January 1, 1890 Vol. VII, No. 1Whole No. 157

THE STANDARD.

HENRY GEORGE, Editor and Proprietor.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Editorial. The Clergy and the Single Tax—“The Master Workman”—The Single Tax Would Not Fall on Labor—Boycotting—Rev. Dr. Huntington’s Idea of God—A Monopoly Fortune—Ohio Democracy on Trial—Free Trade is the Right Phrase—Dr. Dix and Trinity’s Estate.

Notes and Queries. Mr. Cliff S. Walker On the Proposed Conference—Bridging the Atlantic—A Potteries Trust—A Corner in Governors—Taxing Telegraph Companies—Land Values in Kings County—Answers to Inquiries.

Letters to the Editor. A Straw at a Banquet—An Example Worth Following—Against a Conference.

The Social Problem. Nationalism Exploited—To Destroy the Rum Power—Goldwin Smith on Woman Suffrage—A Monarchic Democracy — A Pan-American Supreme Court.

“The Owners of the United States.” Thomas G. Shearman.

Tariff Among the Indians. Thomas Williamson.

Liberals for Land Taxation. Rev. Harold Ryiet^sic.

Activity in France. Charles Marie Garnier.

The Assessments.

Straws That Show the Wind.

Society Notes.

Personal.

Mark Twain as a Social Reformer.

Calvin S. Brice Denounced.

The Free Trade Fight. Warring on Women Condition^sic of Miners in Colorado—The Massachusetts League—Press Opinions.

Prizes for Economic Students.

Ballot Reform—The Great Meeting at Cooper Union—Progress of the League—What the Papers are Saying.

Single Tax News. The Petition—Affairs in New York City—Progress in Brooklyn—What Our Friends Are Doing in New York State—New Jersey—Indiana—Speech of A. B. Farquhar at York—Distress in the South—The New Northwestern State—Oregon.

EDITORIAL.

The meeting of clergymen which I addressed in Philadelphia on the morning of the 23d was a large and earnest one. Though held by the Baptist ministers, invitations had been issued to other clergymen, and every branch of the Protestant church seemed to be represented. From the close attention and eager interest, and from the feeling one gets on such occasions, it seemed to me a notable indication of the progress our ideas are making among the clergy. I have also been much gratified by letters which Rev. W. S. Thackeray has shown me during the week from clergymen who have read his book, “The Land and The Community,” and which show either a warm welcome or at least a disposition to candidly consider it. We can hardly expect the clergy as a body to move much in advance of the laity on such a question as this, but the awakening of thought among the clergy is a potent aid in promoting thought among the laity.

I spoke in Vineland, N. J., on the night of the same day that I spoke in Philadelphia, Rev. Mr. Rodever taking the chair. We have here a club of active men, and the single tax is being well discussed.

I have read with real pleasure, and p. 1, col. 2 would like to commend to all our friends, a little pamphlet called “The Master Workman,” by Henry J. O’Neill, of Allentown, Pa. The title carries with it a suggestion of the Knights of Labor, but the master workman really referred to is indicated in the sub-title, “the gifts of God and the fruits of labor.” In an advertisement in THE STANDARD Mr. O’Neill speaks of his pamphlet as “a simple statement of the views and aims of single tax men, designed especially for workingmen.” And despite a little economic slipping, such as that rent enters into price, it is indeed well worthy of this description. It is such a quiet, simple “common sense” presentation of the principle of equal rights in land, the evils that arise from ignoring that principle and the true method of applying it, as seems to me peculiarly adapted to reach the minds of those for whom the author has intended it. I trust it will have a large circulation.

The Mauch Chunk Democrat, whose editor, Rauch, is a veteran abolitionist and stanch free trader, has some difficulty in seeing how the single tax would not be a tax on labor. It supposes a Mahoning valley farmer, who under the single tax would be taxed $200 on the land value of his farm. But it says, that whether this tax is called single tax or double tax, the farmer can only get money to pay it by working his farm. Hence it concludes that “labor alone pays the tax,” and winds up by asking me to explain how it is possible to realize the first dollar from land in taxation without labor to produce the money or its equivalent.

This of course I cannot explain, for that taxes can only be paid in the products of labor follows from the self-evident truth that labor is the producer of ali^sic wealth. But I think I can explain how the single tax would not fall on the laborer—how it would only take such products of labor as the laborer could in no case retain.

There is a confusion in the Democrat’s illustration. It is using the word “farmer” in the sense in which it has been common to use it in the United States—of a man who cultivates his own land with his own labor, thus uniting in the same person both land owner and laborer. If the Democrat will make the distinction between these two economically distinct classes it will see the difference between putting a tax on land values and putting it on the products of labor. If the amount of the tax be the same in both cases it may seem to make no difference to the land-owning farmer whether he pays it as a land owner or as a laborer. But take the cases in which the working farmer is one man and the land owner is another man. Does it not in such cases make a very clear difference? To take taxes off the products of labor and put them on the value of land would be to release the tenant farmer from taxation and to put it on the owner of the land. To be sure the tax might still be paid out of the products of the tenant’s labor, but it would be out of products of his labor which he would have had to give up to the land owner, anyhow.

The user of land, as user of land, never can get the benefit of land values. The editor of the Democrat may see this, either in his own illustration or wherever else he chooses to look. A Mahoning valley farm that under the single tax p. 1, col. 3 would have to pay $200 must have a land value equivalent at least to $200 annually. Supposing that it is in the hands of a farmer who is at once both owner and cultivator, it is as owner, not as cultivator, that he will get this $200 or its equivalent, if it be not taken in taxation. For if he chooses to rent it he can still continue to receive the $200 without doing any of the work of cultivation. Or if he comes to dispose of it to another cultivating owner like himself, he will get in a lumped sum of purchase money the capitalized value of the $200 a year. Thus the purchasing cultivator, as a cultivator, will not receive any more of the product of his labor than the renting cultivator. What more he receives will be as the owner, and for this he will have paid in advance in purchase money.

While the single tax, therefore, must take the products of labor—for it is only in the products of labor, or their representatives, that taxes can be paid—it does not take from the laborer. It only takes that part of the products of labor which the laborers cannot retain, and which if not taken in taxes will go to land owners.

Approaching the matter in this way the question may suggest itself, Ought not the whole product of labor go to the laborer? The answer is, No; the whole product of labor ought to go to the laborer only where the natural opportunity which he uses is such as any other laborer can get. Where the opportunity of which he is accorded the use is a superior one, then in order to secure equality he should contribute for the use and benefit of all an amount equivalent to the superiority of the opportunity which he is permitted to use.

Or to put the matter in another way, Labor is the producer of wealth (or labor products) only in the sense of being the active or human factor. Labor cannot produce without having something to produce from. That something consists of the material and forces of nature, the passive or responsive factor in producing, which are all comprehended under the term land.

These gifts of nature are gratuitous to man, and all are equally entitled to use them. But to say that all men are equally entitled to use them is at the same time to say that no one is entitled to appropriate to himself any special advantage which may come from the use of natural opportunities superior to those that are open to others. In other words, the equal right to land involves the equal right of all to the special advantages presented by particular pieces of land.

Now there are not merely great differences in the natural powers which may be utilized on different pieces of land—differences which are brought out by the growth of population and social development; but the growth of population, the rise of towns and cities, the building of railroad lines, etc., bring out great differences due solely to differences in location with respect to population, in the return which labor may obtain on different pieces of land. To secure equality therefore—to secure to ALL labor its full and fair reward, it is necessary, while leaving to labor exerted on the poorest or worst located land its full earnings, to take from those who have the use of superior land an equivalent for the valuable privilege accorded them, and either to divide this among all, or, what amounts to the same p. 1, col. 4 thing, to apply it to purposes of common benefit.

This is what the single tax does. It would not fall at all on those who were using only land of no special advantage. Such land would have no value, and consequently would be liable to no tax. It would only fall on those who were holding peculiarly valuable land, and on them, not in proportion to their labor, not in proportion to what they did, but in proportion to the special value of the opportunity they held, and from which they, therefore, kept out others—for it is this value of opportunity which gives a value to land irrespective of improvements.

The principle of the single tax is the same principle that prevails among union printers in newspapers, where specially “fat” matter is set in “departments”— that is by special men. Where this is the case, to leave to each workman just what he earned would be manifestly a violation of the principle of equal pay for equal work, since with equal exertion the men on the departments could make a great deal more than the men on the ordinary matter. Therefore the printers’ custom is that the privilege of setting the “departments” is sold by the “chapel,” or body of printers working in the office, for a weekly premium. This premium is each week deducted from the bill of the man who holds a department and is distributed successively among the others, or is placed in the chapel fund to be used for chapel expenses. It is a tax which must be paid in the products of labor, Yet^sic it is not a tax on labor. It is simply a tax on special privilege, which operates to secure to labor its fair and just reward.

I have spoken of this matter more fully than was necessary in replying to the Mauch Chunk Democrat, for the purpose of pointing out at the same time how the restriction of titles in land to occupancy and use would fail to secure justice to labor. Even supposing, which it is of course perfectly idle to hope, that speculation could in that way be prevented, the injustice would still remain that some would have possession of land from which the same amount of labor could obtain very much larger returns than on the land which was open to the greater body of laborers. And these special advantages would in no case go to laborers. For the wages of labor are always fixed by what labor can obtain on the poorest land to which labor is applied. Whether they were called occupants, users, or anything else, those who had the privilege of holding the more valuable land would get the advantage as land holders, not as laborers. Suppose, if you please, occupancy and use to be the only title to land, and if you choose that the holding of “vacant land” is also to be prohibited. The wages of labor would necessarily be fixed by what labor could obtain on the best land open to it. Supposing that to be two dollars a day, then the man who by occupancy and use held a piece of land of such superior advantage as to yield to the same amount of labor ten dollars a day, could hire some one to work for him for two dollars a day, and put eight dollars a day in his pocket without doing any work. And his title of occupancy and use would be a valuable title which he could sell for a large sum to the occupier and user who wished to succeed him.

I doubt if there is any better place than continued on p. 2 →

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[Manuscript pencil marks in the bottom margin below column 4 (large letters, apparently “A” and others); not part of the printed text.]

MONTANA’S ONLY HOPE.

“Montana must submit to the domination of the Northern Pacific railroad or adopt the single tax,” says Mr. Kennedy writing from Boulder. In order to understand Mr. Kennedy’s declaration it is necessary that the relations of the Northern Pacific railway company to the new state should be known. When the charter was granted to that company it contained a clause providing that where its line ran through states the corporation was to receive from the government each alternate section for twenty miles on both sides of the roadway, but that where the line ran through a territory, the government grant should be doubled. The result was that which might have been expected. The Northern Pacific built no road through a state where, by any possibility, it could manage to build through a territory. Some of these territories have since become states, Montana among them, but the new sovereignity^sic with which they are endowed does not enable them to recover the enormous belt of their soil given by this extravagant grant to the Northern Pacific road. The company still owns the most of the tremendous belt of land that was once estimated at forty-two millions of acres, and the value of which at the present time runs into hundreds of millions.

Nevertheless, each alternate strip in that great belt belongs to the people, which, according to the logic of the great railway corporation, is equivalent great railway corporation, is equivalent continued on p. 3 →

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OHIO DEMOCRACY ON TRIAL.

The opposition among thoughtful democrats in Ohio to sending Mr. Calvin S. Brice to the United States senate grows steadily, though whether it will obtain sufficient strength to defeat this attempted betrayal of the democracy, time alone can tell. The Cleveland meeting, a brief report of which will be found elsewhere, was characterized by the bitterness of its opposition to Mr. Brice’s aspirations. Mr. Tom L. Johnson put the matter well when he declared that the real objection to Mr. Brice is, not that he is rich, but that he has given no evidence whatever of his fitness for the duties of such a position. Mr. Johnson very justly ridiculed the pretense that Mr. Brice’s conduct of the last campaign was such as to warrant the bestowal of the United States senatorship upon him, as a reward for his services as chairman of the campaign executive committee.

The simple truth is that Mr. Brice has never displayed any special aptitude for politics, and that he has not even attempted to pose as an exponent of any great political principle. He is a very rich man, who happens to think that he is a democrat, and whose personal ambitions are such as to lead him to desire the success of the democratic party. He was chosen as chairman of the party’s executive committee, chiefly because of his supposed ability to raise a large campaign fund, and of his probable readiness to go down into his own pockets to make good any deficiency that might be caused by the refusal by his fellow plutocrats to subscribe. There may have been a hope that Mr. Brice would display in politics some of that shrewdness and not too scrupulous readiness of resource that characterized his railway operations, but this hope was not realized, and he stands to-day merely as the representative of money in politics. Not a single man who now clamorous^sic for his election to the senate would dream of him for such a position if he were not the possessor of millions.

The democrats of Ohio must face this situation. They cannot dodge the real issue. The agitation of the tariff question has already run beyond the lines originally laid down for it, and it is rapidly dividing the American people, on new lines, into new parties bearing old names. The issue is going to be between the producers

p. 3, col. 2 and the plutocrats—those who through various forms of monopoly and privilege are gathering into their own hands the greater part of the wealth of the United States. When this process of re-aligning parties is completed, Mr. Brice will inevitably be on the side of the plutocrats, not because he is rich, but because riches constitute^sic his only claim to distinction, and he must naturally favor a system which recognizes that claim. Furthermore, he owes his own fortune to conditions that cannot continue when the people recover and resume the exercise of their rightful power.

The democratic caucus at Columbus can do little towards hastening or postponing the coming struggle between the beneficiaries and the victims of the whole system of vicious legislation of which the tariff laws are but a part. The question to be decided by the democratic legislators in Ohio, is whether or not the aggregation of men, calling itself the democratic party, in that state is to be trusted to represent the people’s cause. They will answer that question by their choice of a candidate for senator. If they elect Brice, or any other man, simply on the ground of his possession of a large fortune, they will prove that the Ohio democracy is not to be trusted, and they will doom it to unquestioned defeat at the hands of the very people who alone can lift it from a minority into a majority party. If, on the other hand, they choose a man because of his loyalty to principles and his ability to defend the rights of the people, they will win for their party the respect and adhesion of thousands who are now ready to work loyally with the opponents of monopoly, special privileges and plutocratic rule. It is not the political fortune of Mr. Calvin S. Brice that is at stake, but the political future of the democratic party as now organized in the state of Ohio. The question to be settled is whether or not that party can be trusted to champion the cause of the people in the great political contest on which we are about to enter, and to which the tariff struggle is merely a prelude.

A MONOPOLY FORTUNE.

Some of the papers that oppose the single tax, without in the least understanding it, have actually pointed to the enormous fortune of J. D. Rockefeller, the “oil king,” as one that was gathered without the aid of land monopoly. We print elsewhere an estimate of Mr. Rockefeller’s wealth made by one of his friends, and direct especial attention to the statement of his sources of revenue, which are probably relatively correct, even if the figures are disputed. It is true that the Standard oil company first obtained power through illegal and corrupt combinations with railroads, but its objective point was the control of a great natural opportunity—that is, the land under which the great oil deposits are found. The dividend paying power of the Standard oil trust depends on its control of the output of oil, and hence $68,000,000 of Mr. Rockefeller’s fortune represents a single land monopoly—the monopoly being none the less complete because the company wisely declines to become the nominal owner of the oil lands, preferring that the title shall remain with others so long as it controls the whole product.

Examining the list further one finds that $10,000,000 is invested in real estate, $2,000,000 in the lead trust, $4,000,000 in natural gas stock and $1,000,000 in mines, nearly all of which represents land monopoly, using the word “land” in its economic sense. That is to say, that of the $117,000,000^sic, the investment of which is described in detail, $88,000,000 is invested in the monopoly of natural opportunities—land.

But how about the remaining $29,000,000^sic? Let the ignorant critics of the single tax remember that the same reasoning that forbids individuals to seize and hold the land values created, not by individual effort, but by the growth of population and the demands of civilization, likewise denies the right to farm out the sovereign power of the whole people to individuals or combinations of individuals for their private benefit. Though

p. 3, col. 3 single tax men have never even sought to arrive at a common understanding as to the best means of remedying the evils arising from the farming out of governmental powers, they are united in recognizing that custom as an evil, and in denouncing the artificial monopolies created by this perversion and misuse of the legislative power of the people. Remembering this, let us see how the investment of the remainder of Mr. Rockefeller’s fortune interests us.

The sum of $5,000,000 is invested in the stock of banks chartered by the federal government, and given by legislation the issurance^sic of currency. The sum of $3,000,000 is invested in gas stock which represents an artificial monopoly that actually carries on its business in public streets, confessedly owned by the people. Twenty million dollars is invested in the stocks and bonds of railroad companies, called into existence by legislative grants of power to use the sovereign right of eminent domain to create public highways; which highways these companies are allowed by law and custom, to absolutely monopolize for the profit of private individuals. No more glaring perversion of the sovereign power to sanction the robbery of the community by privileged individuals was ever witnessed in the reign of Henry VIII. or in that of Elizabeth. Here, then, we find $28,000,000 of the remaining $29.000,000 accounted for as invested in some form of monopoly.

There remains the single million of Inman steamship stock that appears to be invested in a businsss^sic in which free competition is permitted. That business, however, is carried on under the British flag in order that it may escape the blight and curse of American restrictive legislation.

No such monstrous and dangerous fortune as that of the “oil king” could be piled up without the aid of monopolies established by law. Unless the American people comprehend this, and begin to use their voting power to repeal such legislation, step by step, until that which of right belongs to the whole people is no longer handed over to the few, they will merely waste their breath in denouncing the monstrous disparities of fortune that now threaten the destruction of free institutions in this country. The most effective supporters of the reign of a plutocratic monopoly are the men and newspapers that cry out against it, and at the same time ignorantly denounce the only plan of reform that proposes to go to the root of the evil, and that aims, finally, to extirpate it.

FREE TRADE IS THE RIGHT PHRASE.

The newspapers that were once so particular to accompany every allusion to the tariff agitation by a declaration that tariff reform does not mean free trade, are not quite so careful since the debate has gone further. An article in the New York World of December 22, on the business outlook, says that there is a disposition among the manufacturers to hope for more protection, but that, “on the other hand, it is evident that the free trade issue will not down, but that it is present in the minds of almost all who write. Discussion is education. Men who think will talk, and free trade is only to be understood to be adopted. Manufacturers who now look hungrily toward foreign markets supplied by free trade England, or bounty supported European manufacturers, will probably soon make up their minds that as the country will never consent to the bounty system, they had better have free trade.” This is a little thing, but it offers gratifying evidence of the rapid progress of public sentiment toward the only rational solution of the tariff question.

The New York Herald recently said: “Of course Mr. Cleveland is a free trader. He urged congress to make free the raw material of our industries, and that is free trade, as far as it goes.” The Herald not only used the once dreaded phrase, but it took occasion to remind the friends of restriction, whom it regards as the successors of the Bourbons of a quarter of a century ago, that their predecessors thought it a good thing to shout “abolition”

p. 3, col. 4 at the opponents of slavery in those days, but that this policy not only failed to destroy Lincoln and Seward, bat^sic, on the contrary, helped to popularize abolition. The Herald is right, and the real free traders of this country owe a debt of gratitude to the protectionists for constantly denouncing those who are disposed to remain mere tariff reformers as free traders, and thus compelling them to defend free trade principles. The process is bearing fruit, and the opponents of the protective system are becoming from month to month more accustomed to call themselves free traders instead of tariff reformers.

The single tax men have systematically used the phrase “free trade,” instead of “tariff reform,” and have constantly insisted that the great qaestion^sic at issue in the politics of the present is that of free trade or protection. To this policy, deliberately adopted and carefully persisted in, is largely due the destruction of the scare that had so potent an influence on the great body of workingmen, so long as those accused of free trade ideas repudiated the doctrine as a horrible heresy that they would not think of promulgating. “Free trade! free land! free men!” has long been the slogan of the organized single tax men, and such words in the mouths of men that they know to be their friends have had a magical effect in overthrowing the un-American prejudice against a phase of true freedom that so long dominated the minds of our wage earners. The republican policy has supplemented the good work of the single tax men, and in the coming congressional campaign the opponents of protection could, if they had the courage to do it, carry at the head of their political processions the pure white banner of free trade—of the fraternity of peoples and of peace on earth—with no other effect than to arouse the masses to an intenser enthusiasm and to win votes for the party of freedom.

Let the democrats have the courage to put aside cowardly fears, to drop selfish appeals to narrow interests, to proclaim to the country that free trade is as natural and sacred as free speech or a free press, and force the fight on these lines. They must come to it in the end, for the republicans cannot leave the tariff question alone, and as the fight progresses will inevitably move forward and occupy themselves the position of tariff reform. After that the democracy, or some other party, will have to raise the banner of free trade or cease to call itself the opponent of the republican party. Let the good work begin now. Let the democrats put an end to paltering and prevarication and boldly declare for free trade and direct taxation.

Reports from the testimony of protectionists before the ways and means committee of the republican house of representatives sound like extracts from secret minutes of the Forty Thieves.

A Baltimore dispatch to the Tribune says the coal miners of western Maryland are making vigorous protests against the removal of the tariff on coal because in “that region it means reduction of wages for the workingmen” and all the rest of it. It is entirely probable that the Tribune’s story is true. The miners of western Maryland send a rampant protectionist to congress, and they are quite capable of believing that some coal operator is now paying them higher wages than he can’t help paying them, and would, therefore, under some other circumstances pay them less.

This does not indicate that the miners of western Maryland are any more stupid than miners elsewhere. It merely shows that they are ignorant because no real attempt has been made to educate them. What else could one expect in a state where the republican party is fanatically devoted to protection, and its only opponent is the kind of democratic party that will accept Hon. Arthur Gorman as its leader and boss. On this question the Maryland senator and the New York Tribune are in complete accord, and Mr. Gorman has, as a coal continued on p. 4 →

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NOTES AND QUERIES^sic-

> SAN ANTONIA^sic, Texas.—Three men, A, B and C, own adjoining tracts of land of equal productive value. A has put his land in a high state of cultivation, and cultivates it himself. B has also put his in a high state of cultivation, but does not cultivate it himself; he rents it to another person. C has left his land in its natural or unimproved state. B receives $5 per acre for the use of his land, that being its annual rental value. Now, what I wish to know is, would the single tax, if adopted, take from A, B and C, as taxes, $5 per acre for every acre of the three tracts of land? > > G. W. W. SMITH.

No. It is impossible to tell from the facts you give how much would be taken in taxes under the single tax. The $5 which B receives is in part, if not wholly, the rent of his improvements, and such rent is exempt under the single tax, because it is really not rent at all. but compensation^sic for labor. Instead of supposing that B receives $5 an acre for his highly improved land, imagine that C’s land, which is wholly unimproved, has a selling value of $20 an acre. Then $20 an acre would be the basis of taxation for all three tracts. Of course, if one tract possessed greater natural advantages than the others, or were better situated, it would be valued higher for purposes of taxation; but if they were equally fertile and equally well situated, the value of the unimproved tract would furnish the basis of taxation for all three.

The Business men’s democratic association of this city has arranged for a dinner to the democratic governors elected this fall, to take place at the Hoffman house on the evening of St. Jackson’s day, January 8. They hope to have with them Boies of Iowa, Campbell of Ohio, McKinney of Virginia, Abbett of New Jersey and Toole of Montana. The latter will hardly dare come lest the republicans seize the state. Ex-President Cleveland,

p. 4, col. 2 Congressmen Carlisle, Breckenridge and Mills are also invited. Tickets are $12 each, and but 125 persons can be admitted. This appears to be a very business-like attempt at a “corner” in great men.

I. Butler, who describes himself as a “humble toiler,” who has been reading the New York Sun since 1867, writes some verses lauding that paper as the great champion of truth and justice. What an ass the “humble toiler” is, now and then. But why does he advertise the fact?

> ST. JO, Texas.—I readily see how the single tax would operate to throw valuable railroad franchises back into the hands of the community; but how about roadbeds? Not only is the roadbed a public highway, but railroads are of that class of industries which are necessarily monopolistic; and yet, as the construction of roadbeds involves human labor, they are objects to which the single tax does not apply. It is plain that if the ccmmunity^sic should build roadbeds it might levy a tax for using them; but how about those already built? > > ALBERT PHILPOT.

Roadbeds are products of labor and would not be taxed under the single tax. But the right of way is not a product of labor; it is a franchise from the state just as any deed to land is. The single tax would reach the value of the right of way irrespective of the value of the roadbed. There is, however, no such constant regulator of values of rights of way as there is of land in general; hence, there is force in the idea that roadbeds should be public property, whether railroads are operated by the state or not. Should it be deemed advisable to have the state own roadbeds, and for that purpose to take possession of existing roadbeds, the value of confiscated roadbeds, as distinguished from the value of the right of way, should of course be paid for.

During the week ending December 14 in the town of New Utrecht, Kings county, this state, substantially the whole of ten farms were sold. embracing^sic about 400 acres. The aggregate price paid is announced as $564,900. The Cortelyon farm of 130 acres was bought fifteen years ago for $39,000, and has now been sold for $182,000. This rapid appreciation in the price of realty is joyously noted by a county newspaper. The town of Flatbush is to have a sewerage system. The first installment of expense on this account has gone to swell the general tax levy to unusual proportions, and the local paper has published a letter from some one who has seen the cat, pointing out that a sewerage system will benefit land owners only, and that when the general tax bears part of the expense, home owners pay much more, while vacat^sic lot owners pay much less, than their rightful share. A diagram illustrating the situation adds point to the story.

Mr. Cliff S. Walker, of Cincinnati, chairman of the Ohio single tax state committee, in a private letter referring to a recent proposal for a national single tax conference, said:

I am utterly opposed to any conference at present, because it would probably make but a small showing in numbers, our real strength being among those having little wealth, or among men whose business prevents them from openly stating their views. Such a conference would have a depressing influence and really injure us. When the time comes for calling a conference there can be but one body from which the call ought to emanate, and that is the single tax enrolment committee, which has a national acquaintance with trustworthy workers—that is, with the men who can be depended on to carry out such a plan. I sincerely trust that no call will be issued from any other place, unless with the hearty approval of Mr. George and the enrolment committee. I cannot see the necessity for such a call at present. The money the meeting would cost, if expended in tracts, would do a thousandfold more good in gaining converts, while the conference would do little but bring about a more general acquaintance. We know that our present work is that of propaganda, and each club will do much or little, according to the disposition of those opposing it. Here, in Ohio, all the work falls on a few men, and they would do it anyhow. The others merely do little or nothing and merely criticise. Above all, the conference would offer opportunity for the typical crank, from whom God deliver me, the disgruntled “land reformer” and all who oppose the really practical work that we are doing. We have much to fear and little to gain.

Mr. James J. Mead of this city is disposed^sic to laugh at Captain J. P. Walker’s plan of bridging the Atlantic and establishing a floating hotel where passengers could stop in mid-ocean and be served with all of the delicacies of the season. Mr. Mead, however, insists that the bridging of the Atlantic is practicable, and sends us a communication from himself

p. 4, col. 3 printed in the New York World some months ago, setting forth the feasibility of erecting pontoon stations, say 100 miles apart, in the direct line of travel of the principal ocean steamships, such pontoons to carry all life saving appurtenances with possibly an electric light, so that in case of disaster in mid-ocean there would be a haven of refuge in short distance and passing vessels could relieve the sufferers. Mr. Mead says that he has thought the subject over, but not being an engineer cannot propose a definite plan.

Twenty-four potteries, including East Liverpool, Ohio; Wellsville, Ohio; Cincinnati; Peoria, Ill.; Philadelphia; Trenton, N. J.; New Milford, Conn.; East Boston, Mass.; East Morrisania, N. Y., and Baltimore, have formed a combination for the purpose of maintaining a uniform discount to the trade with a view of protecting the jobber and preventing discriminations, and at the same time securing their preference for American goods in this line. It will be worth while to watch the doings of this combination, as the potteries are now “protected” by a heavy tariff which a representative of the Rockwood company of Cincinnati recently declared unnecessary. If the combination attempts to keep up prices, it is hard to see how even protectionists can favor the maintenance of the duty.

The United States supreme court has just decided unconstitutional a law of Alabama imposing a tax upon the gross receipts of all telegraph companies for business done within the state; the telegraph company was taxed not only on business done entirely within the state, but on messages sent to or received from other states. The court declared that it had six or eight times within as many years decided that messages sent from one state into another were not subject to taxation, for the reason that such taxation would be an interference with interstate commerce.

G. Pitman Smith, reputed one of the ablest attorneys of Missouri, has given to a client the opinion that the anti-trust law of that state is unconstitutional. It does not appear from the dispatch containing this information whether Mr. Smith regards the law as in conflict with the constitution of the state or with that of the United States.

The Dangler manufacturing company of Cleveland, Ohio, is about to absorb all the vapor stove factories of the country. The business will be controlled by a concern having $200,000 capital. One plant in Cincinnati, one in Chicago and one in Cleveland will do the work of the ten factories.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

THE SOCIAL PROBLEM.

“THE OWNERS OF THE UNITED STATES.”

The Forum does not provide any space for correspondence or any other method by which writers of its articles can acknowledge and correct mistakes which they may fall into. I regret this because it gives me pleasure to correct any mistakes which I may make in the same place where they are first published.

In the article entitled as above, published in the November Forum, there were some errors which I beg now to correct.

1. The error which is most regrettable is the statement that Commissioner Carroll D. Wright had “directed the energies of all his assistants to an investigation on the subject of divorce” because he failed to perceive other subjects of special interest to the laboring class. If Mr. Wright had really on his own motion turned the work of the labor bureau in this direction, while there were so many subjects yet remaining of far more importance to the laboring class, very few of whom trouble the divorce courts, this criticism would have been perfectly just. And such, at the time of writing, I supposed was the fact. But Mr. Wright has courteously called attention to the fact that he was not responsible for this proceeding, but that he simply obeyed the direction of a special act of congress, the passage of which was not due to his influence. Mr. Wright therefore simply did his duty, and deserves commendation, and not unfavorable criticism. I am glad to take this opportunity to say that Mr. Wright is a remarkably faithful and efficient officer, whose work is always creditable to himself and to his office.

2. My friend, Everett P. Wheeler, has called attention to the over-statement of the wealth of Trinity church. Dr. Dix, the rector of Trinity, has informed the public that the total income of the church was $580,000; and he states positively that my estimate of $150,000,000 is a great exaggeration. I do not doubt the truthfulness of Dr. Dix’s statement, and, therefore, desire to withdraw the estimate published in the Forum. But I am entirely unable to accept the inferences which Dr. Dix and other friends of Trinity draw from the fact which he states. To my mind it simply goes to show that the income-producing property of Trinity church is about $15,000,000; while its land and other non-producing property must certainly amount to several millions more. It must be remembered that the Forum article did not state any incomes, but gave only the amount of so-called wealth belonging to each person, including, of course, vacant land, buildings and other property not producing any income, but which would be salable to other persons who desired to use it for the production of wealth.

For example, Trinity church building and ground occupied by it, must be worth $3,000,000. Of course this produces no income, although usefully employed; but in any estimate of the distribution of wealth, this property must be reckoned at its full value. I do not feel called upon to acknowledge myself careless or unfair in this matter; because the corporation of Trinity church has always sedulously concealed the real state of its affairs from the public, making a fierce fight when necessary fo prevent^sic the legislature or any other public authority from investigating the facts. So long as they resist any inquiry, they must expect that over-estimates will be made; and I felt at liberty to accept the largest estimate which any intelligent person was honestly disposed to make. Even in the light of Dr. Dix’s statement, and accepting it absolutely, I should still be disposed to estimate the wealth of Trinity church, if it were held for ordinary commercial purposes, at considerably over $30,000,000^sic..

3. The last error to be mentioned is really unimportant, The estate^sic of Peter Donohue was given last upon the list among those estimated at $20,000,000. This estimate was made upon the authority of some gentlemen well acquainted with the west, who were positive of its correctness. It seems that the estate was in fact worth only between $4,000,000 and $5,000,000. But the number of names given in the Forum was purposely kept down to seventy; and it was only at the last moment that Mr. Donohue’s name was left in, instead of one out of several others which might have been given. The name of Donohue may be stricken out of the list and the Rhinelander estate, for example, be substituted. This estate unquestionably far exceeds $20,000,000 in value^sic,

I certainly make no claim to infallibility; p. 6, col. 2 and should not be surprised if a few other errors could be found in the published list. I have already very satisfactory evidence that one of the large estates mentioned is really worth $20,000,000 in excess of what was stated, and practically conclusive evidence that another estate is worth $10,000,000 more than was stated.

Much criticism has been made upon the estimate of the wealth of the late I. V. Williamson. This was one of the six cases in which newspaper reports were accepted without further evidence. And the very same newspapers from which the estimate of $22,000,000 was derived now declare that they grossly exaggerated the facts, and that the proper figures were within $11,000,000. As large estates nearly always produce, in the end, fully twice as much as the first estimate, I respectfully prefer to believe the first statement of the Philadelphia papers rather than their latter one, especially as Mr. Williamson proposed, during his lifetime, to give $12,000,000 to a manual training school, and was not very likely to have given the last dollar which he had for this purpose, leaving himself without a penny for his own support. Nor was he very likely to exaggerate his own wealth, when he was paying taxes only upon $67,500 personal property.

These corrections do not affect, in the smallest degree, the general computations and conclusions of the Forum article. Of the seventy names there given, the estimates concerning fifty were made without any reference to newspaper reports, while fourteen were estimated upon the basis of newspaper statements, as to what had been sworn to in those cases. In only six cases out of the seventy was exclusive reliance placed upon newspapers. In many cases the information was derived from gentlemen who had either examined the official records, inspected the books or visible property of the gentlemen named or had received from their own lips explicit statements concerning their wealth. The statements in the Forum article never (except in one instance) exceeded the amount thus reported, and, in almost every instance, were kept much below.

THOMAS G. SHEARMAN.

TARIFF AMONG THE INDIANS.

Washington Irving in his “Astoria,” page 127, gives an account of the famous Wash-ing-guh-sah-ba or Blackbird’s manner of raising revenue, which shows that even a savage appreciated the beauties of our tariff system.

Blackbird was a great Omaha chief living on the Missouri.

Irving says he showed great sagacity in levying his royal dues.

When a trader arrived in his village, he caused all his goods to be brought into his lodge and opened.

From these he selected whatever suited his sovereign pleasure—blankets, tobacco, whisky, powder, ball, beads and red paint—and laid the articles on one side, without deigning to give any compensation.

Then calling to him his herald or crier, he would order him to mount on top of the lodge and summon all the tribe to bring in their peltries and trade with the white man. The lodge would soon be crowded with Indians bringing bear, beaver. otter and other skins.

No one was allowed to dispute the prices fixed by the trader upon his article , who^sic took care to indemnify himself five times over for the goods set apart by the chief.

In this way Blackbird enriched himself and enriched the white men, and became exceedingly popular among the traders of the Missouri.

His people, however, were not equally satisfied by a regulation of trade which worked so manifestly against them, and began to show signs of discontent.

And it is well to remember that Blackbird had to strengthen his influence and authority by the use of a knowledge of the properties of arsenic, which secret was imparted to him by an unprincipled trader.

THOMAS WILLIAMSON.

LIBERALS FOR LAND TAXATION.

ACTIVITY IN FRANCE.

THE FIFTEENTH OF SEPTEMBER.

From the Sydney, Australia Bulletin.

> ’Chanting their [Io?] triomphe they marched up the green path to the Reformers Tree, with the white and violet Union Jack of Australia, flanked by bouquets and flowers on poles, in the van.”—London Star, Sept. 16.

So behind a flag, our flag, held up by hands that in beseeching Had been stretched to all the world, you’ve walked in triumph, ours and yours— Never will that flag be honored with a crown of honor reaching To a glory passing this, while it or any flag endures; Neither was there homage paid in bygone years to banners fateful Lifted over fields of death like this to ours that, borne above All your shouting teus^sic of thousands, tells of brothers who are grateful Unto brothers, waves the message that to love you answer love.

“Gold, in God’s name, or we famish!” came a cry from out the distance; “Gold, to strengthen us to stand upright one hour and draw one breath, Gold, to help us where we face them, maddened to a last resistance; Gold, to fight the damned tyrants who are driving us to death!” We that listened knew the voices, changed although they were and hollow^sic As the cheeks cf^sic them that cried, the toilers fainting in their pain; Gold we sent them by God’s blessing, and with twenty-fold to follow Ere the burden they had spurned their wasted hands should lift again.

What was gold to us to dare withhold a share from trampled kindred, We that, in a time whose memory burns our face like flame, piled hoards In a kingly dole to Murder, by no hint of conscience hindered Hired an angry setting out of sudden fools^sic with naked swords— We that, dazed and drunk with boasting, sent forth these to slay and ravish, Spite of all the bitter laughter and the callings out of shame, Is it wonder that our best gave of their store with hand as lavish At the prayer of those that suffered in the land from which we came?

Dear our brothers! who too long have borne as brutes, and hoped and waited Not from twenty or an hundred, like that offering accurst, Came this gift, but from Australians one and all, who, consecrated To your freeing, bade you turn and bid the drivers do their worst; Not because of any glamor, or for prize of gratulation From the rulers and the mighty were we moved, not now as then, But that human moans and curses, rising from our mother nation, Told us men were making devils out of helpless fellowmen.

For before your trembling lips had dared that “No,” so resolutely Here re-echoed by strong friends with sharp persuasion in their tones, Bravely though you bore the torture, striving well and suffering mutely In a hell where they who earn the bread they ask, receive but stones. This we knew, that you, the sons of mighty soldiers, mighty seamen, Sprung from them that swept oppression from the shores and from the waves, You, whose fathers gave their lives to make the world a place of freemen, Seeing not how you were fettered, vaunting freedom, bent as slaves;

This we knew that some among you, few and scornful, sitting shameless Upon coward heights of privilege o’er all the rest prevailed, Robbing, murdering the myriads who, not knowing, held them blameless, Clothed in purple by wan multitudes who wrung their hands and wailed; Masters lordly robed and sovereign, heirs of acres purchased redly With a letting out of blood, maybe, or meed of harlots gold, Bidding strength and virtue wither down in kennels dim and deadly Where all thought of Christ is barred and shame has prey of young and old!

Oh! we knew that in your England, standing sceptred there and stately By the grace of iron manhood in a past that spoke for right, Things that fiends might shudder thinking of have been so many lately That untroubled earls have merely shrugged their shoulders at the sight; Weary age tricked out for market in a poor disguise of vigor, For an hour of desperate hope has stood among the hungering crowd— Girlhood pale and cowering graveward with a face set from the rigor, Of a youth that had no smiles nor time to stop and sob aloud.

p. 7, col. 3 Wealth and splendor waxing fourfold, ease and luxury and pleasure, Wide domains and waving oaks for them whose lordship held the earth: For the others filth and want, and degradation beyond measure, Sire and cuild^sic and stranger huddled in one den of death aad^sic birth— This we knew, and that the tyrants against whom you have so striven In this battle just victorious were not, as you deemed, your worst; They who spurred you without pity, without pity, too, were driven By a power enthroned beyond them, cold, all-mighty, all-accurst.

You but saw who stood the nearest. O, our brothers, shed your blindness; Look beyond the whip that scourges and beyond the hand that drives; There are masters of your masters, at whose nod all loving kindness Dies from hearts of men condemned to fight each other for their lives. Lift your eyes and look in theirs who stand to bar you from God’s bounties, You and others that you strive with in a bitterness of need, Ask them which of all their ancestors made one of England’s counties, Bid them show the Maker’s signature or burn the title deed!

It was little you had asked. What gain? To us among all dowers Time may bring of manly honor until all Time’s course is run; This will stand the first, that you, beneath our flag decked out with flowers Marched to hail the first clear triumph for your right beneath it won. What to you? A gain of brothers, firm to stand for any issue Side by side with you, believing, as in Heaven that is above, In the grander victory coming. So we lean across and kiss you, For to-day and all the future, answering back your love with love!

Lewisham, Oct. 24. JOHN FARRELL.

SOCIETY NOTES.

PERSONAL.

Charles G. Bennett of Evansville, Ind., devotes a two-column article in the Courier of that city to a discussion of the single tax.

E. A. Phipson of Selly Oak, Worcestershire, England, has a letter on the single tax in the Nonconformist and Independent. An idea of its quality is shown by this: “However we may try to excuse or palliate its iniquity, no argument can justify the gigantic tribute of £200,000,000 a year paid by the industrious classes in England to landlords, not for any services rendered or value received, but merely for permission to use the spontaneous and indispensable resources of nature.”

Major Cronin, the artist whose illustrated articles in THE STANDARD will be remembered, has received a commission from William Waldorf Astor to illustrate a single copy of his latest historical novel “Sforza.” The same artist illustrated “Valentino,” Mr. Astor’s first novel. Major Cronin’s hand-illustrated books now fetch the highest prices of any modern books illustrated in similar style, that is, in pen-and-ink and water colors on the margins and blank spaces. For his illustrations of a single copy of “Grant’s Memoirs,” which was sent to Paris, he received $1,500. Augustin Daly was the purchaser, as he was also of “Goldsmith’s Plays” and “Peg Woffington.” For an illustrated copy of the artist’s memoirs, “The Evolution of a Life,” $3,000 was paid by a member of the New York historical society^sic, for presentation to that institution. Among his patrons are Colonel Calvin S. Brice, Wm. Allen Butler, H. G. Marquand, Colonel E. D. Church and the New York Holland society. He has been called by an eminent art critic “the Benvenuto Cellini of books.”

MARK TWAIN AS A SOCIAL REFORMER.

Who could have suspected Mark Twain of being a political and social reformer? Yet that is the character he assumes in his latest book.(1) It is as funny as any book he has ever written. In places it is pathetic. And from preface to finish it is written with a serious purpose. Under the guise of a picture of society in the sixth century, unjust laws and customs of later centuries, and even of the present time, are held up to the contempt of the reader. There is no pretense that these particular laws and customs existed in the sixth century: all that is claimed is that as they have existed in later times, it is safe to infer that if any of them was^sic lacking in that time, “its place was competently filled by a worse one.” The thread of the story offers a license in this respect of which the author makes good use, though he preserves the quaintness with which poetry and romance have invested the days of the Round Table, except when for the sake of the humor he mingles with it the matter of fact flavor of to-day. The power of the noble over the man, of the king over the noble, and of the established church and its superstitions over all, as these conditions existed in not very remote periods of English history, are identified with the present power of the rich over the poor. Villeinage serves as a setting for thinly disguised pictures of our own slavery period. Even protection to American labor appears in this story of Arthur’s^sic time. And still worse, because fundamental. wrong^sic with which single tax men are doing battle, is faintly suggested by the author and boldly denounced by his illustrator. The illustrations are features of the book, and that is something which cannot be said of all illustrated books.

The hero of the narrative is a Connecticut Yankee who, awaking from unconsciousness caused by a blow upon the head at the hand of an underworkman in the Hartford factory where he is foreman, is confronted by what he takes to be “a fellow fresh out of a picture book.” The Yankee advises this apparition to get back to his circus. But the apparition makes him a prisoner, and takes him to what he supposes is a lunatic asylum. It proves, however, to be King Arthur’s court and the captor Sir Kay the seneschal. Here the Yankee watches Queen Guenever and Sir Launcelot as they flirt before the eyes of the king. and hears^sic Merlin lie in one of his prosy speeches. After seeing the knights^sic carouse at the Table Round, he is told that he is doomed to death at the stake. It is all like a dream at first, and yet there is something about it that makes him fear its reality, and he sets his wits to work to keep his body out of the fire. A page (whom he regards as hardly a paragraph) tells him that the year is 528 and the day the 21st of June. He remembers that a total eclipse of the sun occurred on that day at the hour set for his death, and advises the page to tell the king that if an attempt is made upon his life he will summon his magic power and blot out the light of day. All is in consternation, for it is the habit of the time to believe any kind of yarn without reasoning about it. Nevertheless, Merlin reassures the king, and the execution proceeds. The Yankee is then tied to the stake, and faggots are piled around him. As the pile is about to be lighted he notices the beginning of the eclipse. He knows then that he has really been translated from the nineteenth century to the sixth, and concludes to make the best of his situation. Striking an attitude, he points to the sun. Then the whole scene changes. A shudder sweeps the mass of people like a wave. Merlin shouts to apply the torch. The king forbids it. The Yankee exclaims: “If any man moves—even the king—before I give him leave, I will blast him with thunder, I will consume him with lightnings.” Even Merlin takes a good breath at that, and sinks into his seat. The Yankee is master. Then he makes his bargain: The king is to receive all the honors of kingship, but the Yankee is to be his perpetual executive, and to get for his services one per cent of the actual increase of revenues which he shall create.

The eclipse was then ordered off, and as the Yankee had taken pains to parley

[footnote, foot of column 1:]

(1)A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court. By Mark Twain. New York: Charles L. Webster & Company. 1889.

p. 8, col. 2 [Cartoon at top of page, spanning columns 2–3:]

[Cartoon: a gaunt, long-billed stork (adjutant) stands beside a long-necked vase lettered “[NAT]URAL OPPORTUN[ITIES]” on its body (ends hidden by the stork and the edge of the vase) and “PROTECTION” and “NOZZLE” on its neck; a starved little dog sits up begging before it. Artist’s signature on the ground at right: “Dan Beard [?]”; monogram (spade) and “’89” at right of the scroll. Hand-lettered scroll caption:]

Starving, eh? why don’t you grow a nose like mine?

[Mark Twain as a Social Reformer, continued]

until it was at its total, the order was promptly but gradually obeyed. By way of apology to Columbus, who played the same trick on the Indians, the Yankee explains that he was not guilty of plagiarism in imitating Columbus, because he got the trick in nearly a thousand years ahead of that party.

The fame of the Yankee went abroad. Every one wanted to see him perform another miracle; but there was no miracle handy. The nearest approach to one was an eclipse of the moon, but that was two years off. Presently Merlin, whose stock was down and who was green with envy, spread the report that the reason the strange magician did not accommodate the people with a miracle was because he was a humbug and couldn’t perform one. It was necessary to cast Merlin again into the shade. A powder mine was

[Cartoon spanning columns 2–3, set between the upper and lower parts of those columns:]

[Cartoon: a crowned stork with its long bill, lettered “CAPITAL”, thrust into the neck of a flask lettered “PROTECTION”; drops fall from the bill to an emaciated dog wearing a collar lettered “LABOR”, which licks them from the ground. Artist’s signature at lower right, “Dan Beard [?]”, with a date. Caption:]

“’RAH FOR PROTECTION! TO SHEOL WITH FREE TRADE!”

[Mark Twain as a Social Reformer, continued from above the cartoon]

secretly placed under Merlin’s tower, with a connecting lightning rod. On a showery day it was announced that lightnings would be called down to destroy the tower, and Merlin was invited to break the enchantment if he could. He tried his incantations, but when the Yankee, who was observing the sky, gave his command, the lightning rod caught onto a surcharged cloud, and up went Merlin’s tower and away scattered the people. Merlin’s stock was lower than ever, and the king wanted to stop his wages.

After that the Yankee was not pressed for miracles, though he occasionally

p. 8, col. 3 [Mark Twain as a Social Reformer, continued]

performed one. He attended strictly to his business of setting up a nineteenth century in the midst of the sixth. His opportunities were unlimited, and he was the greatest man in the kingdom. At first he had no title, but gradually he came to be called “The Boss.” That was indeed a great title. The duke meant no duke in particular, but The King, The Queen and The Boss were specific. He built factories, picked out priests with a view to educating them for reporters on the newspaper he proposed to start, organized a military school, laid underground telegraph and telephone wires, started railroads, tried to remedy abuses in government, encouraged cleanliness, built up a merchant marine, and so on. In most of his work he advanced a little at a time, and so far as possible secretly, for, as he says, it was necessary to prepare the way

[continued below the cartoon]

gradually for a better order of things, and he was turning on his light “one candle-powder at a time.”

Mark Twain’s thoughts about the freemen of the time, which he expresses through the Yankee, are worth giving in his own words as an illustration of the spirit of democracy that pervades the book. He says:

And here were these freemen assembled in the early morning to work on their lord the bishop’s road three days each—gratis; every head of a family and every son of a family three days each gratis, and a day or so added for their servants. Why, it was like reading about France and the French, before the

p. 8, col. 4 > ever memorable and blessed revolution, which swept a thousand years of such villainy away in one swift tidal^sic wave of blood—one: a settlement of that hoary debt in the proportion of half a drop of blood for each hogshead of it that had been pressed by slow tortures out of that people in the weary stretch of ten centuries of wrong and shame and misery the like of which was not to be mated but in hell. There were two “reigns of terror,” if we would but remember it and consider it; the one wrought murder in hot passion, the other in heartless cold blood; the one lasted mere months, the other had lasted a thousand years; the one inflicted death upon ten thousand persons, the other upon a hundred million; but our shudders are all for the horrors of the minor terror, the momentary terror, so to speak; whereas, what is the horror of swift death by the ax compared with life-long death from hunger, cold, insult, cruelty and heart break? What is swift death by lightning compared with death by slow fire at the stake? A city cemetery could contain the coffins filled by that brief terror which we have all been so diligently taught to shiver at and mourn over; but all France could hardly contain the coffins filled by that older and real terror—that unspeakably bitter and awful terror which none of us has been taught to see in its vastness or pity as it deserves.

In this connection the Yankee reads nineteenth century people a lesson in political science: “The citizen,” he says, “who thinks he sees that the commonwealth’s political clothes are worn out, and yet holds his peace and does not agitate for a new suit, is disloyal—he is a traitor. That he may be the only one who thinks he sees this decay, does not excuse him; it is his duty to agitate any way, and it is the duty of the others to vote him down if they do not see the matter as he does.” But the Yankee believed in accomplishing political reforms by appropriate means. Applying his own lesson to himself he says:

Here I was in a country where the right to say how the country should be governed was restricted to six persons in each thousand of its population. For the nine hundred and ninety-four to express dissatisfaction with the regnant system and propose to change it, would have made the whole six shudder as one man, it would have been so disloyal, so dishonorable, such putrid black treason. So to speak, I was to become a stockholder in a corporation where nine hundred and ninety-four of its members furnished all the money and did all the work, and the other six elected themselves a permanent board of direction and took all the dividends. It seemed to me that what the nine hundred and ninety-four dupes needed was a new deal. The thing that would have best suited the circus side of my nature would have been to resign the boss-ship and get up an insurrection and turn it into a revolution; but I knew that the Jack Cade or the Wat Tyler who tries such a thing without first educating his materials up to revolution grade is almost absolutely certain to get left. I had never been accustomed to getting left, even if I do say it myself. Wherefore, the deal which had been for some time working into shape in my mind was of a quite different pattern from the Cade-Tyler sort^sic.”

The plan for a new “deal” which the Yankee had in mind began with soap. The bravest knights he could get he turned into soap missionaries by presenting them with suits of armor lettered with soap signs of such barbaric splendor that even the king would have been glad to wear one. These missionaries were taught to spell out the signs, and required to roam over the country and to “gradually and without creating suspicion or exciting alarm, introduce a rudimentary cleanliness among the nobility.” And from the nobility it was supposed “it would work down to the people if the priests could be kept quiet.” The missionary knights were to spell out their signs and then explain to the lords and ladies what soap was; and “if the lords and ladies were afraid of it, get them to try it on a dog.” The missionary’s next move was to get “the family together and try it on himself; he was to stop at no experiment, however desperate, that could convince the nobility that soap was harmless;” and if any final doubt remained he was to catch a hermit, and “if a hermit could survive a wash and that failed to convince a duke, let him alone.” Whenever one of the missionary knights overcame a knight errant he washed him, and “when he got well” swore him to “go and get a bulletin board and disseminate soap and civilization the rest of his days.” Besides being a scheme to get the nation washed, this was a furtive blow at the nonsence^sic of knight errantry, for the Yankee believed that when the missionary knights got numerous enough “they would begin to look ridiculous, and then even the steel-clad ass that hadn’t any bulletin board would himself begin to look ridiculous because he was out of fashion.”

Beginning thus with soap and leading on to one reform after another, the Yankee proposed “a modified monarchy till Arthur’s days were done, then the destruc- continued on p. 9 →

[The article breaks off mid-word at the foot of column 4; no continuation line is printed.]

CALVIN BRICE DENOUNCED.

A New Year Vigil.

In that glad new year, friend of mine, we’re nearing, Which shall be ours, here or otherwhere, We will look backward, all our vision cheering, To these poor days of turmoil and of care.

We will remember, between smiles and sighing, How here we stumbled, tho’ the road was plain, And here, where strongest barrier frowned defying, Still resolute, our pathway we would gain.

And we will bear to think—the anguish over— Of deeper heartache that to us befell; Haply, the need of trial may discover, And feel, with chastened spirit, “all was well.”

But oh, what dearer memories, ever thronging, Their place immortal in our thought shall claim! Of faith and patience, that, to truth belonging, Our weak and eager struggle put to shame.

While we shall wonder we could ever falter, That any mirage could our sight betray, That lips which glowed with fire from God’s own altar, Could ever meet the voice to say them nay!

And shall not glad thanksgiving then be ours— When fought the fight, the glorious guerdon won!— If, looking backward thro’ the shining hours, We may but count some smallest deed our own!

But, hark! the bells are ringing us to duty— The sky aflame with heralds of the sun! Dream we no more of that far dawn of beauty— Find we our part in cycle just begun.

Oh, friends! clasp hand upon this New Year morning: Pledge faith and hope and brotherhood, anew! In God’s great world, no humblest effort scorning, We’ll thank him for the work he gives to do.

FRANCES M. MILNE.

San Luis Obispo, Cal., January 1, 1890.

STRAWS THAT SHOW THE WIND.

Henry George’s single tax scheme is receiving the attention and approval of a large number of the prominet^sic men of this and other countries. The time will come when it will be the leading question of the hour.

Why should the land, the common heritage of the people, with all its vast natural resources^sic, be handed over to an army of drones and sensualists, depriving the rightful owners of their share of its value^sic.—[Canadian Workman.

In the meantime the spirit of rugged democracy, the love of individual liberty and the hatred of centralization are as strong as ever in the hearts of the masses.—[New York Herald.

Mr. George presents a plausible theory, but even if, as Mr. George puts it, the single tax is the solution of all our ills, it will take years to bring the public to adopt it.—[Lynn, Mass., Bee.

The Knights of Labor at their general assembly at Atlanta, Georgia, have taken a step forward by declaring in their platform in favor of the taxation of land values in place of other forms of taxation. Had they taken this important step years ago and pursued their educational programme on this line they would now have been much stronger and their organization far more coherent.—Marinette, Wis., Eagle^sic.

The Sentinel is of the opinion that long before fifty years Indianapolis will be minded to operate her street railway lines herself. We believe it will be a great mistake to grant any street railway franchise for so long a period to anybody, upon any terms, unless with an option of purchasing the lines at pleasure at a price to be determined by some equitable method.—[Indianapolis Sentinel.

Protection is the Science of Grab.

Philadelphia Record.

The people of Florida want a tariff on oranges of a dollar a box; and the people of California want to be exempted from the tax on the distilled spirits with which they fortify their wines. There is no selfishness like the “protective” selfishness. It begins and ends in the desire of every man to use the taxing power of the government to get the advantage of every other man. It is the science of grab.

THE FREE TRADE FIGHT.

PRIZES FOR ECONOMIC STUDENTS.

THE ASSESSMENTS.

BALLOT REFORM.

THE GREAT MASS MEETING.

PROGRESS OF THE LEAGUE.

GLADSTONE-BLAINE NUMBER.

A considerable portion of this issue being devoted to the Gladstone-Blaine discussion, the number of pages has been increased to make room for the usual variety of articles.

[Advertisement] The North American Review

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Prof. R. H. THURSTON on The Borderland of Science.

C. R. TUCKERMAN on By-gone Days in Boston.

CAMILLE FLAMMARION, How I Became an Astronomer.

MARY A. LIVERMORE, AMELIA E. BARR, ROSE TERRY COOKE, JENNIE JUNE, ELIZABETH STUART PHELPS, In a Woman’s Symposium on Divorce.

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Count EMILE DE KERATRY, A Plea for Copyright.

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A steamer has just been built in Brooklyn for the Jackson navigation association that will be run with hydraulic pumps instead of the ordinary screw or side wheels. This system is patented by Dr. Walter Marsh Jackson of New York, whose claim covers an “apparatus for propelling or maneuvering a vessel, which consists in developing a pressure exceeding the boiler pressure by means located between the boiler and the water exit, subjecting water received into the vessel to such increased pressure and then discharging it in the form of one or more submerged jets against the water of flotation. The idea of propelling a vessel by pumping in water and then forcing it out under high pressure against the surrounding water at the stern of the vessel is an old one. The first patent upon propelling vessels by water was granted in 1661, the second in 1729, and the third in 1787 to John Rumsey of Virginia. His vessel, tried on the Potomac, December 11, 1787, was the first vessel ever driven by steam power in the world. She carried a vertical pump. During the next one hundred years the records of the patent offices of all countries show nearly four hundred patents granted to inventors in this art. The new vessel, the hull of which has just been launched, is named Evolution. She is bult^sic for speed on the so-called diagonal principle, and is one of the most elegant vessels of her size afloat. Sheathed with cedar and copper bronze and finished with mahogany and hard wood in the interior, she is a fine sight. As to her engines, she will carry a pumping engine, built by the Worthington company, capable of propelling through a nozzle 13-16 of an inch in diameter, [1,000?] gallons of water per minute under a pressure of [2,500?] pounds to the square inch. A large number of prominent men are said to be interested in the new company, and patents have been granted to the inventor in other countries, and are controlled by the company. They hope that the Evolution will develop greater speed than the ordinary vessels with an economy of fuel and space, and give a much greater freedom in maneuvering. The Evolution is somewhat less than 100 tons burden.

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[Advertisement] THE FORUM.

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CONTENTS FOR JANUARY:

The Tariff and the Farmer. John G. Carlisle. The protectionists’ “home market” fallacy; a reply to Senator Cullom.

Prehistoric Man in America. Major J. W. Powell of the Smithsonian Institution. No scientific evidence of a people preceding the Indians.

The Ethics of Marriage. W. S. Lilly, the eminent English essayist.

Woman’s Place in the State. Prof. Goldwin Smith. An argument against woman suffrage.

Democracy in England. Henry Labouchere, M. P., editor of London Truth. A democrat’s review of present English politics.

The Problem of Air Navigation. Prof. R. H. Thurston of Cornell. A scientific review of experiments which promise results.

Abuses of the Veto Power. Frederick A. Conkling. A review of the granting and of the growth of this power; how it has never been approved by a popular vote; abuses of it at Washington and at Albany.

Magnetism and Hypnotism. Dr J. M. Charcot^sic of Paris. Statement of the author’s interesting scientific experiments; their physical and psychological significance.

The Wrongs of the Ute Indians. George T. Kercheval^sic

Horace Greeley’s Cure for Poverty. Prof. Rodney Welch What^sic a western farmer’s chances now are; a skilled laborer who does not get a common laborer’s pay.

Supplement, giving sketch of writers and portraits

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p. 14, col. 4

SINGLE TAX ORGANIZATIONS.

(Secretaries of clubs are requested to send any corrections in the list below, and all newly formed organizations are asked to report promptly, either to the Enrolment committee or The Standard.)

ARKANSAS.

LITTLE ROCK.—Little Rock single tax club. Every alternate Thursday evening, 717 Main st. Pres., Sol F. Clark; sec., O. D. Hemming, 1910 Main st.

CALIFORNIA.

SAN FRANCISCO.—California single tax society. Every Sunday evening, 909½ Market st. Reading room open every evening, 841 Market st. Pres., H. L. Pleace; sec., G. A. Hubbell, 1135 Mission st.

SACRAMENTO.—Single tax club of Sacramento. Every Friday evening, Dr. Reed’s office, 6th and K sts. Pres., Dr. Thos. B. Reed; sec., C. W. Farnsworth, 1406 4th st.

OAKLAND.—Single tax club No. 1 meets every Friday evening at St. Andrews hall, 1056½ Broadway. Pres., A. J. Gregg; sec., W. H. Messenger.

LOS ANGELES.—Los Angeles single tax club Pres., A J. Gray^sic; sec., Clarence A. Gray, rooms 24-25 Bryson-Bonebrake block.

SAN DIEGO.—San Diego single tax county committee. Every Monday evening, [139?] 10th st. Chairman, Geo. B. Whaley, box 1088.

BLACK DIAMOND.—Contra Costa county single tax committee. Jeff. A. Bailey, sec.

COLORADO.

DENVER.—Denver single tax association. Every Thursday evening, 1448 Lawrence st. Pres,, Andrew W. Elder^sic; sec., E. McAuley, 906 Holliday st.

PUEBLO.—Commonwealth single tax club. First and Fourth Thursdays at office of D. B. V. Reeve, Union av. Pres., D. B. V. Reeve; sec., J. W. Brentlinger, Pueblo Smelting and Refining Co.

GRAND JUNCTION.—Mesa county single tax and ballot reform club. Pres., James W. Bucklin; sec., Geo. Smith.

CANYON CITY.—Single tax committee; sec., Dr. Frank P. Blake.

HAWKXHURST.—Plateau Valley single tax club. Pres., John W. Hawkxhurst; sec., E. H. Parkenson.

CONNECTICUT.

NEW HAVEN.—Tax reform club. Every Friday evening, room 11, 102 Orange st. Pres., Willard D. Warren; sec., Alfred Smith, 105 Day st.

MERIDEN.—Meriden single tax club. 3 p. m. every Sunday, Circle hall. Pres., Wm. Hawthorne; sec., Wm. Williss, P. O. box 1342.

DAKOTA.

STATE.—South Dakota single tax association. Pres., Judge Levi McGee of Rapid City; sec., W. E. Brokaw, box 146, Bristol.

RAPID CITY.—Black Hills single tax league. Last Saturday in each month, Library hall. Pres., Judge Levi McGee; sec., Francis H. Clark.

MADISON.—Lake county single tax club. Chairman, Prof. E. H. Evanson.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

WASHINGTON.—Washington single tax league; always open; regular meeting Friday evening, 609 F street, N. W. Pres., Paul T. Bowen; sec., Wm. Geddes, M. D., 1719 G st., N. W.

FLORIDA.

PENSACOLA.—Pensacola single tax club No. 1. Tuesday evenings, K. of L. hall, corner of Zaragosa and Palafox sts. Pres., J. Davis Wolfe; sec., James McHugh.

TAMPA.—Thomas G. Shearman single tax league. First Monday in each month, business meeting; Sundays, public speaking. Pres., C. E. Ainsworth; sec., John H. McCormick.

GEORGIA.

ATLANTA, Ga.—Atlanta single tax club No. 1. Pres., I. M. Beath; sec., J. Henley Smith, 43 South Broad street.

AUGUSTA.–Augusta^sic single tax club. Every Friday evening, Hussar hall. Pres., Ed. Flury; sec. George Haines^sic, care of Loflin & Meyer.

ILLINOIS.

CHICAGO.—Single tax club No. 1. Every Thursday evening, club room 4, Grand Pacific hotel. Pres., Warren Worth Bailey; sec. T. W. Wittler^sic, 426 Milwaukee ave.

SPRINGFIELD.—Sangamon single tax club. Pres., Joseph Farris; sec., James H. McCrea, 623 Black ave.

JACKSONVILLE.—Morgan county single tax club. Pres., Col. Wm. Camm of Murrayville; sec., Chas. W. Alexander of Jacksonville.

SPARTA.—Single tax committee. Sec., Wm R Bailey^sic.

QUINCY.—Gem City single tax club. Every Friday evening, Opera house building. Pres , C. F. Perry^sic; cor. sec., Duke Schroer, 327 S. 3d.

INDIANA.

STATE.—Indiana single tax league. Pres., Henry Rawie, Anderson; vice-pres., L. P. Custer, Indianapolis; sec., Thos. J. Hudson, 155 Elm st., Indianapolis. State executive committee, Henry Rawie, Anderson; S. W. Williams, Vincennes; L. O. Bishop, Clinton; Dr. C. A. Kersey, Richmond; Chas. G. Bennett, Evansville; Wm. Henry, Connersville; W. E. McDermut^sic, Ft. Wayne; T. J. Hudson, J. F. White, L. P. Custer, Indianapolis.

CLINTON.—Single tax club; Sunday afternoons, 3 o’clock, Argus office. Pres., W. V. Wells; sec., L. O. Bishop.

FORT WAYNE.—Single tax club. Pres., W. E. McDermutt; vice pres., J. M. Schwerzgen; sec., Henry Cohen.

INDIANAPOLIS.—Indianapolis single tax league. Every Tuesday evening, 8 p. m., Mansur hall, n. e. cor. Washington and Alabama sts. Pres., Dr. Brown; sec., L. P. Custer.

EVANSVILLE.—Single tax association. Pres., Edwin Walker; sec., Charles G. Bennett.

RICHMOND.—Single tax club. Pres., C. S. Schneider, 105 South Third st.; sec., M. Richie, 913 South A st.

IOWA.

BURLINGTON.—Burlington single tax club. First and third Wednesday of each month, 313 Jefferson st. Pres., Richard Spencer; sec., Wilbur Mosena, 920 Hedge ave.

DES MOINES.—Single tax club. Pres., H B. Allison^sic, box 4; sec., J. Ballangee.

COUNCIL BLUFFS.—Council Bluffs single tax club; second and fourth Sunday of each month, 2.30 p.m.; 724 Sixth st. Pres., Chas. Stevenson; sec., L. Kinnehan, [328?] W Broadway continued on p. 15 →

KANSAS.

ABILENE.—Single tax club. Pres., C. W. Brooks; vice-pres., H. Charters; sec., A. L. Russel.

GROVE HILL.—Grove Hill single tax club. Thursday evenings, Grove Hill school house, Lincoln township, Dickman county. Pres., E. Z. Butcher; sec., Andrew Reddick.

LOUISIANA.

NEW ORLEANS.—Louisiana single tax club. Second, third and fourth Thursdays of each month, at 205 Canal st. Pres., John S. Watters, Maritime association; sec., Geo. W. Roberts, 355 Dryads st.

MAINE.

AUBURN.—Auburn single tax club. Saturday evenings, room 3, Phœnix block, Main st.; reading room open every evening. Pres., Wm. G. Andrews; sec., H. G. Casey.

LEWISTON^sic—Single tax committee. Every Wednesday evening, 79 Summer st. Chairman, F. D. Lyford; sec., Joseph Walsh, 79 Summer st.

MARYLAND.

BALTIMORE.—Single tax league of Maryland. Every Thursday evening, 415 N. Eutaw st. Pres., Wm. J. Ogden; sec., J. W. Jones, 31 N. Caroline st.

MASSACHUSETTS.

BOSTON.—Boston single tax league, Wells’s memorial hall. Pres., Hamlin Garland; sec., Edwin M. White, 27 Pemberton square.

Neponset single tax league. Every Thursday evening, 389½ Neponset ave^sic., Boston. Sec., Q. A. Lothrop, 43 Walnut st.

Dorchester single tax club. Every other Wednesday evening, Field’s building, Field’s Corner. Pres., Ed Frost; sec., John Lavis, 13 Leonard st.

Roxbury single tax club. Pres., Frank W. Mendum; sec., Henry C. Romaine, 250 Ruggles st.

STONEHAM.—Stoneham single tax league. Pres., Dr. W. Symington Brown, Stoneham.

LYNN.—Lynn single tax league. Pres., Willard W. Gray; sec., T. P. Perkins, 14 South Common st.

WORCESTER.—Tenth district single tax league of Worcester. Friday evenings, Swedish hall, 32 Front st. Pres., Thomas J. Hastings; sec., Edwin K. Page, Lake View, Worcester.

LAWRENCE.—Lawrence single tax club. Every Thursday evening, Col. J. P. Sweeney’s office. Pres., Col. John P. Sweeney; sec., John J. Donovan, city clerk’s office.

HYDE PARK.—Single tax club. Sec., F. S. Childs, 40 Charles st.

ORANGE.—Single tax league of Orange. First Wednesday of each month, pres. and secretary’s residence. Pres., H. W. Hammond; sec., Charles G. Kidder.

NEWBURYPORT.—Merrimac assembly. Saturday evenings, 48 State st. Pres., Dennis F. Murphy; sec., W. R. Whitmore, 236 Merrimac st.

MALDEN.—Single tax club. Meetings fortnightly at Deliberative hall, Pleasant st. Pres., Geo^sic. W. Cox, Glenwood st.; sec., Edwin T. Clark, 100 Tremont st.

MICHIGAN.

STURGIS.—Sturgis club of investigation. Every Tuesday evening, C. Jacob’s justice court room. Pres., Rufus Spalding; sec., Thomas Harding.

SAGINAW.—Single tax club, rooms 413 Genesee av., East Saginaw. Pres., Edward L. Weggener; sec., Jas. Duffy, 803 State st.

MINNESOTA.

MINNEAPOLIS.—Minneapolis single tax league, 502 First ave. s. Pres., C. J. Buell; sec., E. L. Ryder, editor Northwest Trade.

ST. PAUL.—Pres., H. C. McCartey; sec., R. C. Morgan, Northern Pacific railroad office.

MISSOURI.

ST. LOUIS.—St. Louis single tax league. s. e. cor. 8th and Olive, meets every Tuesday evening Rooms^sic open every evening. Pres., H. H. Hoffman; sec., J. W. Steele,2224^sic Walnut street.

“Benton School of Social Science.” Saturday, 8 p. m., 6839 Waldemar ave., St. Louis. Pres., Dr. Henry S. Chase; sec., Wm.C. Little.

KANSAS CITY.—Kansas City single tax club. 3 p. m., 2d and 4th Sundays of each month, and also 1st and 3d Tuesdays. Club rooms, cor. 15th st. and Grand av.; open every evening at 7:30. Pres., Warren Wassen; sec., B. A. Birmingham, 16th and Woodland.

HERMANN.—Single tax committee. Pres., R. H. Hasenritter; sec., Dr. H. A. Hibbard.

NEBRASKA.

OMAHA.—Omaha single tax club. Sunday afternoons, Gate City hall, cor. 13th and Douglas sts. Pres., Rufus A. Parker; sec., Cyrus F. Beckett, 411 N. 23d st.

WYMORE.—Henry George single tax club. Pres., H. C. Jaynes; sec., J. A. Hamm.

NEW JERSEY.

JERSEY CITY.—Standard single tax club. Public meeting every Sunday night at Humboldt hall, 186 Newark av.; business meetings every other Friday evening at the Avenue house, “Five Corners.” Pres., E. N. Jackson, 23 Magnolia av.; sec., Joseph Dana Miller, 267 Grove st.

NEWARK.—Newark single tax club. Pres., Herbert Boggs, 82 Broad st^sic; sec., M. G. Gaffney 43 Warren place^sic.

PATERSON.—Passaic Co. single tax club. Pres., E. W. Nellis; sec., John A. Craig, 192 Hamburg ave.

S. ORANGE.—S. Orange single tax club. Pres., E. H. Wallace; sec., Henry Haase.

VINELAND.—Vineland single tax and ballot reform club. Pres., Rev. Adolph Roeder; sec., Wm. P. Nichols, box 924.

JANVIER.—Janvier single tax and ballot reform club. Alternate Thursday evenings, Janvier hall. Pres. W. J. Rice^sic; sec., Sydney B. Walsh.

WASHINGTON.—Washington land and tax club. Pres., John Morrison; sec., W. H, Christine^sic.

BAYONNE.—Single tax committee. Chairman, Wm. B. DuBois.

PASSAIC.—Single tax committee of Passaic. Pres., Oscar D. Wood.

p. 15, col. 2

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p. 16, col. 2

[Advertisement] THE SINGLE TAX LIBRARY.

1. A Syllabus of Progress and Poverty. Louis F. Post. 8 pages.
2. Australian System. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
3. First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages.
4. The Right to the Use of the Earth. Herbert Spencer. 4 pages.
5. Farmers and the Single Tax. Thomas G. Shearman. 8 pages.
6. The Canons of Taxation. Henry George. 4 pages.
7. A Lawyer’s Reply to Criticisms. Samuel B. Clark^sic . 16 pages.
8. Back to the Land. Bishop Nulty. 16 pages.
9. The Single Tax. Thos. G. Shearman. 8 pages.
10. The American Farmer. Henry George. 4 pages
11. Unemployed Labor. Henry George. 4 pages.
12. The Case Plainly Stated. H F. Ring^sic. 8 pages.
13. Social Problems. 342 pages, 12mo. Paper, 35c.
14. Objections to the Land Tax. Thos. G. Shearman. pages^sic.
15. Land Taxation. A Conversation Between David Dudley Field and Henry George. 4 pages.
16. How to Increase Profits. A. J. Steers. 2 pages.
17. The New Political Economy. E. O. Brown. 4 pages
18. Thy Kingdom Come. Henry George. 4 pages.
19. The Functions of Government. Henry George. pages^sicsic.
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21. Tenement House Morality. J.O.S. Huntington. 4 pp. 22, 23, 24, out of print.
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24. The Democratic Principle. Henry George. 8 pages
25. Progress and Poverty. Henry George. 512 pages. 35 cents.
26. The New Ballot System. Louis F. Post. 4 pages

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The following numbers of the “Land and Labor Library” are still in stock:

6. Settler’s Nightmare. Louis F. Post. 4 pages.
7. Mysterious Disappearance. Lewis Freeland. 6 pp.
8. Sailors’ Snug Harbor and the Randall Farm. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
9. The Collegiate Church and Shoemaker’s Field. W. T. Croasdale. 12 pages.
10. It is the Law of Christ. Rev. S. H. Spencer. 4 pp.
11. Christianity and Poverty. Father Huntington 4 pp.
12. Socialism—Its Truth and Its Error. Henry George. 4 pages.
13. “God Wills It.” Henry George. 4 pages.
14. How John’s Father Saw the Light. W.C. Woods. 2 p.
15. Ten Thoughts for Christian Thinkers. Rev. John W. Kramer. 4 pages.
16. Hints as to What You Can Do. Henry George. 4 pp.
17. My Butcher Woman and My Grocery Man. William McCabe. 4 pages.
18. A Republican’s Reasons for Supporting Cleveland. Judge Frank T. Reid. 2 pages.
19. Jefferson and Hamilton. Chauncey F. Black. 8 pp.

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p. 16, col. 3

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“Paris Exposition, 1889.

Pears obtained the only gold medal awarded solely for toilet SOAP in competition with all the world. Highest possible distinction.”

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[Advertisement] ECONOMIC WORKS.

By way of answering inquiries constantly received, we append a list of some economic and social works of various kinds, with prices, at which they will be forwarded post paid. Any work not mentioned procurable in New York will be sent on receipt of publisher’s price.

THE LAND AND THE COMMUNITY.—IN three books by Rev. S. W. THACKERAY, M.A. LL.D. Trin. Coll. Cantab. With preface by Henry George. 12mo, cloth Price $1.00^sic,

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.—THE story of his life. Told by his children. 4 vols, cloth, $12.00.

ESSAYS ON POLITICAL ECONOMY^sic —By FREDERICK BASTIAT. 12mo, cloth, $1.25.

SOPHISMS OF PROTECTION.—WITH preface by Horace White. By FREDERICK BASTIAT. 12mo, cloth, $1.[00?].

HISTORY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY IN EUROPE.—By JEROME ADOLPHE BLANQUI. 8vo, cloth, $3.00.

THE TARIFF HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.—Containing “Protection to Young Industries,” and “The History of the Present Tariff, 1860-1883.” By F. W. TAUSSIG. 8vo, cloth, $1.25.

p. 16, col. 4 THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM as embodied in the legislation of various countries. By J. H WIGMORE Cloth^sic, $1.50.

WORK AND WAGES.—BY THOS. BRASSEY^sic . 16mo, cloth, $1.00.

FREE LAND AND FREE TRADE.—THE Lessons of the English Corn Laws Applied to the United States. By Hon. SAMUEL S. COX. 8vo, paper, 50 cts.; cloth, 75 cts.

THE HISTORY OF THE FREE TRADE MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND.—By AUGUSTUS MONGREDIEN. 16mo, cloth, 50 cts.

POSTULATES OF ENGLISH POLITICAL ECONOMY.—By WALTER BAGEHOT. Cloth, $1.00.

AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND CAUSES OF THE WEALTH OF NATIONS—By ADAM SMITH. Edited by Theobold Rogers^sic. $1.00.

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PARIS EXHIBITION, 1889.

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Formulæ and price lists supplied to the Medical Profession and Drug Trade on request.

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p. 16, col. 3

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p. 16, col. 4

[Advertisement] THE MASTER WORKMAN.

A simple statement of the views and aims of single tax men, designed especially for workingmen,

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Sent post or express prepaid on receipt of the above prices. Address,

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