,000^sic, and then he insists that if all those who had been making the other half should go to farming they could not produce this quantity of farm products in addition to supplying their own wants; and if they could, he says, there would be no market for the sale of the surplus. Then Mr. Carlisle, quoting from Mr. Cullom, goes on in this admirable fashion:

“In other words,” he says, “we should have to do without the goods unless we could make them at home, because we could not buy them abroad at any reasonable price. and could not pay for them if we did.” This statement completely disposes of the senator’s entire argument on this subject, because it is evident that if we could not buy the goods abroad at a reasonable price, and could not pay for them if we did, we would make them at home if we needed them, and his assumption that we could not do so, which is the basis of his argument, is palpably inconsistent with his conclusion. In the case stated, it would clearly be far more profitable for our people to make the manufactured commodities than to engage in agriculture, and they would undoubtedly do so.

Mr. Carlisle then denies that a monopoly of our manufactures is dependent upon protection for existence, and says that many industries would be vastly benefited by a removal of trade restrictions. Here, too, he shows how falsely protectionists have assumed that every one of our population engaged in the protected industries is the head of a family, whereas the fact is that of the 2,110,000 engaged in the protected industries (which figures are based upon the census of 1880), considerably over a third were women and children, and of the remainder some were boys just above sixteen years of age. This fact, of course, has an important bearing on the so-called home market created for farm products by protection.

Having instanced the iniquitous proposition for an increase of the duty on tinned plate to protect an infant industry as yet unborn, Mr. Carlisle proceeds to show the facts as to steel rails, and to agree with Mr. Cullom that “this is a typical case of the workings of protection.” Taking Mr. Cullom’s figures as to this country, Mr. Carlisle shows that while between 1871 and 1882 the price of steel rails fell in the United States from $91.18 per ton to $57 per ton; in the same period their price fell in England from $54.99 per ton to $31.10 per ton. He shows, too, that the value of the steel rails produced in this country during that time would, according to the ruling price in England, from year to year, have been [$159,812,218?] less than the price actually

p. 9, col. 2 obtained in this country by the protected steel rail workers. In other words, the government has enabled the steel rail manufacturers to tax the people of this country at the rate of about $13,000,000 per year. Mr. Cullom ascribes the fall in price of American steel rails to protection, but Mr. Carlisle wishes to know whether the fall in the price of rails in England is to be ascribed to free trade, since all the materials that go to make rails as well as the finished product enter the British isles duty free. Mr. Carlisle shows, too, that many articles coming into this country duty free have greatly fallen in price since 1867 just as steel rails have.

Mr. Carlisle notes the immense increase in the cost of railway building by reason of the tariff, and suggests that farmers, who pay a good deal of freight, have an interest in cheap railways. He also shows that under the present tariff and with the domestic steel rail industry in its present condition the price of steel rails can be put in this country $17 per ton higher than the price in England, should the demand justify such a proceeding.

Mr. Carlisle closes by noting the peculiar economic difficulties that the farmer must labor under, in contrast with other workmen. Because the farmers owning and cultivating the land of a great continent did not retrograde or stand still during a period of thirty or forty years, when the world’s wealth was rapidly progressing, Mr. Cullom concludes that “the fact is due solely to a policy which compelled them to pay out of their own earnings many millions of dollars every year to establish and maintain other industries.” Mr. Carlisle thinks that the farmers might more advantageously have expended those vast sums on themselves, their farms and their children.

A Remarkable Series of Articles Soon to be Issued.

The Reform club’s tariff reform committee, acting through its sub-committee on distribution of literature, Lawrence Dunham, chairman, will shortly issue a remarkable series of monographs on the tariff. These articles, most, if not all, of which will appear in volume two of Tariff Reform, to be completed early in February, 1890, are as follows:

1. “Home market,” and how it is used for foreigners.
2. The farmers’ “home market,” its limitations and results.
3. The manufacturer’s “home market,”and how it is used for foreigners.
4. Origin and object of our tariffs.
5. Hops and the tariff.
6. Grapes and the tariff.
7. Stock raising and the tariff.
8. The farmers’ market,“and who ruins it^sic.
9. Tariffs, trusts and tramps.
10. A year’s record of wage reduction.
11. What the tariff costs each laborer.
12. Sugar and the tariff.
13. Pottery and the tariff.
14. Potatoes and the tariff.
15. Flax, hemp and the tariff.
16. Canned goods and the tariff.
17. Glass and the tariff.
18. Masons’ materials and the tariff.
19. Lumber and the tariff.
20. Chemicals, dye stuffs and the tariff.
21. Hats and the tariff.
22. Art and the tariff.
23. Carpets and the tariff.
24. Clothes and the tariff.
25. France and tariffs.
26. Tariff enormities.
27. Tariff absurdities.
28. Tariff discriminating in favor of the rich.
29. Criticism senate bill.
30. The eastern wool grower, what the tariff costs him and what it pays him.
31. Pictorial comparison tariff on (a) rich, (b) poor.
32. Cartoon wool grower, wool manufacturer, wool tariff.
33. Pictorial No. 1888 poster revised.
34. Cartoon Irish Anti-corn law agitation, pictures.
35. Tariff on incidentals, machinery, dye stuffs, etc., etc., silk, cotton and other manufactures.
36. Tariffs and trusts.
37. Books and the tariff.

The pamphlets will make from ten to sixteen pages, and will be sold at from $3 to $6 per hundred. They will be sent to all members of the reform club, between 1,000 and 1,200, not only in New York, but all over the country, to the 1,000 subscribers to Tariff Reform, and will be further distributed through a great number of democratic clubs, tariff reform clubs, and the like. The distribution in this state will be done through the tariff reform committee’s sub-committee on New York state, Jason Hinman, chairman. This sub-committee has obtained the names of many thousands of voters throughout the state, and has learned the politics and occupations of the persons whose names are included in these lists.

Mr. Dunham’s sub-committee is in close relations with the Massachusetts tariff reform club, and is furnishing matter to all who apply through that organization. The interest in the free trade movement, as evidenced by the continued demand for campaign documents, is surprisingly strong. For a time the strongest demand came from Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, but more recently Missouri has surpassed all other states. This is in part to be ascribed to the excellent work of the St. Louis Republic in publishing several admirable articles on the Tariff Dictionary,

p. 9, col. 3 which appeared in an issue of Tariff Reform some weeks ago. Many of the applicants from Missouri speak of having seen the articles in the Republic.

Another feature of the Reform club propaganda is the work of the sub-committee on press, already referred to in THE STANDARD. This committee is doing valuable work through a news syndicate of this city. A gratifying sign is the fact that many customers of the syndicate have promptly subscribed for the matter. Less than two years ago the syndicate found it impossible to dispose of tariff reform matter in paying quantities.

The club is also sending speakers to various parts of this state. Thomas G. Shearman has already spoken at several places, and W. B. Estell is now engaged in the same work. John DeWitt Warner and E. Ellery Anderson are also down for addresses.

William M. Ivins spoke in Spanish before the Pan-American delegates at the Delmonico dinner a few days ago, and preached free trade, to the great satisfaction of the Spanish-Americans and doubtless to the conster nation of representatives of the Harrison administration.

George Paxon, an Iowa republican, writes to the St. Louis Republic, saying: “The republican vote of Iowa on members of the legislature was a rebuke to Allison on account of his connection with the ‘senate tariff bill.’ They know that he believes in a reform of the tariff on the line of the Mills bill. For reasons purely personal he does not vote on this question according to conviction. The people of Iowa want a revision of the tariff that will cheapen wire fence, twine and all other manufactured articles that are used in an agricultural state like Iowa. They will not accept a cheapening of tobacco and whisky instead of a cheapening of those things. No honest man will say that the republicans of the western states want the tax taken off tobacco and whisky and left on the articles above referred to.”

Says the American Wool Reporter: “In our issue of November 28 we printed 216 signatures in favor of free wool and 114 in favor of ad valorem duties, as the speediest method of notifying the individual signers as to the progress which had been made with the petitions. Since that time we have received 308 additional signatures in favor of free wool and figures in favor of ad valorem duties^sic, making a total of 524 in favor of free wool and 196 in favor of ad valorem duties. The astonishing features of this great list of names in favor of reduced duties on wool lie not only in the number but in the character of the signers. It has been many times asserted that the only manufacturers in favor of free wool were a few officers of large corporations, the number of whom did not exceed ten. Our list of signatures show that the rank and file of smaller manufacturers are as willing to express their opinions in regard to wool duties as are the great leaders of the trade.”

Congress has been addressed in a memorial by the Dry Goods Economist upon the much agitated question of the duties on raw wool and woolen manufactures. The Economist favors the enactment of an ad valorem tariff instead of the specific duties now levied. The paper declares that the American wool crop has never been adequate in quantity or variety of quality to the needs of the manufacturers, and that certain grades can never be produced here; that wool growing is on the decline; that wool manufacturing is depressed to the point of distress; that importations of foreign manufactured wool are increasing continually, and that of over 175,000,000 pounds of foreign wool, imported in the last fiscal year, over 150,000,000 pounds came in the form of finished fabrics, most of which, under normal conditions, should be made by American mills. As an instance of the way the present tariff affects the manufacturers, the treasurer of one of their companies is quoted as saying that the high duties prevent the purchase of foreign wool to mix with American wool, and that, where previous to 1883 his firm bought 1,500,000 pounds of domestic wool a year, in the past eighteen months it has bought only 6,000 pounds. This seems to be a pretty good argument for no wool tariff at all.

Everett P. Wheeler, president of the Reform club, spoke on the tariff before the Young men’s tariff reform club in the parlors of the Academy of Medicine on Monday night last. He sketched the history of the tariff of the United States up to 1828, and did not spare its iniquities. At the club’s next meeting E. M. Shepard will take up the tariff history where Mr. Wheeler left off, and continue it up to 1860. The club is organized for the study of the tariff question and the promotion of free trade.

Well, if He Meant One, He Meant the Other.

Boston Globe.

“I’m a little free trader, sir,” said a six-year-old boy, as he grasped Mr. Cleveland’s hand at the Vendome reception yesterday. “I hope you will live to be a very old one, my little man,” replied the ex-president, patting him on the head. Did our Grover really mean a free trader, or was it a slip of the tongue for “tariff reformer?”

p. 9, col. 4

Further Evidence of the Persistent Discrimination Against Improved Property.

The following figures show the selling price and assessed valuation of a dozen properties sold within the past few weeks:

VACANT LAND.

South side of 102d street, 321 feet west of Ninth avenue, 21[1/?]x100. Sold for $5,000; assessed at $2,200, or 44 per cent of its value.

Northwest corner of 103d street and Manhattan avenue, 100.11x100. Northside of 103d street^sic, 100 feet west of Manhattan avenue, 25x100. Taken together were sold for $50,000[illegible] assessed at $16,000, or 32 per cent of th[illegible] value.

South side of 102d street, 160 feet [illegible] Third avenue, 50x100. Sold for $15[illegible] as sessed at $4,000, or 26[1/?] per cent [illegible] their value.

[Note: at the right edge of the column, the ends of five lines here are covered by a stray fragment of other type, apparently a scrap stuck to the forme or the sheet, reading roughly “ng / an / d with / holes, / r, as- / … d’”. The covered words are marked [illegible].]

South side of 109th street, 83 feet east of Second avenue, 17x68. Sold for $3,800; assessed at $2,000, or 52[1/?] per cent of its value.

North side of Twenty-fifth street, 75 feet east of Seventh avenue, 20x78.9. Sold for $15,000; assessed at $8,500, or 56[1/?] per cent of its value.

North side of Sixty-second street, 125 feet west of Tenth avenue, 25x100. Sold for $21,000; assessed at $2,500, or 12 per cent of its value.

The average assessment in these six parcels of land is 37 per cent of the price for which they were actually sold at auction.

IMPROVED PROPERTY.

No. 138 West 129th street, five story brick flat. Sold for $32,000; assessed at $17,000, or 53 per cent of its value.

No. [441?] Lexington avenue, three story, high stoop, brown stone dwelling. Sold for $16,500; assessed at $9,500, or 57½ per cent of its value.

No. 146 West Fifty-eighth street, four story brick house. Sold for $50,000; assessed at $19,000, or [38?] per cent of its value.

No. 413 East Nineteenth street, four story house. Sold for [$9,000?]; assessed at $4,500, or 50 per cent of its value.

No. 341 East 118th street, three story brick house. Sold for $7,750; assessed at $5,500, or 71 per cent of its value.

No. 149 Madison street. Sold for $36,000; assessed at $15,000, or 41[1/?] per cent of its value.

The average assessment on the above six buildings is 51 per cent of their auction price.

THE NEW BALLOT SYSTEM.

[Illustration (spans c1–c2): interior of a polling room under the Australian system. Voters enter at lower right past a railing, a row of curtained voting booths runs along the right wall, election officers sit at a table with the ballot box in the centre inside a railed enclosure, and voters leave through a gate at front centre. Labels: “ENTRANCE” (lower right); “EXIT.” (front centre); a partly lost label at far left, legible only as “e … [illegible] … ng” (perhaps “waiting”?).]

Designed by Andrews & Jaques, Architects, Boston, Mass.

The Australian system of voting may be readily understood by reference to the above drawing. The voter turns to the right at the place marked “entrance,” and there, upon proving he is entitled to vote, receives from sworn officers one ballot, containing upon the back an official indorsement, and upon the face the names of all candidates. He is then required forthwith to enter one of the booths back of the railing, where, secluded from observation, he prepares to vote by marking a cross on the face of his ballot opposite the name of the candidate of his choice; and while still in the booth, he must fold the ballot in such manner as to conceal the face and to expose the official indorsement. Proceeding, then, directly to the ballot box, he identifies his ballot as official by exhibiting the indorsement to the inspectors, and having cast it, passes out at the gate marked “exit” in the drawing. From the time he enters at the first gate until he withdraws at the second, the voter must hold no communication with anyone but the election officers, and with them only for official purposes; and none but election officers and citizens actually engaged in voting are admitted within the railing.

Where two or more classes of ballots are used, as in New York, the voter receives one ballot of each class. Where a ballot is defaced he is allowed, upon surrendering it, to get a new one. Where there is no educational qualification of the suffrage, provision must be made for voters who cannot read; and everywhere there must be provision for those who are physically incapable of marking their ballots. And inasmuch as official ballots are required, there must be regulations for certifying nominations to appropriate officials a reasonable time before election.

An idea of the details of this system may be obtained from an examination of the Massachusetts law, which, at the election of 1889, successfully underwent the test of actual operation. Its provisions, so far as they relate to state elections, are substantially as follows:

All ballots are printed and distributed at public expense. Any convention of qualified voters representing a political party which at the preceding election polled at least three per cent of the entire vote (or individual voters to the number of one thousand if the nomination be for a state office or one per cent of the voters if for a district office), may nominate one candidate for each office by filing a certificate of nomination with the secretary of state fourteen days before election.

Ballots are prepared by the secretary of state, and must contain the names of all candidates whose nominations for any offices specified in the ballot have been duly made and not withdrawn. The names of candidates are arranged in alphabetical^sic order, except candidates for presidential electors, which are grouped according to party. At the end of the list of candidates for each office as many blank spaces are left as there are persons to be elected to such office, in which spaces the voter may write any name he pleases. The ballots are so printed as to leave a margin sufficient to give to each voter a clear opportunity to designate his choice of candidates by a cross mark at the right of the name. On the back of the ballots are printed: “Official ballot for,” followed by a designation of the polling place, the date of the election and a fac simile of the signature of the secretary of state. All ballots must be fastened together, so that each may be detached separately; and a record of the number furnished to each voting place is kept. Every voting place is provided with two sets of ballots of not less than 100 each for every 50 voters. Full instructions as to obtaining and using ballots are to be furnished with the ballots.

Five days before election forms of ballots containing the names of all candidates are to be conspicuously posted in every voting precinct and published in two newspapers in each county; and twelve hours before election all ballots are delivered in sealed packages to the city and town clerks. One set is transmitted before the opening of the polls to the election officers of each voting place, and the packages are publicly broken at the opening of the polls and delivered to the ballot clerks. The cards of instruction are posted in the booths, and the duplicate sets of ballots are retained by the city and town clerks until called for by the election officers in case of need.

Any person desiring to vote gives his name to the ballot clerks, who announce it in a loud voice, and if the name is on the voting list the voter passes within the rail, at the

p. 10, col. 2 same time receiving one ballot and having his name checked on the list. The voter forthwith goes to one of the booths and makes a cross in the right hand margin opposite the candidate of his choice for each office, or fills in the name of a candidate in the blank space below and marks a cross opposite that. Before leaving the booth he folds his ballot, and going to the box deposits it with the indorsement uppermost.

Two voters cannot occupy the same booth at the same time, nor can any one remain in a booth more than ten minutes; and only officers and persons actually engaged in voting are permitted to be behind the railing during the election. No ballots are allowed to be taken from the polling place. If ballots are spoiled others, not exceeding three in all for any voter, may be obtained by returning the spoiled ones, which are canceled, and together with those not distributed to voters are returned to the city and town clerks.

A voter who declares that he cannot read, or from blindness or other disability is unable to mark his ballot, is entitled, upon request, to the assistance of one or two of the election officers, who are prohibited from giving information as to how he votes.

No ballot without the official indorsement may be cast, and none but those provided according to law can be counted.

A voter who willfully exposes his ballot after marking it, or places a distinguishing mark upon it, or makes a false statement as to his inability to mark his ballot, and any person who attempts to interfere with a voter when he is within the rail, or endeavors to induce him to show how he has marked his ballot, is liable to a heavy fine. For falsely marking or willfully defacing or suppressing certificates of nomination, or forging the official indorsement of ballots, or willfully destroying ballots, or removing any ballot from within the rail, or delaying the delivery of ballots, or willfully neglecting to perform an official duty, or performing it in such manner as to hinder the objects of the law, the penalty is both^sic fine and imprisonment.

The chief objects of this system of voting are to prevent bribery and intimidation and to undermine the autocratic power which irresponsible machines wield over the political parties they assume to represent.

Penal laws are ineffectual to prevent either bribery or intimidation. The primary remedy is a secret ballot; and this is best secured when the only possible proof of an elector’s vote is his own uncorroborated assertion. Under the Australian system no other proof can be made. When the names of different candidates for the same office are printed on different ballots according to the old system, it is possible, even when the voter retires into a booth to assort his ballots, to get a notion of how he votes, or at least to impress upon him the belief that possibly his vote is not his own secret. But when the names of all candidates for the same office are printed on the same ballot, and the voter alone in a booth distinguishes the candidate of his choice by a simple pencil mark opposite the name, and is compelled to fold the ballot before withdrawing from the booth, there is no possibility of detecting his vote, and what is more to the purpose, he knows there is none. That fact gives to the most timid of dependent voters a sense of security that makes him free; and to bribery it is fatal.

No less effective is the system in destroying the power of political machines. The printing and distribution of ballots is as important a part of election machinery as the furnishing of ballot boxes; and, left to private enterprise, it inevitably tends to breed corruption and to build up monopoly. As ballots can neither be printed nor distributed without money, and may not be faithfully handled unless trusty workers are rewarded, the organization undertaking this work has a plausible claim for money from its beneficiaries and official patronage for its retainers. It is the necessity of raising these funds and employing these workers that excuses assessments, gives color of voluntary contribution to a political party to what in truth is the price of a nomination bought from a “boss,” excuses the submission of official patronage to the distribution of the machine, and provides ample cover for collecting corruption funds and through ballot distributors at the polls a convenient channel for disbursing the funds in bribes. And as corruption funds increase, masked by increasing demands for legitimate expenses, assessments grow, the price of nominations rises, the individual voter and the

p. 10, col. 3 independent candidate are shackled, and the “machine” becomes more indifferent to party principle as its monopoly of political power strengthens. This parasite of democracy would be destroyed by the Australian system of voting. If the state provided all the ballots there would be no necessity for private ballot distributors, and the excuse for raising as well as the best mode of using corruption funds would disappear. If, also, the name of every candidate for the same office was printed on the same ballot, nominations would not be bought; for when candidates are upon an equality in respect to election machinery, and there is no opportunity for bribing voters, political “machines” have nothing to sell that is worth the buying.

When these primary objects of the system are considered and approved, is apparent^sic that any effective law, must provide—(1) for an official ballot containing the name of every candidate; (2) for the official delivery of one such ballot to each citizen when he offers to vote; (3) for secrecy in marking the ballot; and, (4) for exclusion from the ballot box of every ballot not so received and marked.

The Australian system of voting takes its name from the country in which it was first adopted. It was designed by Francis S. Dutton, a member of the legislature of South Australia, as early as 1851 and became a law in the colony of Victoria in 1856 and in South Australia in 1858. An immediate and gratifying change came over the aspect of elections in both colonies. The machinery worked with smoothness and economy, securing quietness and convenience; intimidation ceased and corrupt personal canvassing gave way to public meetings at which the merits of candidates and measures were discussed. The system has been continued there until the present time. It was adopted in Tasmania in 1858, in New South Wales the same year, in New Zealand in 1870, and by the British parliament in 1872. Before its adoption by parliament a committee carefully considered the systems of both Australia and the United States, and that of the latter was rejected because it did not secure secrecy. The effect of the new law in England was to stop bribery and to produce tranquillity at elections, while arousing greater public interest in them; and in Ireland it made possi- ble the return of Parnell and his associates by preventing intimidation by landlords. It is now a permanent feature of the English election laws. Following the example of England, British Columbia in 1873, the province of Ontario and the dominion of Canada in 1874, the province of Quebec and Nova Scotia in 1875, and Manitoba in 1886, adopted the system with the same beneficent results.

In the United States the Australian system was adopted by Kentucky and Massachusetts in 1888, by Wisconsin for cities over 50,000 inhabitants in 1887 and for the entire state in 1889, and in the same year by Rhode Island, Indiana, Missouri, Tennessee, Montana and Minnesota. In many states the reform has been confronted by the strenuous and thus far successful opposition of political machines, managed by men bright enough to see that under it neither nominations nor elections can be controlled by cliques. In Michigan and Connecticut comparatively useless laws have been enacted by way of compromise. In Oregon and Illinois the measure was pigeon holed by the senate. In Kansas and Texas it was favorably reported, but the session ex- pired before a vote could be obtained. In Nebraska and California it was defeated by a majority of both parties. In Maine it was reported unfavorably by the committee, and voted down in both houses; all the democrats and sixteen republicans in the house and one republican in the senate voted for it, the negative vote being entirely republican. In Ohio it was defeated in the senate, a majority of republicans favoring and a majority of democrats opposing it; and in Pennsylvania and Delaware it was defeated in the house, a majority of republicans opposing and a majority of democrats favoring it. In New Jersey, under the pressure of a large popular petition, the house passed the measure, but it was defeated in the senate. In New York, where the movement originated in the United States, the now famous Saxton bill passed both houses of the legislature in 1887, a large majority of the republicans and a small minority of the democrats voting for it. It was vetoed by Governor Hill, who filed a memorandum setting forth numerous objections. Some of these objections, which related merely to details, were obviated in the next bill, and nearly all the remainder have been abandoned, some because they were transparently absurd and others because subsequent experience in other states proved them to be unfounded. In 1888 the second Saxton bill was passed by a strict party vote, the republicans supporting and the democrats opposing it; but it, too, was vetoed by Governor Hill, who recommended a measure known as the Linson bill, which was so drawn as to make political machines more powerful and intimidation and bribery more effective than ever.

For these facts I am indebted principally to the book of John H. Wigmore of the Boston bar. A second edition of this book has just been issued, and, containing as it does a complete history of the reform, and annotated copies of laws and decisions of the courts, together with references to the literature of the subject, it is indispensable

p. 10, col. 4 to every one who takes an active interest either in favor of or against the reform.

It is objected to the Australian system of voting that it violates the secrecy of the ballot by compelling blind and illiterate voters to expose their votes to an officer. Under the old system voting is not secret, and in attempting to enforce secrecy we are compelled to provide for a class of voters to whom exposure of their ballots to somebody is necessary, and to prevent disfranchisement an exception must be made in their favor. How can that exception be made consistently with the highest degree of secrecy the nature of the case permits? It is not safe to allow ballots to be taken away from the polls, for by giving a bribed or dependent voter one of these ballots already marked and requiring him to bring back a clean ballot after voting, the corruptionists could make bribery and intimidation as easy as ever and more secure. It is obvious therefore that in the interest of all voters the exposure of votes when necessary must be made within the booth, and an officer sworn to secrecy is a safer person to whom to make the exposure than the briber or in- timidationist, who would always be selected by a bribed or dependent voter. As to blind voters, exposure to an officer is the only alternative of disfranchisement on the one hand or on the other of a continuance of the corrupt methods that now prevail. But respecting the illiterate, there need be no exception to the general rule. The names on the ballots may be distinguished by numbers or by printing them in inks of different colors, or the voter may take into the booth a sample ballot already marked, but of different paper from the genuine ballot, from which to copy the marks. Either of these devices will enable the illiterate to intelligently mark the official ballot.

But this objection is no longer emphasized and all others are abandoned. Opposition to the reform now takes the shape of a proposal to modify the system by permitting the use of unofficial as well as official ballots. In behalf of this it is urged that officers might be derelict and polling places be left without official ballots; or that vital errors might be accidentally or willfully made in printing official ballots, and so forth. Of course these things might happen; but they are less likely to happen when the duty of providing ballots is imposed, under penalties, upon sworn officers, than when left to the discretion of irresponsible political machines; and in actual experience no instance of serious accident or bad faith has been referred to although elections have been held under the system in Kentucky, Montana and Massachusetts, as well as in Australia, England and Canada.

The real object of the proposed modification is to nullify the law. The proposition to allow unofficial ballots does not contemplate ballots containing the names of every candidate for the same office. Yet it is of the very essence of the reform that all ballots cast shall contain the names of all candidates for the same office. Without that, the voter has no assurance that his vote is secret. Without it, “machine” candidates have an advantage over others, and the power of the “machine” is continued. Without it, fraudulent ballots may be imposed upon unsuspecting voters. And even if both the unofficial and the official ballots did contain the names of all candidates, how easy it would be to give to a bribed or dependent voter an unofficial ballot ready marked, see that he had no other ballots on his person, as is frequently done now, and require him to bring out the official ballot delivered to him by the ballot clerk, as proof that he had cast the one prepared for him. Or, how easy, after giving him a ballot ready marked, to warn him, if bribed, that he would lose his bribe, or if dependent that he would lose his employment if he did any writing in the booth or remained there long enough to change his ballot. If the voter were not compelled by law to take an official ballot as he went into the booth, it is too obvious for argument that there would be no secrecy; the voter who took an official ballot would be a marked man, and would lose his bribe if bribed, or his employment if dependent. It is because frauds would be possible under the proposed modification that ballot reformers reject it; and it is because they would be impossible without the modification that the modification is proposed.

Details may be compromised, but essentials must not, and it is essential not only that the ballot be official, and contain the names of all candidates, and be delivered to the voter only at the moment of voting, but also that no other ballot be voted. LOUIS F. POST.

Petitions Being Circulated Throughout the State Asking the Legislature to Pass Only a Genuine Bill.

Since the election the ballot reformers of New Jersey have been actively engaged in circulating a petition for signatures calling on the legislature to pass a genuine ballot reform bill embracing all the essential features of the Australian system, at the coming session, which convenes in Trenton on January 14. The Hudson county ballot reform association sent an electro of the petition to every paper in the state with a request that it be published and that the editors call the attention of their continued on p. 11 →

[Text breaks off mid-sentence at the foot of column 4; no jump line printed. Presumably continued on the next page (page 11), but the paper does not say so.]

Workingmen Who Are Hunting for Work Appealed To To^sic “Stay Away”—Where Shall They Go and What Shall They Do?

Journal of United Labor (Official Organ of the Knights of Labor).

Cedar Mines, Iowa.—Mines and mine laborers^sic are requested to stay away from this place.

Utica, N. Y.—Shoemakers are requested to stay away from this town, as there is trouble.

Oliver Springs, Tenn^sic —Miners and mine laborers are warned to stay away from here, as the men are on a strike against a reduction in prices.

Rich Hill, Mo.—Miners and smelteringmen^sic are requested to stay away from this place. Wages are very low and many idle men are around.

Sioux City, Iowa.—Mechanics and laborers are requested to stay away from this place, as it is crowded with idle men, and work is almost at a standstill.

Greenville, Mich.—Mechanics and laborers are warned to stay away from here, as the place is now crowded with idle men, and work is at a standstill.

Sioux Falls, S. Dak.—Mechanics and laborers are warned to stay away from here, as work is at a stand still, until spring. There is nothing doing during the winter months.

Eau Claire, Wis.—Laboring men are warned to stay away, as the place is now crowded with idle men. Give no heed to advertisements encouraging men to come here.

Colorado.—All coal miners are requested to stay away from Lafayette and Canfield, Boulder county, Col. Union miners are on strike against reduction of wages.

New Derry, Pa —Miners and mine laborers are warned to stay away from this town,

p. 11, col. 3 There is a strike in progress against a reduction in wages.

Dallas, Tex.—Mechanics and laborers are requested to stay away from here, as the place is crowded with idle men.

Brazil, Ind.—Miners and mine laborers are warned to stay away from this region as there is a strike in progress, caused by the operators insisting on a twenty-five per cent^sic reduction on last year’s prices.

Moss Point and Scranton, Miss.—Mechanics and laborers of all kinds are requested to stay away from these places as business is very dull and there are hundreds of idle men on the streets.

San Bernardino, Cal^sic —Laboring men are warned to stay away from southern California as the country is crowded with idle men. There is no work to be had as everything is dull and at a stand still.

Vancouver, B. C.—’Longshoremen, painters and decorators are requested to stay away from here as the city is full at present.

Oswalt, Iowa.—Miners and mine laborers are urged to stay away from here. There is trouble expected at the three shafts in this hollow, owing to a demand made by the men for the usual fall advance.

Fort Smith, Ark.—Stone cutters are requested to stay away from this place, as work is very dull and idle men are plentiful.

Edgecombe, N. C.—Mechanics and laborers are warned to stay away from here as there are many idle men with us, and wages are at starvation point. Those who are employed received, men, $8 per month; women, $5 per month.

Grand Rapids, Mich.—Mechanics and laborers are warned to stay away from here. The place is overrun with idle men. It is estimated that 800 are out of work at present and there is no immediate prospect of a change for the better.

Newburgh, W. Va.—Miners and mine laborers are requested to stay away from here. Reduction in prices has been made.

Moberly, Mo.—Miners and mine laborers are warned to stay away from here as a strike is in progress against sweeping reductions. The fight has been on since April 1. The men are firm and determined to win.

Defiance, Ohio.—Stove moulders are warned to stay away from this city as there is a strike on on account of a reduction in wages. The boom is only temporary and worked up to encourage all classes of labor to come here.

St. Louis, Mo.—Harnessmakers and machine operators are requested to stay away from here and to pay no attention to advertisements appearing in the papers. The city is flooded with idle men.

Cairo, Ill^sic —Mechanics and laborers are requested to stay away from this place as it is overrun with idle men, who have been induced to come here by misleading advertisements in the newspapers. Building operations are at a stand still and everything is dull at present.

Deepwater, Henry Co., Mo.—Miners and mine laborers are requested to stay away from here as work is very dull, and a reduction from $1 to 75 cents for first-class coal per ton has been forced upon the men. For second-class we receive only 25 cents per ton. Things are almost at starvation point and there are crowds of idle men.

Galveston, Tex.—Workingmen everywhere are warned to stay away. The streets are crowded with idle men caused by the pooling of the cotton presses in the city. Every bale of cotton is handled by contract, and one man is now compelled to do as much work as three men formerly did. The Santa Fe railroad has cut its men from $1.75 to $1.50 per day.

Jackson, Mich.—Carpenters are warned against the misleading advertisements of the George T. Smith purifier company of this city for men wanted. Plenty of idle men are here now. This company compels its employes to buy a lot from the company. Failure to do so means to be laid off indefinitely. Work is slack at the same time the company is advertising.

Spokane Falls, W. T.—Mechanics and laborers are advised to stay away from here. The town is almost entirely destroyed, the season is late for commencing building operations, and material is scarce. There are crowds of idle men around. Give no heed to advertisements. They are paid for by schemers who desire to be benefited by crowding the city with an army of unemployed.

Bay City, Mich.—There are advertisements in the papers from time to time that men are wanted in the Saginaw valley. Some advertise for house carpenters, some for ship carpenters and some for men to work in the woods, mills and factories. There are no men wanted here. Crowds of men are walking the streets unable to find employment. Many have spent their last cent in coming here only to find out they have been deceived by the lumber kings and contractors. Mechanics and laborers,take^sic heed, for the valley is no place at present in which to make a living. Keep away and give those who have homes partly paid for a chance for their lives, and you will save a good deal of suffering and hardship.

A New Ticker That Will Revolutionize Telegraphy.

A system of telegraphy which promises to replace in great measure that now in use has been invented by J. H. Rogers of Washington, who has already achieved fame by inventing the pan-electric telephone. The system is based on the synchronous revolution of two wheels, one at the sending and the other at the receiving station. This has been attained before, but by such complicated methods that no great commercial benefits have resulted. Mr. Rogers secures the simultaneity of revolution by an arrangement for sending a spark from one wheel to the other. If the spark is not at a certain place on the wheel it is known that the wheels are not turning together and measures are taken for making them do so. The message is printed on an ordinary type writer which is connected with a machine which punctures a series of holes, corresponding to letters, in a slip of paper. The slip is then run through the sending instrument and the message is printed in Roman letters at the receiving station without any aid from an operator. Another method of sending is by a sort of a type writer having only ten keys which punches the slips directly. This can be operated fast enough to take down ordinary conversation. Only ten keys are necessary because any letter can be formed in Roman type by combining two or more of ten marks. By this system of telegraphy from two to five hundred words a minute can be transmitted, so that its advantage over the Morse system, by which only thirty words a minute can be sent, is apparent. The general adoption of the new system would therefore greatly decrease the number of wires needed for telegraphing. Besides in the synchronous system ten operators can send a message over a single wire at the same time, which is two and a half times more than is possible under the old system.

To Go 120 Knots an Hour.

A Russian inventor named Leonide Apostoloff, a Cossack engineer in the Russian army, is at work on a plan by which he hopes to cross the Atlantic, from Queestown^sic to Sandy Hook, in twenty-six hours. Having explained his plans to the war department, he was allowed to take a vacation of three years in which to perfect his invention. He thereupon went to Marseilles, where the climate favors nautical experiments more than it does in St. Petersburg. Here he is building his boat. He calls it the Bateau Plongeur. Its model is that of a spindle, sharp at both ends. It is 28 meters long and 3½ meters in diameter in the middle. It consists essentially of an inner and an outer shell, the outer shell revolving around the inner one on journals fitted at each end of a horizontal shaft that runs through the axis of the spindle. Beginning at a point near the bow and winding twice around the outer shell is a blade perpendicular to the axis of the spindle, very much like the thread of a screw As the outer shell revolves this screw thread will worm the craft through the water. To drive the craft he uses an electric motor, with a storage system of his own. Electricity will, of course, light the craft. At each end of the boat and around the center are belts of bull’s eyes, through which the light will shine, but for what purpose is not evident. That the glass would be useful when on the surface is plain enough. The boat is steered by fishtail rudders—horizontal and vertical. To a correspondent who asked him about his invention Mr. Apostoloff said: “My boat will travel from 80 to 120 knots an hour—80 on the surface of the sea and 120 at full speed under water. I have applied to navigation the spiral principle, that is all. The value of this principle is seen in many places. Why does a snake swim faster than any fish? Because it twists itself through the water. Force for force, a screw is driven into a piece of wood quicker than a nail. The projectile of an old smooth bore musket traveled perhaps 100 yards with a certain trajectory. The modern rifle sends a projectile twisting through the air to ten times the distance.”

Ozone in the Treatment of Phthisis.

Ransome records the treatment of thirteen cases of pulmonary tuberculosis by the inhalation of ozone. Each cylinder used contained seven litres of pure oxygen ozonized up to nine per cent. No other treatment was employed. The cases represented various stages of the disease, and were all under obse[rva?]tion for more than one year. The au[thor?] says that the results obtained were a [con?]tinuous freedom from fever, absence of sweats, diminished expectoration, and [illegible] gain in weight and strength. The author believes that ozone does not act as a direct germicide, and that the control over the disease does not seem to come from any direct action upon the tubercle bacillus. It acts by restoring tone to diseased portions, and has a beneficial effect on the general health.

A New Dynamo.

The United States electric lighting company announce that they have perfected a new dynamo. The field magnets part along a horizontal plane, so that, by removing the yoke and unbolting the two halves, the upper half can be lifted away and the armature removed. This is convenient in cramped situations. The same construction enables it to be carried into restricted locations which would not be accessible to a dynamo built in one piece. The armature itself [is?] wound in a single layer upon a laminated core, practically obviating the liability to heating. Ball bearings are used on both ends of the shaft. The lower horn of the casting is hollow, and serves as a reservoir for oil running through the bearings. Oil can therefore be supplied copiously, and drawn off and returned to the cups without waste. The dynamo is carried on an elevated base, making it more accessible to the operator.

SINGLE TAX PLATFORM.

The single tax contemplates the abolition of all taxes upon labor or the products of labor—that is to say, the abolition of all taxes save one tax levied on the value of land, irrespective of improvements.

Since in all our states we now levy some tax on the value of land, the single tax can be instituted by the simple and easy way of abolishing, one after another, all other taxes now levied, and commensurately increasing the tax on land values, until we draw upon that once source^sic for all expenses of government; the revenue being divided between local governments, state governments and the general government, as the revenue from direct taxes is now divided between tne^sicsic local and state governments, or a direct assessment being made by the general government upon the states and paid by them from revenues collected in this manner.

The single tax is not a tax on land, and therefore would not fall on the use of land and become a tax on labor.

It is a tax, not on land, but on the value of land. Thus it would not fall on all land, but only on valuable land, and on that not in proportion to the use made of it, but in proportion to its value—the premium which the user of land must pay to the owner, either in purchase money or in rent, for permission to use valuable land. It would thus be a tax, not on the use or improvement of land, but on the ownership of land, taking what would otherwise go to the owner as owner and not as user.

In assessments under the single tax all values created by individual use or improvement would be excluded, and the only value taken into consideration would be the value attaching to the bare land by reason of neighborhood, etc. Thus the farmer would have no more taxes to pay than the speculator who held a similar piece of land idle, and the man who on a city lot erected a valuable building would be taxed no more than the man who held a similar lot vacant.

The single tax, in short, would call upon men to contribute to the public revenues not in proportion to what they produce or accumulate, but in proportion to the value of the natural opportunities they hold. It would compel them to pay just as much for holding land idle as for putting it to its fullest use.

The single tax, therefore, would—

1. Take the weight of taxation off of the agricultural districts when land has little or no value^sic irrespective of improvements, and put it on towns and cities where bare land rises to a value of millions of dollars per acre.

2. Dispense with a multiplicity of taxes and a horde of taxgatherers, simplify government and greatly reduce its cost.

3. Do away with the fraud, corruption and gross inequality inseparable from our present methods of taxation, which allow the rich to escape while they grind the poor. Land cannot be hid or carried off, and its value can be ascertained with greater ease and certainty than any other.

4. Give us with all the world as perfect freedom of trade as now exists between the states of our Union, thus enabling our people to share through free exchanges in all the advantages which nature has given to other countries, or which the peculiar skill of other peoples has enabled them to attain. It would destroy the trusts, monopolies, and corruptions which are the outgrowtns^sic of the tariff. It would do away with the fines and penalties now levied on any one who improves a farm, erects a house, builds a machine, or in any way adds to the general stock of wealth. It would leave every one free to apply labor or expend capital in production or exchange without fine or restriction, and would leave to each the full product of his exertion.

5. It would, on the other hand, by taking for public uses that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and improvement of the community, make the holding of [land?] unprofitable to the mere owner and [profitable?] only to the user. It would thus [make?] it impossible for speculators and [monopolists?] to hold natural opportunities un[used?] or only half used, and would throw open to labor the illimitable field of employment which the earth offers to man. It would thus solve the labor problem, do away with involuntary poverty, raise wages in all occupations to the full earnings of labor, make overproduction impossible until all human wants are satisfied, render labor saving inventions a blessing to all, and cause such an enormous production and such an equitable distribution of wealth as would give to all comfort, leisure and participation in the advantages of an advancing civilization.

The ethical principles on which the single tax is based are:

1. Each man is entitled to all that his labor produces. Therefore no tax should be levied on the products of labor.

2. All men are equally entitled to what God has created and to what is gained by the general growth and improvement of the community of which they are a part. Therefore, no one should be permitted to hold natural opportunities without a fair return to all for any special privilege thus accorded to him, and that [value?] which the growth and improvement of [the community?] attaches to

p. 12, col. 2 land should be taken for the use of the community.

THE PETITION.

SINGLE TAX ENROLMENT COMMITTEE, 36 CLINTON PLACE, NEW YORK, Dec. 23, 1889.

Subscriptions toward the expenses of this committee’s work for the week ending December 23, are as follows:

Bradford S. T. club, Bradford, Pa. . . $12 00 James R Carret (add.), Boston, Mass. . . 2 00 Walter Hemiug^sic, Frankfort Springs, Pa. . . . . . . . . . . . 12 00 $26 00

Subscriptions previously acknowledged in THE STANDARD . . . . 2,593 70

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $2,619 70

The cash contributions for the week are as follows:

Wm. H. Hart, Connersville, Ind. . . . $1 00 G. A. Macfarlane, Jasper, Ala. . . . 3 00 August Roche, Martell, Wis. . . . 1 00 $5 00

Cash contributions previously acknowledged in THE STANDARD . . 188 38

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . $193 38

The enrolment now stands as follows:

Reported last week . . . . . . . 70,295 Received during the week ending Dec. 23 . . . . . . . . . . 603

Total . . . . . . . . . . . . 70,898

WM. T. CROASDALE, Chairman.

The single tax enrolment committee is circulating a petition asking the United States house of representatives to appoint a special committee to make inquiry into and report upon the expediency of raising all public revenues by a single tax upon the value of land, irrespective of improvements, to the exclusion of all other taxes, whether in the form of tariffs upon imports, taxes upon internal productions or otherwise. It will send blank petitions on application to any address, and single tax men are urged to obtain petitions and obtain signatures as a most convenient and effective way of starting the discussion of our principles.

NEW YORK CITY.

BROOYLYN^sic.

NEW YORK STATE.

MASSACHUSETTS.

CONNECTICUT.

The [Parrot?] and th[illegible]

[Detroi?]t Evening N[e?]ws.

In the little tobacco and ne[illegible] [illegible] op[p?]osite the Goodman House, on G[illegible] [R?]iver avenue, is a parrot. This parrot is wise—for a bird—and its curiosity leads it to test with its beak these things that excite its curiosity. On the counter, a day or so ago, was a pile of Detroit Tribunes awaiting purchasers, and it proceeded to investigate their contents. It hopped up on a pile and at the first pick tore out a half-column editorial headed, “Protect American workingmen by taxing their tin pails.” The next pick disclosed to the astoniseed gaze of the parrot the startling information: “Make taxes high enough, and everybody will become prosperous, happy and rich.” The parrot may not have got the words just right, but its natural wisdom enabled it to correctly serve the announcements [of?] the sheet it was diligently tearing to [pieces?]. It stopped, scratched the back of its [head?] with its left claw, and casting a glance [at?] its cage swaying lazily in the current o[illegible] caused by the opening and shutting of the [illegible] door, then soliloquized: “Tax tin! Then [illegible] will cost more and mine will be made [illegible]r. Tax what I eat and drink! Then [illegible] less of them and my stomach will su[illegible]. [Well?], well. This doctrine may be good [for?] common men and women, but as [parrots?], all they ask is liberty to get [illegible]t with the least trouble. Shoot the [illegible]” With a scientific scratch he gave [illegible]pers a dig that scattered them over the [illegible]nd, jumping upon his perch, fell into [illegible]lumber from the soporific caused by [illegible]g the aforesaid editorials.

[Let’s?] Give Him Another Chance.

[St.?] Louis Republic.

Mr. Powderly is discovering that “protection does not protect the laborer.” Mr. Powderly is an able man, but he differs from the rest of the country in that his “off” years are those of presidential elections.

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p. 13, col. 4

SINGLE TAX ORGANIZATIONS.

(Secretaries of clubs are requested to send any corrections in the list below, and all newly formed organizations are asked to report promptly, either to the Enrollment committee or The Standard.)

The Dayton People to Look Into Certain Matters of Public Interest—L. E. Siemon to Carry On the Work of the Single Tax Letter Writing Corps.

J. A. Galloway, Dayton.—Since I have returned from Atlanta I have sent several of Mr. Shearman’s speeches before the joint committee of the Ohio legislature out into Missouri, Wisconsin and Michigan, from which I have not yet had time to receive any reply. This city has appointed a committee of one hundred (of the taxpayers) to consider all questions of public interest, street improvement, sewerage, etc. The president of our club is a member of that general committee and a member of the sub-committee on city government. There are also other single tax men on the committee. Taking everything into consideration, we have nothing to complain of here in the progress of our ideas. Things are pushing themselves quite as fast as it is well for them to go^sic

Leo Hoffman, Cleveland, Ohio.—I am doing all in my power to spread the great truths. There is not a man that I come in contact with that escapes hearing of the single tax. Messrs. L. A. Russell and Tom L. Johnson have delivered some very effective speeches here lately.

T. L. Carter, Cleveland.—I have been requested by L. E. Siemon, who is at present sick a-bed, to inform THE STANDARD that he has undertaken to re-establish the single tax letter-writing corps. He is in receipt of letters from W. J. Atkinson of Philadelphia, Bolton Smith of Memphis, Tenn.; T. B. Preston of Brooklyn, A. P. Brown of Jersey City, F. H. Ringeman, W. A. Cronenberger and others, who have promised to aid him in his undertaking. I feel that Mr. Siemon will conduct the corps in a successful manner if sufficiently encouraged. [Mr. Siemon issued his first circular December 2. His address is, L. E. Siemon, 7 Greenwood street, Cleveland, Ohio.]

A New Convert Furnishes the Indianapolis Club With a Meeting Place at His Own Expense.

L. P. Custer, Indianapolis.—The single tax league of this city now meets on Tuesday evening of each week in Mansur hall, northeast corner of Washington and Alabama streets, at 7:30 o’clock. A wealthy young man, as heretofore noted, has generously provided the hall without cost to the league, and has also signified a desire to assist in other ways, therefore it is to be hoped that your readers here will show their appreciation of his generosity by attending the meetings and bringing their friends. They could not do less, I am sure, and still claim to be advocates of the great truth we seek to establish.

The Society People of Quincy Organize a Social Science Club, at Which the Single Tax is Discussed—The Chicago Club Maps Out Work for the Winter.

C. F. Perry, Quincy—Our^sic club is doing nicely and steadily increasing in membership. At a recent meeting, which was devoted to a discussion of “The Law of Wages,” Mr. F. A. Metzger, a prominent cigar manufacturer, and Mr. John Bailey, a traveling salesman, joined the club. We expect in the near future to take up the subject of local assessments of improvements as compared with vacant lots, and urge the publication of the assessment rolls. Our club has decided to extend invitations to representative citizens to deliver short address before it.

A short time since, some of our leading society people concluded to establish a nationalist club, but when the point of organization was reached it was decided best not to form on these lines, but simply to organize a “social science club” for the study of social questions. At the last meeting, led by the Rev. S. H. Dana, pastor of the First union Congregational church, who is friendly to the single tax, the club discussed two chapters of Mr. George’s “Social Problems.” You will remember my writing not long since of the ladies’ “Atlantis” society here, and asking our lady friends to write to the society. Mrs. Frances M. Milne, our California poetess, was kind enough to comply, and wrote a delightful letter, which has evidently had an excellent effect, for I learn that several ladies of the “Atlantis” are active in the new club. At the last meeting of our Conversation club Dr. Edward B. Moutgomery^sic presented an excellent

p. 14, col. 2 paper on “Socialism, Communism, Individualism and Anarchy,” and in the discussion that followed it became clear that many of the members present believe in the single tax, although the majority seemed to favor it “limited.”

Following the ringing resolutions lately passed by our Knights of Labor assembly regarding ballot reform and the single tax, the assembly recently ordered a large stock of single tax literature.

Warren Worth Bailey, Chicago.—Our club grows steadily. I have mapped out a programme for the winter which includes an agitation of questions of local taxation, and special meetings for ministers, lawyers, doctors teachers^sic, stenographers, printers and merchants, each to be addressed by representatives of its class. Edward O. Brown and Judge Bangs will address the lawyers’ meeting; Miss Beck will talk to the teachers; Mr. Wells will talk to the merchants; the stenographers will listen to Mr. James Malcolm, and John Z. White will speak from the printer’s point of view. The prospect is bright for the winter, and I see practical results not far away.

An Evening’s Work for the Single Tax in Parkersburg.

W. F. Thayer, Parkersburg.—I send you this report of several meetings held here on the evening of the 12th inst: The Farmers’ state grange, which had just concluded its annual meeting at this place, were approached by a delegation of single tax men on the last day, with a view to obtain permission to address the grange on the subject of taxation. Before the adjournment it was voted that the grange attend the evening meeting in a body to hear an exposition of the single tax. I am pleased to say about all were there. The meeting was called to order by T. E. Quinn at about eight o’clock. John Donaghho, one of our ablest exponents of the single tax, talked for an hour, and was listened to with marked attention, after which W. A. Phelps took the floor to answer questions. The meeting lasted until eleven o’clock, after which many remained to argue the question “into the wee sma’ hours” of the night. There were many present who had never heard of the single tax, while on the other hand a number had thought considerably upon the subject, among the latter a “Nicodemus.” The meeting was a success and we have reason to believe many left that hall with a new light dawning upon their minds.

On the same evening a colored society were congregated in one of their churches listening to a debate, the subject of which was, “Resolved, That the single tax on land values is the only just tax.”

The Y. M. C. A. was addressed by one of our prominent attorneys, president of the West Virginia bar association. In the course of his remarks he pronounced Mr. George one of the brightest minds in the United States and read several pages of “Social Problems.” And all of this happened in one night.

The Efficient Work of the Kansas City Single Tax Men at the Industrial Fair—Cheers for George—The “Star’s” Complimentary Remarks—A^sic Methodist Minister Speaks in Approval of the Single Tax Idea.

Percy Pepoon, St. Louis.—The Rev. Dr. Matthews of the Centenary Methodist church recently addressed the St. Louis single tax league and had an overflowing house. His subject was “The Social Ills That Confront Us; Can They be Remedied ?” The doctor’s vigorous and radical speech was enthusiastically received. His denunciations of present social conditions were worthy of any single tax orator, and he quoted in evidence the calculations of Mr. Shearman in “The Menace of Plutocracy.” Dr. Matthews is regarded as the ablest and most popular pulpit orator in St. Louis. As to the remedy, Dr. Matthews said it would come, and its coming would be aided by the single tax men. While he was not convinced that the single tax was the remedy, he had no doubt that it was a good ingredient to mix with others in compounding the remedy. He admonished the single tax league to abate no jot of its efforts, and promised that he, in his pulpit, would try to keep up his end of the same fight in his own way.

Hamlin Russell then took the floor and made an excellent review of Dr, Matthews’s^sic address, stating single tax ideas clearly and effectively. An interesting meeting of the league was also held Sunday afternoon. Our Sunday afternoon meetings are devoted to free and informal discussion of the ethical side of the movement. New single tax men are constantly coming to the front.

B. A. Birmingham, Kansas City.—The industrial fair opened December 2 and lasted until December 7. The members of our club distributed single tax literature, including sample copies of THE STANDARD and 5,000 circulars describing the principles of the club. Our documents were eagerly read by the crowds that thronged the fair and THE STANDARDS were all taken the first night they were placed on the stand. Several incidents show that our ideas are beginning to

p. 14, col. 3 permeate the minds of men who compose the labor organizations. Our president, Mr. Wasson, obtained permission to put up a stand and obtain signatures for the single tax petition. While engaged in obtaining signatures, a man unknown to him stepped up and said, “This is the Henry George doctrine, isn’t it?” “Yes,” replied Mr. Wasson, “this is the Henry George doctrine.” At this some one a few feet away cried out “Hurrah for Henry George.” Others took up the cry and from all parts of the room there were cheers for the author of “Progress and Poverty.”

The truth is gradually penetrating the mists of prejudice and ignorance that have obscured it^sic

We have lately opened permanent headquarters at the corner of Fifteenth street and Grand avenue, which are open every night after 7.30 p. m. We had a very interesting meeting there last Tuesday evening. Professor Wiener gave a very entertaining and logical lecture on the single tax, following his argument out step by step in a way calculated to carry conviction to his hearers, and the audience was quite a large one.

While we have not yet quite got the headquarters into their best condition, they are rapidly approaching that state under the care of our indefatigable president, Mr. Wasson, who assumed the laborious task of kalsomining, painting, etc., and we hope greatings things^sic for the future.

The Kansas City Star says the single tax club has had a thriving existence for one year, and “its followers include some of the best informed men of the city; men who have the labor problem down to as scientific a point as political economists.”

A Large Single Tax Meeting in Memphis Under the Auspices of a District Assembly of the Knights of Labor.

Memphis.—D. A. 421, K. of L., held a large meeting of the order in their hall, corner of Second and Adams streets, Sunday, December 15, to hear the single tax discussed. M. H. McDowell ot Union City^sic was the principal orator of the evening, and spoke at considerable length, indorsing “the single tax idea,” of which Henry George is the recognized leader in America. He was not an extremist, but he advocated the platform boldly and eloquently, and impressed his hearers as feeling deeply all he said.

Mr. McDowell was followed by Mr. Pickering, who is noted for his high tariff proclivities, but who, nevertheless, indorsed in strong terms “the single tax.” The most earnest speaker of the evening was Mr. Robert Delaney. In addition to being a student of Mr. George he is also a free trader, and gave his reasons for both beliefs. He said if all the devils in hell were to hold a convention protection would constitute every plank in their platform. He is an absolute free trader, taking the avowed position that even the indirect taxation upon the American people, by requiring a tariff tax on articles that the people are compelled to buy, is only another form of robbery. Mr. Delaney’s speech was well received, and he was complimented by those who heard him. He is on the police force in Memphis and is popular “with the boys.” Mr. R. G. Brown was the next and last speaker. His time was given almost exclusively to the single tax question. He reviewed the history of the order, showing its immense growth and through it the spread of the single tax doctrine among the people. The assembly adjourned and all went home pleased.

Sunday evening, December 29, there will be an open meeting, at which Mr. Pickering and others will address the knights.

The Movement Steadily Growing—Friends Among the Enemy.

C. W. Garretson, Bishop.—Among the signers of the petition is a Methodist preacher named Andrew Clark, who is unconsciously a single tax man.

Jeff. A. Bailey, Black Diamond, Contra Costa county.—Our cause is becoming respectable in my vicinity. Last week I made a single tax speech at the little town of Clayton (at the foot of Mount Diablo). The roads were bad and the skies overcast, yet I had an audience of over fifty, who were very attentive, and who unanimously invited me to

p. 14, col. 4 come [illegible] talk to them. Am[illegible] signat[illegible] I have sent to the enr[illegible] commi[illegible]hat of a custom house emp[illegible] He is [illegible]us, but he cannot take an acti[illegible] part, as his bread and butter depends on [his?] being “true” to the party now in power. I keep the papers round here supplied with interesting reading matter.

John Nicolson, Winchester, San Diego county.—The single tax is cropping out all over this part of the country; and the opposition of the newspapers only help it along.

H. L. Pleace, San Francisco.—We are falling into line out on this side of our grand country. Our single tax society is gettin[g?] down to real work. Weekly meetings a[re?] held, where the gospel of natural justice [illegible] preached every Sunday evening; as a re[sult?] we have a regular army, and each branc[h?] [illegible] at work pointing out to plodding toiler[s?] [illegible] road that leads to their inheritance. [illegible] reading room answers as a general re[illegible] and business headquarters. We ha[illegible] bates on Thursdays and lectures o[illegible] days.

Maryland.

The Baltimore single tax league has arranged for a large meeting to be held in the academy of music in that city on the evening of January 30, to be addressed by Mr. Thomas G. Shearman. It is expected that the meeting will be the largest single tax demonstration ever had in Baltimore.

Frank V. Corr, Elkhart.—All us single taxers are going to join the Knights of Labor assemblies here, as we believe we can do better work in that way than by establishing an independent single tax club.

Wisconsin.

Milwaukee.—The single tax will be popular here before long. A good [illegible] of its advocates was held on Decemb[illegible] the office of Martin Johnson, gener[illegible] of the Chicago, Rock Island and Pac[illegible] road, 99 Wisconsin street.

Though no other notice had been [illegible] the meeting than the insertion of a paragraph in one or two of the city [illegible] there were twenty-five single taxer[illegible] little room when Chairman McGill ra[illegible] order and in a short speech stated [illegible]ject of the meeting and epitomized t[illegible] tax theory. Among them were L. B[illegible], of Benton, Waldo & Co., type founders; H. L. Atkins, of Atkins, Ogden & Co., shoe manufacturers; Col. Breed, Dr. Emil Wahl, James Leedom, Peter McGill, Martin Johnson, Isaa[c?] Smith, a well-known real estate man, N[illegible] McCallum and others, all well-known citizen[s?] and business men. A short discussio[n?] [illegible] principles of the single tax was ind[illegible] Messrs. McGill, Leedom, Benton [illegible] Krackowizer, and a committee [illegible] appointed to formulate a pla[illegible]tion, frame a constitution, draft by[illegible] devise ways and means for placing [illegible] upon a firm foundation and in a p[illegible] carry on a vigorous agitation.

Iowa.

J. S. Mott, Mason City, Iowa.—[illegible] has exempted from taxation (for fi[illegible] the plant of a factory and also agre[illegible] it city water without charge for t[illegible] The object is to encourage industry[illegible] men in other industries are beginni[ng?] why the privilege is not extended to [illegible] I tell them that is what the single ta[x?] [illegible] do, not only for five years, but forever.

Colorado.

Thomas McGauran, Denver.—Two [illegible] signatures sent to the enrolment co[illegible] are of Swedish laborers, who becam[e?] single taxers after reading Mr. Rin[illegible] Case Plainly Stated” in Swedish.

Texas.

C. von Hagen, Dallas.—I am [illegible] there is a very wide-spread sentim[ent?] [illegible] section of the country in favor of [illegible]ples. Discussion is the thing, and t[illegible] makes that easy.

Louisiana.

E. Moore, New Orleans.—Within [illegible] weeks we expect a boom for our cau[se?] [illegible] hands of the Knights of Labor.

SAMPLE PAGE.

[Illustration: facsimile of a recruit subscription blank, with a perforated stub at left (text printed sideways) and the order form at right in script type. Text word for word:]

[Stub:] ☞ Keep your own record of persons to whom you have sent papers, and see them or write to them again. Name………. P. O. ………. State………. This order will be accepted in full payment for THE STANDARD for four weeks, Signed………. FOR THE STANDARD.

[Form:] RECRUIT SUBSCRIPTION. Publisher of THE STANDARD, 12 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK. Please send “The Standard” for four weeks, beginning with next issue, to Name………. P. O. ………. State………. and discontinue same at the expiration of that time, unless the person designated shall renew the subscription. Yours truly, Name………. Address, ……….

These Recruit Subscription books are designed to enable our friends conveniently to send THE STANDARD on trial to persons they hope to interest in the principles it advocates. They are in handy form for carrying in the pocket, and they enable volunteer missionaries to effectively conclude a single-tax argument by offering to send THE STANDARD for four weeks to one who will agree to read it.

Fill in the name and address of the person to whom you want the paper sent, tear off the blank at the perforated line, and mail it to THE STANDARD. The person designated will be notified that it is sent, at your request, for four weeks, and will be discontinued at the end of that time unless he himself subscribes.

A stub is attached to each blank for your convenience in keeping a record of those to whom you have ordered the paper sent.

[continued from c1]

every day from 6 p. m. to 12 p. m. Pres., Louis F. Post; sec., A. J. Steers.

Harlem single tax club, room 3, 247 West 125th st. Business meeting every Tuesday, 8.30 p. m. Whist and social evening every Thursday. Pres., Eugene G. Muret; sec., Chas. H. Mitchell.

The West Side single tax club. Every Thursday evening, 490 Eighth ave. Pres., Dr. David Wark; sec., Daniel Cavanago, 387 8th ave.

BROOKLYN.—Brooklyn single tax club. Club house, 56 Livingston st. Open every evening. Discussions Wednesday evenings. Business meetings Friday evenings. Lectures Sunday evenings. Pres., Geo. White; cor. sec^sic., G. W. Thompson, 56 Livingston st.

The Eastern District single tax club. Wednesday evening, Oriental hall, 316 Bedford ave. Pres., John Britton; sec., Joseph McGuinness, 215 Ross st.

BUFFALO.—Tax reform club. Every Wednesday evening, Yox hall, cor. Watson and Howard sts. Pres., S. C. Rogers; sec., H. B. Buddenburg, 824 Clinton st.

ROCHESTER.—Rochester single tax union. Wednesday, 8 p. m.; Sunday, 3 p. m.; 80 Reynold’s Arcade. Pres., J. H. Bluntach; sec., J. M. Campbell, 30 Charlotte st.

ALBANY.—Single tax club. Tuesday evening, 8 p. m., 68 Washington ave. Rooms open every evening. Pres., Alexander Gregory; cor. sec., James J. Mahoney, 2 Division st.

SYRACUSE.—Single tax club of Onondaga. 26 Butler block. Pres., F. A. Paul; sec., H. R. Perry, 149 South Clinton st.

POUGHKEEPSIE.—Single tax club. Every Thursday evening, 8 p. m., 226 Union st. Pres., W. C. Albro; sec., F. S. Arnold.

AUBURN.—Single tax club. Mondays, 7.30 p. m., College hall. Pres., Dan. Peacock; sec., H. W. Benedict, 6 Morris st.

ELLENVILLE.—Single tax club of Ellenville. First and third Monday of each month, Canal st., over E. Bevier’s drug store. Pres., Wm. Lambert; sec., Benj. Hull.

FLUSHING.—Single tax club. Pres., D. C. Beard; sec., Fred Sheffield.

NEW BRIGHTON, S. I.—Richmond county single tax club. Pres., J. S. Cogan; sec., A. B. Stoddard.

NORTHPORT.—Single tax committee. Sec., J. K. Rudyard.

OWEGO.—Single tax committee. Sec., Perry Hyde.

TROY.—Single tax club. Meetings weekly at 576 River st. Temporary pres., Henry Sterling; tem. sec., Frank H. King.

COHOES.—Single tax committee. Pres., P. C. Dandurant; sec., J. S. Crane 128 Ontario st^sic.

GLOVERSVILLE.—Single tax committee. Chairman, A. P. Slade; sec., Dr. Wm. C. Wood, 30 S. Main st.

SCHUYLERSVILLE.—Schuylersville single tax club. Every Friday evening, residence of J. H. Bullard. Pres., J. H. Bullard; sec., R. S. Wells.

JAMESTOWN.—Single tax club of Jamestown. Last Saturday evening of each month. Pres., Adam Stormer; sec., F. G. Anderson, 300 Barrett st.

YONKERS.—The Jefferson club, 85 Main st. Always open. Business meeting every Tuesday evening at 7.45.

OHIO.

STATE.—Ohio Single tax league. State executive board: Chairman, C. S. Walker, foot

p. 15, col. 3 of Evans st., Cincinnati; vice chairman, L. E. Siemon, 7 Greenwood st., Cleveland; treas., W. W. Kile, 33 E. 5th st., Dayton; sec., Edw. L. Hyneman, room 3, 348½ S. High st., Columbus.

CLEVELAND.—Cleveland single tax club. Every Wednesday evening, 8 p. m., 144 Ontario st., room 16. Pres., Tom L. Johnson; sec., C. H. Nau, room 25, Standard block.

CINCINNATI^sic —Cincinnati single tax club. Every Sunday afternoon at Douglass Castle hall, cor. 6th and Walnut sts. Pres., David De Beck, M.D., 139 W. 9th st.; sec., Wm. C. Wulff, 272 Vine st.

COLUMBUS.—Central single tax club. Sec., Edw. L. Hyneman, 348½ S. High st.

TIFEFN^sic—Single tax committee. Sec., Dr. H. F. Barnes.

HAMILTON^sic —Hamilton single tax club. Every Saturday evening at 314 High st. Pres., Howard Rich; sec., Ambrose Strang, 742 E Dayton st^sic.

GALION.—Galion single tax club. Every Monday evening, residence of P. J. Snay, 103 S. Union st. Pres., P. J. Snay; sec., Maud E. Snay.

ZANESVILLE.—Central single tax club. Pres., C. A. Potwin; sec., W. H. Loughead, 47 Van Buren st.

DAYTON^sic —Free land club. Pres., John Birch; Sec., W. W. Kile; 108 E. 5th st.

AKRON.—Akron single tax club. Pres, Jno. McBride^sic; sec., Sam Rodgers.

MIAMISBURG.—Land and labor association of Miamisburg. Pres., C. F. Beall; sec., J. F. Beals.

MANSFIELD.—Mansfield single tax club. Pres., Dr. T. J. Bristor; sec., W. J. Huggins, 66 W. 1st st.

TOLEDO.—Single tax club No. 1 meets at 112 Summit st. every Sunday at 10 a. m. Pres., A R. Wynn^sic; sec., J. P. Travers.

YOUNGSTOWN.—Every Thursday evening, Ivorites hall. Pres., Billy Radcliffe; sec., A. C. Hughes, 6 S. Market st.

OREGON.

PORTLAND.—Portland ballot reform and single tax club. 2d and 4th Thursdays of each month, Grand Army hall. Pres., R. H. Thompson; sec., S. B. Riggen, 48 Stark st.

PENNSYLVANIA.

PHILADELPHIA.—Henry George club. Every Thursday, 8 p.m., 904 Walnut st. Cor. sec., A. H. Stephenson, 214 Chestnut st.

Kensington single tax club. Every Tuesday evening, 8 p.m., 2021 Frankford ave., Philadelphia. Pres., James Wright; sec., Jno. Moore, 2188 E. Huntingdon st.

PITTSBURG.—Pittsburg single tax club. 1st, 3d and 5th Sundays at 2:30 p.m., Union veteran legion hall, 77 Sixth ave. Pres., Edmund Yardley; sec., Mark F. Roberts, 147 24th st., S. S.

BRADFORD^sic —Single tax club, St. James place. Open every evening. Meetings Wednesday evening and Sunday afternoon at 3 p. m. Pres., Phil. D. Tangney; sec., J. C. De Forist.

READING.—Reading single tax society. Monday evenings, 402½ Penn st. Pres., C. S. Prizer; cor sec., Grant Nagle, 208 S. Third st.

ERIE.—Erie tax reform league. Pres., W. G. M. Kean; sec J. [L.?] Babcock.

EDWARDSVILLE.—Jefferson ballot reform and single tax club. First Friday of each month. Pres., J. J. Smythe, M. D.; sec., J. P. Hammond.

p. 15, col. 4 LEBANON.—Lebanon single tax and land club. Pres., Adam Behny; sec., J. G. Zimmerman, 111 N. Fourteenth st.

SCRANTON.—Henry George single tax club. 1st and 3d Friday evenings of each month, Noake’s hall, cor. Franklin ave. and Spruce st. Pres., Duncan Wright; sec., Arthur McGee, 914 Capouse ave.

SHENANDOAH.—Single tax club. Sundays, 3 p.m., 415 W. Coal st. Pres., Morris Marsh; sec., Thomas G. Potts.

UPPER LEHIGH.—Single tax committee. Pres , J. B. Carr^sic; sec., George McGee.

JOHNSTOWN, Pa.—Henry George club. Meets every Monday evening for public discussion Pres A. J. Moxham^sic; sec., Richard Eyre.

POTTSTOWN.—Single tax club. Meetings 1st and 3d Friday evenings each month in Weitzenkorn’s hall. Pres., D. L. Haws; sec., H H. Johnson^sic, 530 Walnut st.

RHODE ISLAND.

PROVIDENCE.—Single tax association of Rhode Island. Alternate Friday evenings room 22^sic, Slade building, cor. Washington and Eddy sts. Pres., Dr. Wm. Barker; sec., Geo D. Liddell^sic, 145 Transit st.

PAWTUCKET.—Single tax association. Ev’ry Wednesday evening, Main st. Pres., Edward Barker; sec., Edgar Farnell, 220 Mineral Spring ave.

TENNESSEE.

MEMPHIS.—Memphis single tax asscciation^sic. Sundays, 4.30 p. m., Luehrman’s hotel. Pres., Dr. T. J. Crofford; sec., M. H. McDowell care of^sic Townsend, Cowie & Co.

TEXAS.

STATE.—Texas tax reform association Pres^sic., H. F. Ring, Houston; sec., J. B. Cochran.

EL PASO.—El Paso tariff reform club. 1st and 3d Saturdays of each month, county court room, court house. Pres., G. E. Hubbard; sec., A. W. Thomas.

HOUSTON.—Single tax committee. Pres H. F. Ring^sic; sec., E. W. Brown, care of Germania house.

SAN ANTONIO.—Single tax club. Meets first and third Thursday in each month. Pres ,Geo. Marks; sec., Theo. Kunzmann, 11 Crockett st.

WEST VIRGINIA.

PARKERSBURGH.—Single tax league. Every Saturday night, 500 Market st. Pres., W. H. Curry; sec., W. F. Thayer.

JEFFERSON(1) AS “RIP VAN WINKLE.”

Rip—Don’d you know me? Are ve so soon forgotten ven ve’re gone?

Hill—Jefferson? Thomas Jeffersou? Never heard of you before in my life.

1. Not Joe this time.

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[Advertisement] NEW PUBLICATIONS. THE SINGLE TAX LIBRARY.

1. A Syllabus of Progress and Poverty. Louis F. Post 8 pages^sic.
2. Australian System. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
3. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
4. The Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pages.
5. Farmers and the Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
6. The Canons of Taxation. Henry George. 4 pages.
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8. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages. [18?]. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pp.
9. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington 4 pp. [33?]. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages. [38?]. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages.
10. How John’s Father Saw the Light. W.C.Woods. 2 p.
11. Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers. Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages.
12. Hints as to What You Can Do. Henry George. 4 pp.
13. My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man. William McCabe. 4 pages. [84?]. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages. [88?]. Jefferson and Hamilton. Chauncey F. Black. 8 pp.

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[Advertisement] THE MASTER WORKMAN.

A simple statement of the views and aims of single tax men, designed especially for workingmen,

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